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Governing through reality television in contemporary China The case of Hunan Satellite Television Nauta, A.P.M.

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Citation for published version (APA): Nauta, A. P. M. (2021). Governing through reality television in contemporary China: The case of Hunan Satellite Television.

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Appendix 1 – Methods3

This dissertation draws on four sets of data: (1) the analysis of policy documents, business reports, yearbooks, and other primary sources, as well as the analysis of secondary sources (chapter 2) (2) ethnographic methods, including semi-structured interviews, and participant observation (chapters 3 and 4); (3) television analysis, involving textual, visual, narrative, and discourse analyses of Where are we going dad (chapter 5); and (4) audience research through focus groups. In reality, these boundaries are less clear-cut than presented: I occasionally refer to interviews in non- ethnographic chapters and combine focus groups with a discourse analysis of the transcripts in chapter 6. The primary fieldwork has taken place from September 2015 until June 2016 (10 months). This has been supplemented with a short one-month return visit for one month in May-June 2017. During this period, I have been based in Changsha, the capital of Hunan province in Central-South China, and the base of Hunan Satellite Television. Limited fieldwork has taken place in Beijing and Nanchang, Jiangxi province.

Observation of Participants

The aim of participant observation in my research has been to gain a close and intimate familiarity with the ‘HSTV community’ and their practices through intensive involvement with them in their environment (at the HSTV office, on the site, in the restaurant/pub). Participant observation started off in anthropology with big names such as Malinowski and Edward E. Evans-Pritchard studying ‘non-western’ peoples, cultivating relationships with local informants as a way of learning about their

3 Parts of the section on ‘discourse analysis’ have been published in Nauta, Arjen. 2012. “Machiavelli in the Desert: Political and Religious Identifications in Gaddafi’s Libya.” Master Thesis, Groningen: University of Groningen.

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‘culture,’ by observing and participating in daily social life (Evans-Pritchard 1949). Appendix 1 – Methods3 Although some of these categories, such as ‘non-western’ and ‘culture’ are nowadays considered problematic in the way they used them, participant observation in itself remains a highly useful approach to gain insights into the ways communities, or This dissertation draws on four sets of data: (1) the analysis of policy documents, production cultures, work (Atkinson and Hammersley 2007, 102–3; Caldwell 2008, business reports, yearbooks, and other primary sources, as well as the analysis of 342–43). In order to gain insights into the dynamics of government and governance in secondary sources (chapter 2) (2) ethnographic methods, including semi-structured the television community, participant observation has been a crucial aspect of the interviews, and participant observation (chapters 3 and 4); (3) television analysis, range of methods I employ. involving textual, visual, narrative, and discourse analyses of Where are we going dad Doing participant observation in the Chinese television industry has proven to (chapter 5); and (4) audience research through focus groups. In reality, these be complicated. Firstly, the political climate in China has not been very conducive for boundaries are less clear-cut than presented: I occasionally refer to interviews in non- foreign researchers studying the media landscape. In recent years, president Xi ethnographic chapters and combine focus groups with a discourse analysis of the Jinping has intensified his control over media outlets, demanding “absolute loyalty” transcripts in chapter 6. The primary fieldwork has taken place from September 2015 to the CCP and adherence to its ideology and policies (Associated Press 2016). These until June 2016 (10 months). This has been supplemented with a short one-month policies have made media outlets increasingly wary over permitting access to foreign return visit for one month in May-June 2017. During this period, I have been based in researchers. When I applied for official permission at HSTV to do on-site fieldwork, Changsha, the capital of Hunan province in Central-South China, and the base of they first asked for an official letter from the University of Amsterdam. After I Hunan Satellite Television. Limited fieldwork has taken place in Beijing and complied with their request, I waited for several months but I did not receive any Nanchang, Jiangxi province. reply, positive nor negative. Many of my informants, some high-placed officials in HSTV, told me that obtaining official permission to do fieldwork at HSTV was impossible as it was deemed ‘too sensitive’ at the moment. They explained the absence Observation of Participants of an official response as an evasion: they would not allow me official formal permission, but at the same time would not object to me trying to find informal ways The aim of participant observation in my research has been to gain a close and intimate in via my contacts. Consequently, some doors remained closed, while others could be familiarity with the ‘HSTV community’ and their practices through intensive opened via the ubiquitous guanxi-relations. Sometimes informants would withhold involvement with them in their environment (at the HSTV office, on the site, in the information from me as I was not officially sanctioned. At other times, they would restaurant/pub). Participant observation started off in anthropology with big names speak more openly (and often anonymously) because I was an outsider. Having been such as Malinowski and Edward E. Evans-Pritchard studying ‘non-western’ peoples, denied formal permission can in retrospect thus be described as an impediment as cultivating relationships with local informants as a way of learning about their well as a blessing. Secondly, a veil of secrecy often surrounds the production of television products.

Just as HBO seeks to prevent leaks on the most recent characters deaths’ in Game of 3 Parts of the section on ‘discourse analysis’ have been published in Nauta, Arjen. 2012. “Machiavelli in Thrones, Chinese television companies also seek to prevent leaks. When I visited the the Desert: Political and Religious Identifications in Gaddafi’s Libya.” Master Thesis, Groningen: University of Groningen. live show of I am a singer in March 2016, I had to hand in my cellphone and was

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subjected to multiple security checks in order to prevent leaks (such as which songs the singers would perform). The recording took place on a Thursday, eight days before the broadcast on the next Friday at 10PM. Moreover, the audience had to leave before the vote tally took place. The rehearsals, which take place the day before the live recording, are off-limits to the general public (although through guanxi, my colleagues and I were permitted to attend one day of rehearsals). However, the secrecy revolving around the production process made obtaining access to production sites rather difficult, and solely possible via high-placed informants. In addition, the stress revolving around the production of a televised product made producers and directors rather reluctant to allow a ‘stranger’ permission to roam around—not in the least because one team member would need to escort (and supervise) me around. The participant observation has thus revolved around five occasions:

Time: Program: Location: Event: Participant observation: Mar 2016 I am a singer Changsha Rehearsals Observation from the stands, chats with production personnel Mar 2016 I am a singer Changsha Live show Member of the audience May 2016 I am a singer Nanchang Live concert Member of the audience Mar 2016 Super Girl Changsha Online Observation of the auditions production community during online auditions May 2016 Super Girl Changsha 24-hour live Observation of and recording chats with the production community, tour on the set

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subjected to multiple security checks in order to prevent leaks (such as which songs During these occasions, which I visited with my assistant (and some also with my the singers would perform). The recording took place on a Thursday, eight days supervisor), I observed the production community and chatted to them when possible before the broadcast on the next Friday at 10PM. Moreover, the audience had to leave about the show and the production process. before the vote tally took place. The rehearsals, which take place the day before the live recording, are off-limits to the general public (although through guanxi, my colleagues and I were permitted to attend one day of rehearsals). However, the secrecy Semi-structured interviews revolving around the production process made obtaining access to production sites rather difficult, and solely possible via high-placed informants. In addition, the stress Another ethnographic method is semi-structured interviewing. This supplements revolving around the production of a televised product made producers and directors participant observation, while at the same time allowing me to make a distinction rather reluctant to allow a ‘stranger’ permission to roam around—not in the least between—to put it simply—what people say and what they do. I have chosen for the because one team member would need to escort (and supervise) me around. semi-structured angle, because it allowed me more freedom in the range of The participant observation has thus revolved around five occasions: questioning. I brought a list of topics that I wanted to discuss to interviews, as well as a few specific questions, but I have always attempted to let the conversation play out Time: Program: Location: Event: Participant observation: as naturally as possible. My questions were often follow-up questions to interviewees’ Mar 2016 I am a singer Changsha Rehearsals Observation from the statements. Through interviews, I have sought to illuminate “practices and stands, chats with experiences, by getting those involved to verbalize them in a non-natural, but open production personnel situation of the qualitative research interview, in which informants have considerable Mar 2016 I am a singer Changsha Live show Member of the power to influence the agenda” (Schrøder et al. 2003, 147). I have italicized ‘open,’ audience because informants were occasionally reluctant to discuss controversial topics such as May 2016 I am a singer Nanchang Live concert Member of the censorship and relations with the state. audience Interviews aptly complement participant observation, as it has allowed me to Mar 2016 Super Girl Changsha Online Observation of the analyze the difference between what people say and what they do. I have intended to auditions production seriously engage with my interviewees, and not just seek to confirm my own community during predispositions and assumptions. Semi-structured interviews seem to aptly fit this online auditions purpose, as its structure is flexible and designed to ask follow-up questions and May 2016 Super Girl Changsha 24-hour live Observation of and explore unexpected turns of thoughts during the interview. Semi-structured recording chats with the interviews are flexible and designed to ask follow-up questions, but are usually based production on a pre-established set of questions that are asked to all respondents (Brennen 2013, community, tour on 28). As my range of scheduled interviewees is quite diverse, ranging from students to the set directors (see table further), asking the same questions to all of them would make little sense. Instead, I have asked similar questions to interviewees within a category (e.g. directors, producers). In addition—and this is where unstructured interviewing

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comes in—I have asked questions based on prepared topic lists. This more open- ended structure has allowed me to understand personal experiences and move beyond commonsense explanations. So-called ‘deep understandings’ aim “to explore the contextual boundaries of that experience or perception, to uncover what is usually hidden from ordinary view or reflection or to penetrate to more reflective understandings about the nature of that experience” (Johnson and Rowlands 2012, 104). In order to present a more detailed version of the interview template looked like, I here shortly present the structure of a semi-structured interview conducted with a Netherlands-based Chinese informant with several years working experience in the television industry in Beijing (Enlight Media). First, I made some small talk with my interviewee, in order to put them (and myself) at ease. While talking about the weather, or food, I will slowly seek to steer the conversation towards television (talking about current television series will provide an easy conversational ‘bridge’) (Brinkmann 2013, 32–34). Secondly, I explained the purpose of my research, framed in a positive way. Diplomatic framing was crucial, as I wanted to avoid eliciting discussions or provoke suspicious reactions. By clearly showing how I seek to understand ‘China’ on its own terms, and not from the starting point of criticizing China, I attempted to avoid falling into the pitfall of ‘us vs. them’ (cf. Svensson 2006). Moreover, as academic research in China has historically been closely connected to state officialdom, I will explicate the intentions of this research project (Hansen 2006). Secondly, I asked the interviewee some questions that I prepared in advance, adjusted to the role of the interviewee. Thirdly, I asked questions according to my list of subjects that I prepared in advance when the right opportunity arises. Finally, I asked follow-up questions, and engage with the answers the interviewee gives. The latter three parts are entangled, and hard to distinguish, as I have posed my pre- prepared questions intermittently during the interview. What has been most important in my view, and rather challenging, is asking questions that are relevant to the insider. Only when questions interact with the insider’s perspective do they become relevant (Wei 2006, 221). A crucial aspect of conducting interviews, therefore, has been preparation. I have prepared interviews by watching the TV series my interviewee has been involved

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comes in—I have asked questions based on prepared topic lists. This more open- with, or by reading his writings. In some cases, previously conducted interviews were ended structure has allowed me to understand personal experiences and move available on the Internet and they formed an excellent source for preparation. Serious beyond commonsense explanations. So-called ‘deep understandings’ aim “to explore preparation has shown interviewees that I am serious and functioned as an apt the contextual boundaries of that experience or perception, to uncover what is usually “springboard for diving deeper” (Solinger 2006). At the same time, feigning ignorance hidden from ordinary view or reflection or to penetrate to more reflective has sometimes proved to be a useful tactic for extracting more details. understandings about the nature of that experience” (Johnson and Rowlands 2012, I have selected my interviewees through my network of friends and 104). acquaintances in Changsha. My assistant Li Yan as well as my supervisor Jeroen de In order to present a more detailed version of the interview template looked like, Kloet, both introduced several interviewees. I here shortly present the structure of a semi-structured interview conducted with a Netherlands-based Chinese informant with several years working experience in the Academics 10 2 In advance, I intended to interview television industry in Beijing (Enlight Media). First, I made some small talk with my Students 5 8 around 60 persons. However, after 10 interviewee, in order to put them (and myself) at ease. While talking about the Directors 5 4 months of fieldwork I only managed to weather, or food, I will slowly seek to steer the conversation towards television Producers 5 6 conduct 27 interviews. A concise (talking about current television series will provide an easy conversational ‘bridge’) Scriptwriters 5 1 explanation and evaluation of this (Brinkmann 2013, 32–34). Secondly, I explained the purpose of my research, framed Cameramen 5 1 discrepancy therefore seems in place. in a positive way. Diplomatic framing was crucial, as I wanted to avoid eliciting Musicians 0 3 HSTV is a big employer in discussions or provoke suspicious reactions. By clearly showing how I seek to Local government officials 5 0 Changsha, and certain one of the most understand ‘China’ on its own terms, and not from the starting point of criticizing SAPPRFT officials 5 0 prestigious ones. In the rest of China, China, I attempted to avoid falling into the pitfall of ‘us vs. them’ (cf. Svensson 2006). Other relevant informants 15 10 Changsha is known for spicy food, foot Moreover, as academic research in China has historically been closely connected to massages, and HSTV (in random order). state officialdom, I will explicate the intentions of this research project (Hansen 2006). Almost everybody in the city has a friend/colleague/family member who works at Secondly, I asked the interviewee some questions that I prepared in advance, HSTV or at least has another acquaintance working there. Through this method, I have adjusted to the role of the interviewee. Thirdly, I asked questions according to my list been able to get acquainted with several television makers, as well as to interview of subjects that I prepared in advance when the right opportunity arises. Finally, I them. Although I hoped that through the ‘snowball’-method, my network would soon asked follow-up questions, and engage with the answers the interviewee gives. The expand rapidly, this has been rather disappointing, yet in retrospect simultaneously latter three parts are entangled, and hard to distinguish, as I have posed my pre- unsurprising. prepared questions intermittently during the interview. What has been most The television industry is under strict government control (SAPPRFT), and the important in my view, and rather challenging, is asking questions that are relevant to party secretary of HSTV, Lü Huanbin, answers directly to the CCP. Television makers the insider. Only when questions interact with the insider’s perspective do they are indirectly state employees and need to sign a disclosure agreement upon the start become relevant (Wei 2006, 221). of their contract. The threshold to speaking to outsiders, especially a foreigner, thus A crucial aspect of conducting interviews, therefore, has been preparation. I have becomes high. At the same time, being a foreigner has also been an advantage as many prepared interviews by watching the TV series my interviewee has been involved contacts and interviewees were surprised and sometimes honored that a Dutch

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postgraduate student would come to China to do research on HSTV. Some interviewees admitted to me that their curiosity prevailed over their caution. Interestingly, some of the people most willing to accept the interview request without additional preconditions were producers and directors, where employees with lower standing were more cautious and reluctant. According to official HSTV rules, producers are not allowed to take interviews without explicit permission and the presence of a media spokesperson to monitor content. Yet I found that many producers were happy to meet, and talked seemingly quite freely, in disregard of the rules. Generally, they also did not object to using their own name, while others preferred to be anonymized. The interviews (27 in total) have been undertaken in coffee shops or restaurants in and around Changsha. The flexibility (such as the possibility of asking follow-up questions) of this interview format has proven invaluable as it allowed me to seriously engage my interviewees, and not just to seek confirmation for the validity of my own predispositions and assumptions. In preparation, I have looked for the most suitable locations for interviews (i.e. quiet, adequate lighting, relaxed atmosphere, good food and drinks) to facilitate the interview in optimal conditions and put the interviewee at ease (Sæther 2006). Apart from suspicion concerning the motives behind my research on the side of my interviewees, other issues formed a considerable impediment to my fieldwork. The most important one was language. While my Chinese is functional, interviews involving technical jargon and in-depth discussions have proven to be too difficult, with the risk of valuable information getting lost in translation. Therefore, my research assistant has fully transcribed all recorded interviews in Chinese and has translated them into English.

1. Introductory interview questions What is your job? What does it entail? What does a normal working day look like? How do you like your job? Which aspects do you like/dislike? How do you feel about Hunan TV’s programs? Do you like to watch them yourself?

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postgraduate student would come to China to do research on HSTV. Some What are your favorite programs, and why? interviewees admitted to me that their curiosity prevailed over their caution. How would you describe HSTV as being different from other TV stations? Interestingly, some of the people most willing to accept the interview request Why do you think HSTV is more popular than other TV stations? What without additional preconditions were producers and directors, where employees makes HSTV tick? with lower standing were more cautious and reluctant. According to official HSTV Why do you think a relatively backward province such as Hunan can be the rules, producers are not allowed to take interviews without explicit permission and location of such a popular TV station? the presence of a media spokesperson to monitor content. Yet I found that many 2. Topic List producers were happy to meet, and talked seemingly quite freely, in disregard of the Censorship (How do you know what is allowed and what not?) rules. Generally, they also did not object to using their own name, while others Creativity / copying (Do you think HSTV copies a lot? Or is it not preferred to be anonymized. The interviews (27 in total) have been undertaken in copying?) coffee shops or restaurants in and around Changsha. Self-governance (see censorship) The flexibility (such as the possibility of asking follow-up questions) of this Confucian governmentality (Why these Confucian lessons?) interview format has proven invaluable as it allowed me to seriously engage my Self vs. other (Do people like the educational values?) interviewees, and not just to seek confirmation for the validity of my own predispositions and assumptions. In preparation, I have looked for the most suitable Focus Groups locations for interviews (i.e. quiet, adequate lighting, relaxed atmosphere, good food and drinks) to facilitate the interview in optimal conditions and put the interviewee I chose to use focus groups as ethnographic method to explore the ways in which at ease (Sæther 2006). audiences reflect on, discuss, and appropriate television content. Over the course of Apart from suspicion concerning the motives behind my research on the side of our fieldwork in China, many informants told us that in their families they regularly my interviewees, other issues formed a considerable impediment to my fieldwork. have discussions about the themes and particular situations in this program; some The most important one was language. While my Chinese is functional, interviews even expressed that, as fathers or mothers, they actively tried to learn from this involving technical jargon and in-depth discussions have proven to be too difficult, program. We have tried to keep the research environment as natural for the families with the risk of valuable information getting lost in translation. Therefore, my research as possible; we conducted the focus groups in the family’s own home, watching the assistant has fully transcribed all recorded interviews in Chinese and has translated scenes on their own television; we did not make video recordings of the proceedings, them into English. but only audio recordings which have subsequently been transcribed verbatim. As the presence of a foreign researcher may also lead the family members to feel that the 1. Introductory interview questions setting is unnatural, or might in other ways influence their participation, Arjen Nauta What is your job? What does it entail? remained inconspicuously in the background, while Xu Qiong moderated the What does a normal working day look like? discussion. In the beginning of all focus groups, the moderator explained that there is How do you like your job? Which aspects do you like/dislike? no need for consensus, that it is alright to agree or disagree with others’ responses and How do you feel about Hunan TV’s programs? Do you like to watch them stimulated the participants to speak their minds freely. During the discussion, the yourself? moderator has sought to ask descriptive questions and avoid normative ones—not

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steering the conversation but at the same time keeping it within the outlines of the research.

Participants and age Date Background Group 1 Mr Zhang (father), Mrs 18 June 2017 Master degree, Peng (mother), child bachelor degree, 5th grade primary school Group 2 Mr Zhang (father), Mrs 18 June 2017 Junior school, Wang (mother), child junior school, 2nd grade primary school Group 3 Mr Yang (grandfather), 18 June 2017 Bachelor degree, Mr Yang (father), Mrs bachelor degree, Qi (mother), child 3rd grade primary school Group 4 Mr Deng (father), Mrs 20 June 2017 Phd, master Chen (mother), child degree. 4th grade primary school

The families were recruited through the personal networks of Xu Qiong, associate professor in Media Studies at Hunan University, and Arjen Nauta. All families have a middle-class background and live in apartment buildings in Changsha, Hunan. In terms of gender, three children were male, and two female—conveniently representing the slight majority of male children in the Chinese population as a result of the one-child policy. Three focus groups included members from two generations, one focus group included three generations. Among the informants, all parents had completed tertiary education. Three exceptions aside, the informants were either teachers or working in professional or managerial/administrative positions. Below I have set out the detailed structure for the conduction of the focus groups (Kitzinger

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steering the conversation but at the same time keeping it within the outlines of the 1994; Lunt and Livingstone 1996; Bloor 2001; Chow 2008; Wilkinson 2011; Krueger and research. Casey 2015).

Template for structure: Participants and age Date Background

Group 1 Mr Zhang (father), Mrs 18 June 2017 Master degree, Nr. Content Time Peng (mother), child bachelor degree, (min.) 5th grade primary 1. Introduction of the research project and of the researchers. 5 school Introduction of the moderator. Group 2 Mr Zhang (father), Mrs 18 June 2017 Junior school, 2. Ranking exercise: - Why do you watch Where are we going, Dad? 5 Wang (mother), child junior school, 2nd (AN5/20: Needs to be on one picture, otherwise they won’t focus on the grade primary questions collectively, but instead individually). school 3. Introductory question: - Where/when do you watch Where are 10 Group 3 Mr Yang (grandfather), 18 June 2017 Bachelor degree, we going, dad? How would you describe this program? Mr Yang (father), Mrs bachelor degree, (Where, how, with whom, etc. More introductory questions, which Qi (mother), child 3rd grade primary father do you like, do you discuss with colleagues or at school? Do you school discuss in your family?) Group 4 Mr Deng (father), Mrs 20 June 2017 Phd, master 4. Watch scene 1 10 Chen (mother), child degree. 4th grade 5. Discuss scene 1 10 primary school 6. Watch scene 2 10

7. Discuss scene 2 10

Small break The families were recruited through the personal networks of Xu Qiong, associate 8. Watch scene 3 10 professor in Media Studies at Hunan University, and Arjen Nauta. All families have 9. 10 a middle-class background and live in apartment buildings in Changsha, Hunan. In Discuss scene 3 terms of gender, three children were male, and two female—conveniently 10. Watch scene 4 10 representing the slight majority of male children in the Chinese population as a result 11. Discuss scene 4 10 of the one-child policy. Three focus groups included members from two generations, 12. Concluding discussion (reflection on introductory question) 10 one focus group included three generations. Among the informants, all parents had (What do you think about the recent SARFT ban?) completed tertiary education. Three exceptions aside, the informants were either 13. Closing section, opportunity for last-minute input, reflection on 10 teachers or working in professional or managerial/administrative positions. Below I behalf of participants, would they like to change some answers have set out the detailed structure for the conduction of the focus groups (Kitzinger

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(such as those on questionnaire and during ranking exercise). If they want to add something later, they can WeChat me. Total 120

2. Ranking exercise This serves as an attempt to concentrate the group’s attention and interaction on a particular topic. The moderator offered the family a number of plasticized cards with statements and ask them to agree among themselves a ranking of the statements in order of importance. The intention is not only to focus the group’s attention to the issues at hand, but also to see how the discussion about the relative importance of each statement proceeds. It served to lay bare the background assumptions that underlay the group’s responses.

Question: I watch Where are we going, dad….

Because I can learn from it.

- Because I just like to watch it. - Because I can see more of the daily life of celebrities - Because I really like the kids - Because I really like the fathers - Because I like to see the beauty of China’s countryside - Because I like to see minority cultures and their habits - 3. Introductory question This question serves to bridge the ranking exercise with the main body of the focus group: watching the scenes and discussing them. It served to let the families ponder over the question what this series seeks to achieve. In the conclusion, I returned to this question to see if participants’ opinions had altered or not.

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(such as those on questionnaire and during ranking exercise). If Discourse Analysis they want to add something later, they can WeChat me. Total 120 In this study of cultural governance through reality television, it is important to understand what kind of discourses they produce, how they are structured, and what kinds of knowledge they produce. Apart from ethnographic methods, I will analyze 2. Ranking exercise television show through discourse and semiotic analyses. In the first place, I will read This serves as an attempt to concentrate the group’s attention and interaction on a the reality TV programs in my case studies as texts, seeking to hermeneutically particular topic. The moderator offered the family a number of plasticized cards with interpret the meaning of words, context, and narrative (M. Gillespie 2006). Discourse statements and ask them to agree among themselves a ranking of the statements in analysis can simply be regarded as “the study of how to do things with words” (Hjelm order of importance. The intention is not only to focus the group’s attention to the 2011). It is a general term for several approaches to analyze written or spoken issues at hand, but also to see how the discussion about the relative importance of language, but all have in common that they seek to disclose the “opaque as well as each statement proceeds. It served to lay bare the background assumptions that transparent structural relationships of dominance, discrimination, power, and control underlay the group’s responses. as manifested in language” (Wodak 1995, 204). At the same time, it is important to realize that television is more than a text. Therefore, I will supplement my study of Question: I watch Where are we going, dad…. texts and narratives with an analysis of the visual, which is naturally an inherent part of television analysis. Because I can learn from it. Foucault has been one of the key theorists in the development of critical language analysis and discourse studies in particular. He was amongst the first to criticize - Because I just like to watch it. ‘essences’ and ‘things in themselves.’ Studying subjects as the clinic, human sexuality, - Because I can see more of the daily life of celebrities and madness, Foucault showed the relation between the ways we talk, write, and act - Because I really like the kids in social groups and the ways in which all of these processes manufacture the things - Because I really like the fathers we talk, write, act, or feel about. He therefore states it is much more relevant to - Because I like to see the beauty of China’s countryside investigate the discourses on subjects—the manner in which we treat and characterize - Because I like to see minority cultures and their habits other people, their stories, and their behaviors and our changing attitudes toward - 3. Introductory question these others (Foucault 2002b; Gutting 2014). This question serves to bridge the ranking exercise with the main body of the focus In The Archaeology of Knowledge, he first brackets out issues of truth and meaning, group: watching the scenes and discussing them. It served to let the families ponder as he analyses the practical and discursive conditions for the existence of truth and over the question what this series seeks to achieve. In the conclusion, I returned to this meaning. He subsequently investigates the principles of the ‘production’ of meaning question to see if participants’ opinions had altered or not. and truth in various discursive formations, and shows how truth claims emerged during various epochs, based on what was said and written during these periods (Freundlieb 1994; Foucault 2002a). Most relevant for my research is Foucault’s strive to avoid interpretation and engagement with a hermeneutical method, meaning that

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truth and meaning depend on the historical discursive and practical means of truth and meaning production. Discourses are themselves practices that can influence non- discursive elements. These practices are, according to Foucault, usually linked to power interests and attempts to control the discourse. Discursive relations can thus be described as power relations, meaning that ‘discourse’ not only refers to frameworks of truth and meaning, but also to instruments of power. Analyzing discourse thus involves analyzing power dimensions. As Jan Blommaert puts it: “Discourse analysis should result in a heightened awareness of hidden power dimensions and its effects: a critical language awareness, a sensitivity for discourse as subject to power and inequality” (Blommaert 2005, 33). I am interested in how television is used to construct certain accounts of the social world and how these accounts are constructed as real or truthful through particular regimes of truth (G. Rose 2001, 195–96). Discourse analysis has been practiced by academics from a wide range of disciplines within the humanities and social sciences, and assumes highly diverse forms, ranging from iconographic analysis to critical discourse analysis, which is focused on language and less Foucauldian (G. Rose 2001). Thus, there is no single clear template for conducting discourse analysis—merely some guidelines. I will therefore shortly explicate my purposes, how I use discourse analysis, and why this method is relevant for the overarching themes in this dissertation. First, it is important to note that despite these guidelines, my materials (i.e. reality TV shows) guide my investigation. I try to look at the materials with impartial eyes. At the same time, I cannot escape the tacit knowledge that is formed by my own premises, assumptions, and modes of interpretation. It is of vital importance to take into account the cognitive commitments and positionality of my research and myself. Doing so, although engaging in an analysis of discourse always includes some degree of interpretation, I intend to render myself sufficiently accountable. Second, I intend to familiarize myself with my materials (the reality TV shows), which will allow me to identify key themes, words, or images that are relevant for my themes (see chapters five and six). I will examine “relations between statements (…); relations between groups of statements thus established,” to analyze how particular words and images are given specific meanings (Foucault 2002a, 32). How does it produce its effects of truth? I will focus on truth claims, things presented ‘naturally,’ or moments where

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truth and meaning depend on the historical discursive and practical means of truth dissenting statements are acknowledged and dealt with. Finally, I turn to what is not and meaning production. Discourses are themselves practices that can influence non- being said or shown. Gillian Rose states that “absences can be as productive as explicit discursive elements. These practices are, according to Foucault, usually linked to naming; invisibility can have just as powerful effects as visibility” (G. Rose 2001, 219). power interests and attempts to control the discourse. Discursive relations can thus be Thus, for example, how is Chinese tradition or Chineseness imagined, despite a show described as power relations, meaning that ‘discourse’ not only refers to frameworks such as Divas on the road taking place completely outside of China? What does Where of truth and meaning, but also to instruments of power. Analyzing discourse thus are we going dad implies about motherhood, while the show is about fathers? involves analyzing power dimensions. As Jan Blommaert puts it: “Discourse analysis Discourse analysis is very effective in looking carefully at images and should result in a heightened awareness of hidden power dimensions and its effects: interpreting their effects, in particular in relation to the construction of social a critical language awareness, a sensitivity for discourse as subject to power and difference. This method therefore aptly suits my purposes in this dissertation to study inequality” (Blommaert 2005, 33). I am interested in how television is used to construct government through reality television in China. Moreover, it is highly complementary certain accounts of the social world and how these accounts are constructed as real or to my ethnographic research. Discourse analysis is ineffective in thinking about the truthful through particular regimes of truth (G. Rose 2001, 195–96). practices and institutions through which truth constructions are produced, Discourse analysis has been practiced by academics from a wide range of disseminated, and lived. At the same time, fieldwork lacks the close analysis of (visual) disciplines within the humanities and social sciences, and assumes highly diverse texts. By integrating both methods in my research, I intend to avoid the pitfalls of both. forms, ranging from iconographic analysis to critical discourse analysis, which is focused on language and less Foucauldian (G. Rose 2001). Thus, there is no single clear template for conducting discourse analysis—merely some guidelines. I will therefore Social Semiotic Analysis shortly explicate my purposes, how I use discourse analysis, and why this method is relevant for the overarching themes in this dissertation. As stated above, a crucial aspect of television is that it is more than a text. And as mass First, it is important to note that despite these guidelines, my materials (i.e. media, it is not so much about personal associations or interpretations of individual reality TV shows) guide my investigation. I try to look at the materials with impartial viewers, but about a general consensus about the statements that series, episodes, or eyes. At the same time, I cannot escape the tacit knowledge that is formed by my own scenes intend to make. As Florian Schneider aptly states, “mass communication limits premises, assumptions, and modes of interpretation. It is of vital importance to take the realm of possible interpretations by embedding its messages in a context, and by into account the cognitive commitments and positionality of my research and myself. juxtaposing a series of signs that reinforce the intended meaning” (Schneider 2012, 12). Doing so, although engaging in an analysis of discourse always includes some degree At the same time, this distinction cannot be seen in absolute terms, as most of interpretation, I intend to render myself sufficiently accountable. Second, I intend cultural products are located somewhere in between. While a Dutch winter landscape to familiarize myself with my materials (the reality TV shows), which will allow me painting by Hendrick Avercamp may not evoke the same different array of to identify key themes, words, or images that are relevant for my themes (see chapters interpretations and associations such as Leonardo da Vinci’s Mona Lisa, the same goes five and six). I will examine “relations between statements (…); relations between for television series. TV programs may well include aesthetic elements that render groups of statements thus established,” to analyze how particular words and images their reading more ambiguous, such as the mystery series Wayward Pines (2015-) or are given specific meanings (Foucault 2002a, 32). How does it produce its effects of Lost (2004-2010). However, most discourse analyses ignore that communication plays truth? I will focus on truth claims, things presented ‘naturally,’ or moments where out on different levels, and instead focuses solely on spoken or written words, treating

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visual content as a ‘text.’ Thus, the focus is on the narrative, while—although highly important—negating other forms of communication, such as non-verbal communication (facial expressions, lighting, camera viewpoints, music). For these purposes, I wield a social semiotic approach to television. This approach differs from ‘traditional’ semiotics in that it does not focus on signs, but on socially meaningful and entire processes (Iedema 2001). As Rose notes, “the seeing of an image always takes place in a particular social context that mediates its impact” (G. Rose 2001, 15). While discourse analysis focuses on the meaning, a social semiotic analysis reflects (1) on the reading position. It acknowledges how I—the viewer—am positioned by a television show, and how I see certain social allegiances and values being promoted over others. In this sense, social semiotics rejects the existence of a gap between the televised product and the audience (Iedema 2001). As a researcher, I make no truth claims for the result of my analysis, but I support my argument by means of systematic evidence gathered through research (and the focus groups). Television constructs its own time and space through specialized techniques, giving the viewer the impression of temporal and spatial continuity. A social semiotic analysis of television shows how this can be accomplished by maintaining sound continuity across several cuts. It can also show how the use of camera, and its angles affect viewers in certain ways. So how is ‘reality’ constructed, and why? Social semiotics is highly concerned with the choices that television makers make in relation to their sociocultural contexts, and in these ways complement my fieldwork and discourse analysis with a more technical approach to television analysis. Here, I follow Rick Iedema’s six levels of analysis, which ultimately show that features are always embedded in continuously changing cultural trends and tastes—modalities. “It is these modalities,” Iedema asserts, “which will ultimately determine what meanings specific features are likely to attract in the contexts in which they are mobilized or read” (Iedema 2001, 188). Perhaps it is also important to note here, following Larry Grossberg, that context is not some reified entity—something ‘out there’ within which practices occur. These practices are always involved in a dialectical process and constitute the context in which they are practices (Grossberg 1997, 8; Slack 1996). The objects of analysis in Iedema’s framework are the (1) frame, (2) shot, (3) scene, (4) sequence, (5) generic stage, and (6) work as a whole, thus moving from the micro

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visual content as a ‘text.’ Thus, the focus is on the narrative, while—although highly to the macro level. A second social semiotic tool is the hypothesis that meaning important—negating other forms of communication, such as non-verbal making always does three things simultaneously, three so-called meta-functions: (1) communication (facial expressions, lighting, camera viewpoints, music). representation, (2) orientation, and (3) organization (Halliday 1978; Jewitt and Oyama For these purposes, I wield a social semiotic approach to television. This 2001; Kress and Leeuwen 2010). Representation tells viewers about the world in a approach differs from ‘traditional’ semiotics in that it does not focus on signs, but on particular way and considers what meanings represent, whether visually, verbally, or socially meaningful and entire processes (Iedema 2001). As Rose notes, “the seeing of sonically. Orientation considers how meanings position characters and viewers. an image always takes place in a particular social context that mediates its impact” (G. Issues such as camera angles, music, and shot techniques have important Rose 2001, 15). While discourse analysis focuses on the meaning, a social semiotic consequences for the positioning of subjects. Organization concerns the way in which analysis reflects (1) on the reading position. It acknowledges how I—the viewer—am meanings are put in order and integrated into a rhythmic text. These meta-questions positioned by a television show, and how I see certain social allegiances and values are pivotal in discovering which patterns prevail in a television show, and the political being promoted over others. In this sense, social semiotics rejects the existence of a choices of patterning made by the television makers (Kress and Leeuwen 2010, 191– gap between the televised product and the audience (Iedema 2001). As a researcher, I 93). I therefore extend my analyses of reality TV series beyond the narrative, in order make no truth claims for the result of my analysis, but I support my argument by to treat television as the complex communication process that it is. I employ the tools means of systematic evidence gathered through research (and the focus groups). of social semiotic analysis to explore not only the text and narrative, but also the Television constructs its own time and space through specialized techniques, technical aspects of meaning making through television, including its visual and sonic giving the viewer the impression of temporal and spatial continuity. A social semiotic elements. But how to operationalize this in practice? analysis of television shows how this can be accomplished by maintaining sound continuity across several cuts. It can also show how the use of camera, and its angles affect viewers in certain ways. So how is ‘reality’ constructed, and why? Social In Practice: Sequence Protocols and Analysis semiotics is highly concerned with the choices that television makers make in relation to their sociocultural contexts, and in these ways complement my fieldwork and In order to be able to systematically analyze the material (Where are we going dad), I discourse analysis with a more technical approach to television analysis. Here, I follow divide each episode into sequences. Subsequently, I summarize these sequences in Rick Iedema’s six levels of analysis, which ultimately show that features are always sequence protocol tables. I use William H. Phillips’ working definition of sequence as embedded in continuously changing cultural trends and tastes—modalities. “It is “a series of related consecutive scenes perceived as a major unit of a narrative film” these modalities,” Iedema asserts, “which will ultimately determine what meanings (2009, 257). He defines the scene as “a section of a narrative that gives the impression specific features are likely to attract in the contexts in which they are mobilized or of continuous action taking place in continuous time and space” (2009, 257). Therefore, read” (Iedema 2001, 188). Perhaps it is also important to note here, following Larry a scene usually ends with a major shift in characters, storyline, time, or place, while a Grossberg, that context is not some reified entity—something ‘out there’ within which sequence only ends when a narrative section ends. A sequence protocol is a table that practices occur. These practices are always involved in a dialectical process and lists all relevant sequences of a televised product, providing information about the constitute the context in which they are practices (Grossberg 1997, 8; Slack 1996). length, plot, main characters, location, sound etc. This provides a structured overview The objects of analysis in Iedema’s framework are the (1) frame, (2) shot, (3) scene, of a motion picture and provides details that could otherwise easily be glanced over (4) sequence, (5) generic stage, and (6) work as a whole, thus moving from the micro (Schneider 2012, 245).

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Subsequently, I code each sequence with key words relating to the discourse strands of the main themes on which my chapters focus. This is a rather complicated procedure, and to ensure a systematic and structured approach, I follow the suggestions posed by Philipp Mayring. He suggests an evolutionary coding procedure in four steps (Mayring 2002; Quoted in: Schneider 2012):

1. Drafting of a preliminary list of key words. This list is derived from the central discourse strands of the relevant themes and based on theoretical considerations of how each of the main discourse strands can be divided into further sub-categories. 2. Screening of the visual material with these theoretical concepts in mind. Each sequence is coded with the key words relevant to the respective context. Additional terms are created as new topics arise in the material. The list of coding categories is thus significantly expanded, based on watching the material. 3. After completing the first cycle of coding, the original list of key terms must be revised to include the new categories. Sometimes words are collated into one category, while at other times they need to be subdivided. 4. The process of expanding and collating coding categories is then repeated based on another episode. This is followed by another revision. After coding all episodes, a final list of coding categories can be established.

Although creating such sequence protocols is an arduous enterprise, there are two good reasons for creating such a systematic and wide coding range. First, this ensures that the interaction and juxtaposition of various discourse strands can more easily be assessed—for example when issues of fatherhood are crossed with gender, or conflated with filial piety, or when urban-rural issues appear in connection with poverty. Moreover, it also provides the groundwork for a further research into other discourse strands, such as consumption, modernity etc. However, the amount of sequence protocols is too big for detailed analysis, hence the need for a selection. I will select sequences that provide most information on the concerned discourse strands and subdivide the sequence into shot protocols.

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Subsequently, I code each sequence with key words relating to the discourse These sequences are selected based on (1) the prominence of the discourse strand in strands of the main themes on which my chapters focus. This is a rather complicated the sequence; (2) the available variety of signs in the sequence (i.e. a dialogue only procedure, and to ensure a systematic and structured approach, I follow the including verbal signs is less interesting than a combination of visual, verbal and sonic suggestions posed by Philipp Mayring. He suggests an evolutionary coding signs. Subsequently, I compare the discursive statements that these sequences make procedure in four steps (Mayring 2002; Quoted in: Schneider 2012): and how they communicate their message in relation to other sequences dealing with similar issues. Based on this selection of sequences, I turn to the analysis itself. 1. Drafting of a preliminary list of key words. This list is derived from the The analysis combines discourse analysis with semiotics, employing the central discourse strands of the relevant themes and based on theoretical toolboxes of both methods in order to perform a detailed television analysis. On the considerations of how each of the main discourse strands can be divided into one hand, discourse analysis allows me to identify discourse fragments within further sub-categories. communicative processes and assess the context and background which framed their 2. Screening of the visual material with these theoretical concepts in mind. formulation. On the other hand, a semiotic analysis allows visual television analysis Each sequence is coded with the key words relevant to the respective context. by breaking down communicative processes to show how their elements work Additional terms are created as new topics arise in the material. The list of together to form messages. This means that the television analysis has to identify the coding categories is thus significantly expanded, based on watching the various signs in communicative processes, as well as how they function. However, material. television functions at several levels, and in my analysis, I focus on all of them: (1) 3. After completing the first cycle of coding, the original list of key terms visual signs (mise-en-scene, lighting, camera angle, colors, motions of characters, must be revised to include the new categories. Sometimes words are collated hearts, frames, and other tweaks added by editors. This also includes motions, such into one category, while at other times they need to be subdivided. as camera movements); (2) sonic signs (music, ambient sounds, squeaks and other 4. The process of expanding and collating coding categories is then edited sound effects); (3) verbal signs (spoken language, text boxes added by editors). repeated based on another episode. This is followed by another revision. After In addition, the analysis considers important narrative aspects such as references (to coding all episodes, a final list of coding categories can be established. events, stories, characters, histories), and plot and story. Employing this method of television analysis allows me to (1) identify and compare relevant sequences for my Although creating such sequence protocols is an arduous enterprise, there are two research themes and (2) engage in a structured and detailed way with my material, good reasons for creating such a systematic and wide coding range. First, this ensures allowing for an in-depth analysis. that the interaction and juxtaposition of various discourse strands can more easily be assessed—for example when issues of fatherhood are crossed with gender, or conflated with filial piety, or when urban-rural issues appear in connection with poverty. Moreover, it also provides the groundwork for a further research into other discourse strands, such as consumption, modernity etc. However, the amount of sequence protocols is too big for detailed analysis, hence the need for a selection. I will select sequences that provide most information on the concerned discourse strands and subdivide the sequence into shot protocols.

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Appendix 2 – List of Interviewees

1. DENG Xiuying female 15-11-2015 Editor 2. LIN Chongwen male 30-11-2015 Channel Director 3. YU Dongmei female 06-12-2015 Editor 4. YE Xiao male 13-12-2015 Musician 5. XIAO Peng female 15-12-2015 Academic 6. WEI Xiaobo male 15-01-2016 Director 7. YUAN Baili femake 20-01-2016 Executive Producer 8. ZHANG Junjie male 21-01-2016 Executive Producer 9. Xiang Ren Li male 22-01-2016 Academic 10. AN De male 23-01-2016 Director 11. YANG Mengyao male 03-03-2016 Program Host 12. ZHANG Yibei female 10-03-2016 Producer 13. WEN Haokang male 10-03-2016 Music Director 14. XIE Chunhua female 11-03-2016 Investment Manager 15. HONG Tao male 11-03-2016 Executive Producer 16. Nick PYO & male / 11-03-2016 Music Director & KIM Heeyoung female Musician 17. ZHOU Deming male 11-03-2016 Manager Online 18. LIAO Ke male 12-03-2016 Producer 19. XIE Dikui male 23-03-2016 Executive Producer 20. WU Caihong female 23-03-2016 Scriptwriter 21. LIU Yifan male 28-04-2016 Channel Host 22. JIN Yirong female 04-05-2016 Editor 23. KANG Xueyou male 10-05-2016 Director 24. LI Huiqing female 12-05-2016 Channel Director 25. GE Rui male 24-05-2016 Musician 26. WANG Yang male 25-05-2016 Musician, Participant 27. DI Rong male 01-06-2016 Producer

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Appendix 2 – List of Interviewees Appendix 3 – List of Abbreviations

1. DENG Xiuying female 15-11-2015 Editor 2. LIN Chongwen male 30-11-2015 Channel Director BAT - Baidu, Alibaba, and Tencent 3. YU Dongmei female 06-12-2015 Editor CAC - Cyberspace Administration of China 4. YE Xiao male 13-12-2015 Musician CCP - Communist Party of China 5. XIAO Peng female 15-12-2015 Academic CCTV - China Central Television 6. WEI Xiaobo male 15-01-2016 Director CMG - China Media Group 7. YUAN Baili femake 20-01-2016 Executive Producer CNSA - China Netcasting Services Association 8. ZHANG Junjie male 21-01-2016 Executive Producer CPD - Central Propaganda Department (of the CCP) 9. Xiang Ren Li male 22-01-2016 Academic DFTV - Dragon Satellite Television, or Oriental STV (Shanghai) 10. AN De male 23-01-2016 Director GAFAM - Google, Amazon, Facebook, Apple, Microsoft 11. YANG Mengyao male 03-03-2016 Program Host HBS - Hunan Broadcasting System 12. ZHANG Yibei female 10-03-2016 Producer 13. WEN Haokang male 10-03-2016 Music Director HSTV - Hunan Satellite Television (based in Changsha) 14. XIE Chunhua female 11-03-2016 Investment Manager IPR - Intellectual Property Rights 15. HONG Tao male 11-03-2016 Executive Producer JSTV - Jiangsu Satellite Television (based in Nanjing) 16. Nick PYO & male / 11-03-2016 Music Director & MBC - Munhwa Broadcasting Corporation (South Korean) KIM Heeyoung female Musician MGTV - Mango TV (part of the HBS) 17. ZHOU Deming male 11-03-2016 Manager Online SAPPRFT - State Administration of Press, Publication, Radio, Film, and TV 18. LIAO Ke male 12-03-2016 Producer SVOD - subscription video-on-demand 19. XIE Dikui male 23-03-2016 Executive Producer ZJTV - Zhejiang Satellite Television (based in Hangzhou) 20. WU Caihong female 23-03-2016 Scriptwriter 21. LIU Yifan male 28-04-2016 Channel Host

22. JIN Yirong female 04-05-2016 Editor 23. KANG Xueyou male 10-05-2016 Director 24. LI Huiqing female 12-05-2016 Channel Director 25. GE Rui male 24-05-2016 Musician 26. WANG Yang male 25-05-2016 Musician, Participant 27. DI Rong male 01-06-2016 Producer

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Summary

Governing Through Reality Television in Contemporary China: The Case of Hunan Satellite Television

This study investigates governing through reality television in contemporary China, focusing on Hunan Satellite Television as a case study. The Chinese government uses television for political purposes, while TV stations are simultaneously commercialized and need to fend for their own revenues. Based on fieldwork in China, and televisual analysis, this study seeks to analyze the cycle of television: the political-historical context in which television is made, TV-making at HSTV, the political economy, production, distribution, the televisual end-product itself, and its reception by audiences. Employing Foucault’s concept of ‘governmentality’, this study looks beyond state institutions to emphasize the diffusion of the everyday techniques, which emanate from multiple sources (such as education, the workplace) and steer the ways in which individuals are expected to reflect upon and organize their lives – television makers as well as audiences. By turning to television makers as well as the context they work in, and to audiences as well as the program they watch, this study engages with two questions concerning governmentality and subjectivity: (1) How does governmentality work within and through Chinese reality television? (2) How are political, economic, social, and cultural imperatives configured in the making and consumption of reality television in contemporary China? I start from two basic premises: First, that there is lack of concern with contextuality in current scholarship on Chinese television, resulting in studies turning to either a cultural or a political-economic analysis of their object of study. I argue that the complex systems defining television industries in China and elsewhere, demand an approach which acknowledges connections and interdependence between different approaches and registers, ranging from production and industrial context to textual analysis and audience research. Second, in what I term the ‘calibration of

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Summary government’, I hold that government (the state) outlines the framework in which television production takes place, but that through seeking to govern TV makers and audiences through their own autonomy, leaves more space for economic, cultural, and Governing Through Reality Television in other considerations. As a consequence, on the ground, television makers often Contemporary China: succeed in circumventing censorship and regulations, just as audiences sometimes interpret content in unexpected or even oppositional ways, serving the governance The Case of Hunan Satellite Television system but challenging it at the same time. This is where calibrated government and governmentality complement each other. The calibration of government sets the

context, while governmentality allows me to address questions such as: how do This study investigates governing through reality television in contemporary China, individuals use this autonomous space? If so, which other economic, cultural, social focusing on Hunan Satellite Television as a case study. The Chinese government uses etc. imperatives guide their actions? And how do these agents then navigate this television for political purposes, while TV stations are simultaneously commercialized highly governmentalized field? and need to fend for their own revenues. Based on fieldwork in China, and televisual Chapter 2 unravels the the historical development of television to unravel and analysis, this study seeks to analyze the cycle of television: the political-historical explicate the social, economic, political, and cultural context in which television- context in which television is made, TV-making at HSTV, the political economy, making takes place. I show how commercialization reforms resulted in a dualistic production, distribution, the televisual end-product itself, and its reception by logic, whereby television stations became responsible for their own management and audiences. Employing Foucault’s concept of ‘governmentality’, this study looks revenues, and yet retained their social-political function for the state – as an beyond state institutions to emphasize the diffusion of the everyday techniques, instrument for political communication. The latent incoherence ingrained in this which emanate from multiple sources (such as education, the workplace) and steer dualistic logic has clearly come to the fore since the flood of entertainment the ways in which individuals are expected to reflect upon and organize their lives – programming starting in the 2000s. I argue that this dualistic logic between political television makers as well as audiences. By turning to television makers as well as the and commercial imperatives is still present, and that censorship and other restrictions context they work in, and to audiences as well as the program they watch, this study merely function as reactionary instruments, while attempts to tackle the structural engages with two questions concerning governmentality and subjectivity: (1) How formations that underlies this incongruence have not been successful. The entrance of does governmentality work within and through Chinese reality television? (2) How Chinese Big Tech (Baidu, Alibaba, Tencent) has revolutionized TV distribution and are political, economic, social, and cultural imperatives configured in the making and consumptions, but the dualistic logic and reactionary policies characterizing the consumption of reality television in contemporary China? industry are largely similar. I start from two basic premises: First, that there is lack of concern with Chapter 3 zooms in on HSTV itself to show how it employs narrative contextuality in current scholarship on Chinese television, resulting in studies turning arrangements about creativity to governmentalize television makers. An alternative to either a cultural or a political-economic analysis of their object of study. I argue that commercialization model (vis-à-vis other Chinese television stations) has enabled the complex systems defining television industries in China and elsewhere, demand HSTV to gain a ten-year head start in the industry, and to structure its organization an approach which acknowledges connections and interdependence between accordingly. Thanks to these reorganizations, and the establishment of effective different approaches and registers, ranging from production and industrial context to metanarratives, I analyze how HSTV has managed to effectively governmentalize textual analysis and audience research. Second, in what I term the ‘calibration of

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creativity, reconfiguring the role of television makers as creative workers and soliciting their participation in the cultivation of particular behaviors and skills to produce successful television programs. For around 15 years, HSTV was the clear frontrunner and ‘creative vanguard’ in Chinese television, but now a convergence has taken place with its nearest competitors, and the entrance of new media has uprooted traditional TV stations. For many TV makers, platform TV has now taken over the ‘beacon of creativity’, discrediting HSTV’s strategy. Chapter 4 turns from the calibration of government, enunciating the conceptual space in which television makers do their work, inverting the focus bottom-up, to television makers themselves. By examining the factors involved in the creation of a successful localization of a foreign format, I show how television makers navigate the governmentalized field and balance social, cultural, political, and economic imperatives in their daily jobs. Through my research, I show how TV makers deal pragmatically with these imperatives: copyright is flaunted, circumvented, or bought, varying from case to case, while the story is similar for censorship: it is by no means one-way traffic, but a complex negotiation process, better characterized as a ‘cat-and- mouse game.’ It reveals a very pragmatic picture, destabilizing dichotomies such as copy-original, mostly dominated by commercial incentives. Chapter 5 marks the move from production to reception and turns to the televisual text – the program itself, and the ways it seeks to approach, assess, and guide audiences in particular ways. By turning to the popular reality show Where are we going dad, I assess what images Where are we going dad presents about ‘good fatherhood’ and what having an alleged ‘good’ relationship between father and child entails. By asking these questions, I place Where are we going dad within a discourse of masculinity and fatherhood in China, and in strategies of governance. I argue that the show conveys a ‘progressive’ yet ambiguous conception of fatherhood but is still rooted in a conservative understanding of masculinity and gender. Yet the conceptualization of filial piety establishes hierarchies and eventually conflates fatherhood with the nation as the metaphorical father. Editing techniques thereby explicitly serve to amplify certain readings or narrations of scenes for audiences. Chapter 6 focuses on the audiences and examines the ways they read, interpret, and/or appropriate televisual texts – in this case, Where are we going dad. Based on

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creativity, reconfiguring the role of television makers as creative workers and focus groups, conducted with middle-class families in Changsha, I show how focus soliciting their participation in the cultivation of particular behaviors and skills to group participants present themselves as savvy audiences, able to deliberate upon produce successful television programs. For around 15 years, HSTV was the clear several meta-levels, assessing production choices, the context of censorship, and the frontrunner and ‘creative vanguard’ in Chinese television, but now a convergence has show’s format and authenticity. At the same time, participants still employ an taken place with its nearest competitors, and the entrance of new media has uprooted instrumental approach to the program, pragmatically evaluating the value of the traditional TV stations. For many TV makers, platform TV has now taken over the show in terms of education or entertainment. Yet I caution against reading too much ‘beacon of creativity’, discrediting HSTV’s strategy. resistance in these evaluations: the participants’ savviness does not necessarily entail Chapter 4 turns from the calibration of government, enunciating the conceptual a very critical or oppositional reading of the governmental logic that drives the show, space in which television makers do their work, inverting the focus bottom-up, to and I am bound to conclude that – in this case – the governmental logic underlying television makers themselves. By examining the factors involved in the creation of a the show operates rather successfully. successful localization of a foreign format, I show how television makers navigate the governmentalized field and balance social, cultural, political, and economic imperatives in their daily jobs. Through my research, I show how TV makers deal pragmatically with these imperatives: copyright is flaunted, circumvented, or bought, varying from case to case, while the story is similar for censorship: it is by no means one-way traffic, but a complex negotiation process, better characterized as a ‘cat-and- mouse game.’ It reveals a very pragmatic picture, destabilizing dichotomies such as copy-original, mostly dominated by commercial incentives. Chapter 5 marks the move from production to reception and turns to the televisual text – the program itself, and the ways it seeks to approach, assess, and guide audiences in particular ways. By turning to the popular reality show Where are we going dad, I assess what images Where are we going dad presents about ‘good fatherhood’ and what having an alleged ‘good’ relationship between father and child entails. By asking these questions, I place Where are we going dad within a discourse of masculinity and fatherhood in China, and in strategies of governance. I argue that the show conveys a ‘progressive’ yet ambiguous conception of fatherhood but is still rooted in a conservative understanding of masculinity and gender. Yet the conceptualization of filial piety establishes hierarchies and eventually conflates fatherhood with the nation as the metaphorical father. Editing techniques thereby explicitly serve to amplify certain readings or narrations of scenes for audiences. Chapter 6 focuses on the audiences and examines the ways they read, interpret, and/or appropriate televisual texts – in this case, Where are we going dad. Based on

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Samenvatting

Besturen via Reality-tv in Hedendaags China: De Casus van Hunan Satelliet TV

Deze dissertatie onderzoekt het besturen van de bevolking door middel van reality- tv in hedendaags China, met een focus op Hunan Satelliet TV als casus. De Chinese regering gebruikt televisie voor politieke doeleinden, terwijl televisiestations tegelijkertijd gecommercialiseerd zijn en verantwoordelijk voor hun eigen inkomsten en winstgevendheid. Op basis van veldwerk in China en televisuele analyse tracht deze studie de cyclus van televisie te onderzoeken: de politiek-historische context, de werklocatie, de politieke economie, productie, distributie, het eindproduct en de receptie door het publiek. Door gebruik te maken van Foucault’s concept ‘governmentality’ richt deze dissertatie zich niet alleen op staatsinstituties, maar ook op de diffuse technieken die zich vanuit verschillende bronnen (zoals onderwijs, het kantoor) het dagelijks leven van individuen beïnvloeden, evenals de manieren waarop zij reflecteren op hun leven, het organiseren en het richting geven. Door te focussen op zowel televisiemakers als de context waarin zij werken, en op zowel het publiek als het televisieprogramma dat zij bekijken, richt deze studie zich op twee vragen over governmentality en subjectiviteit: (1) hoe werkt governmentality (het sturen van zelfbestuur) binnen en door Chinese reality-tv? (2) Hoe worden politieke, economische, sociale en culturele factoren geconfigureerd in de productie en consumptie van reality-tv in het hedendaagse China? Ik start het onderzoek vanuit twee basis-aannames: ten eerste, dat er sprake is van een gebrek aan aandacht voor de context in hedendaags onderzoek naar Chinese televisie. Veel studies richten zich slechts op een culturele of een politiek-economische analyse van een programma. Ik betoog echter dat de complexiteit van de processen die aan de Chinese televisie-industrie en dagelijks productiewerk ten grondslag ligt een aanpak vereist die de interdependentie en verbindingen tussen de verschillende invalshoeken combineert, waarin zowel productie als industriële context als tekstuele

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Samenvatting analyse en publieksonderzoek voorkomt. Ten tweede, in wat ik het ‘kalibreren van bestuur’ noem, betoog ik dat de staat weliswaar het raamwerk vaststelt waarbinnen televisieproductie plaatsvindt, maar dat binnen dat raamwerk relatief veel mogelijk Besturen via Reality-tv in Hedendaags China: is. Dit heeft tot gevolg dat producenten op de werkvloer vaak met succes de censuur De Casus van Hunan Satelliet TV en regulaties omzeilen. Maar ook dat het publiek de inhoud van een programma soms op verrassende of zelfs subversieve manieren interpreteert, daarmee soms het

overkoepelende narratief ter discussie stellend. Dit is waar ‘gekalibreerd bestuur’ en Deze dissertatie onderzoekt het besturen van de bevolking door middel van reality- governmentality elkaar versterken. Gekalibreerd bestuur vormt de context, terwijl tv in hedendaags China, met een focus op Hunan Satelliet TV als casus. De Chinese governmentality vragen oproept zoals: hoe gebruiken individuen die autonome regering gebruikt televisie voor politieke doeleinden, terwijl televisiestations ruimte? En als zij dat doen, welke andere aspecten sturen hun gedrag? tegelijkertijd gecommercialiseerd zijn en verantwoordelijk voor hun eigen inkomsten Hoofdstuk 2 richt zich op de historische ontwikkeling van televisie in China om en winstgevendheid. Op basis van veldwerk in China en televisuele analyse tracht de sociale, economische, politieke en culturele context te ontrafelen waarbinnen deze studie de cyclus van televisie te onderzoeken: de politiek-historische context, de televisieproductie plaatsvindt. Ik laat zien hoe commercialiseringshervormingen in werklocatie, de politieke economie, productie, distributie, het eindproduct en de het verleden resulteerden in een dualistische logica, waarbij televisiestations receptie door het publiek. Door gebruik te maken van Foucault’s concept verantwoordelijk werden voor hun eigen inkomsten, maar tegelijkertijd hun sociaal- ‘governmentality’ richt deze dissertatie zich niet alleen op staatsinstituties, maar ook politieke functie voor de staat behielden als instrument voor politieke communicatie. op de diffuse technieken die zich vanuit verschillende bronnen (zoals onderwijs, het Deze latente incoherentie werd in toenemende mate zichtbaar, met name sinds de kantoor) het dagelijks leven van individuen beïnvloeden, evenals de manieren opkomst van entertainmenttelevisie in de jaren 2000. Ik laat zien hoe de dualistische waarop zij reflecteren op hun leven, het organiseren en het richting geven. Door te logica tussen commerciële en politieke motieven functioneert en hoe censuur en focussen op zowel televisiemakers als de context waarin zij werken, en op zowel het andere restricties voornamelijk reactief zijn. De entree van de grote Chinese Tech publiek als het televisieprogramma dat zij bekijken, richt deze studie zich op twee bedrijven (Baidu, Alibaba, Tencent) heeft tot een revolutie geleid betreffende de vragen over governmentality en subjectiviteit: (1) hoe werkt governmentality (het distributie en consumptie van televisie, maar heeft niet geleid tot een verandering in sturen van zelfbestuur) binnen en door Chinese reality-tv? (2) Hoe worden politieke, de dualistische logica of de reactionaire censuur. economische, sociale en culturele factoren geconfigureerd in de productie en Hoofdstuk 3 zoomt in op HSTV zelf, om te laten zien hoe het via narratieve consumptie van reality-tv in het hedendaagse China? technieken over creativiteit de eigen medewerkers tracht te sturen en beïnvloeden. Ik start het onderzoek vanuit twee basis-aannames: ten eerste, dat er sprake is Een alternatief commercialiseringsmodel (t.o.v. andere Chinese televisiestations) heeft van een gebrek aan aandacht voor de context in hedendaags onderzoek naar Chinese HSTV een voorsprong van 10 jaar gegeven om zijn organisatie aan te passen aan de televisie. Veel studies richten zich slechts op een culturele of een politiek-economische wetten van de markt. Dankzij deze reorganisaties en het ontwikkelen van effectieve analyse van een programma. Ik betoog echter dat de complexiteit van de processen meta-narratieven over creativiteit, laat ik zien hoe HSTV zijn werknemers stuurt om die aan de Chinese televisie-industrie en dagelijks productiewerk ten grondslag ligt op bepaalde manieren televisieprogramma’s te maken. Gedurende een periode van een aanpak vereist die de interdependentie en verbindingen tussen de verschillende ongeveer 15 jaar vormde HSTV de creatieve voorhoede in de Chinese televisie- invalshoeken combineert, waarin zowel productie als industriële context als tekstuele industrie. Inmiddels zijn enkele concurrenten HSTV dicht genaderd terwijl de entree

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van Big Tech de industrie radicaal veranderd heeft. Voor veel televisiemakers hebben televisieplatforms het ‘creativiteitsbaken’ van HSTV overgenomen, daarmee ook de voorheen succesvolle creativiteitsnarratieven ter discussie stellend. Hoofdstuk 4 richt zich op het ‘kalibreren van bestuur’ en het onderzoek van de conceptuele ruimte waarin televisieproductie plaatsvindt. De focus verschuift naar de werkvloer, naar de televisiemakers en hun dagelijkse werk. Door de factoren te analyseren die van belang zijn in de ontwikkeling van een succesvolle lokalisering van buitenlandse televisieformats, laat ik zien hoe televisiemakers zich door een gepolitiseerd mijnenveld manoeuvreren en politieke, economische, culturele en sociale factoren continu tegen elkaar moeten afwegen in hun dagelijkse werk. In mijn onderzoek laat ik zien hoe televisiemakers hier pragmatisch mee omgaan: copyright wordt geschonden, omzeild of legaal verkregen, afhankelijk van de eigen behoeftes en voorkeuren. Hetzelfde geldt voor censuur: het is geenszins eenrichtingsverkeer, maar een complex onderhandelingsproces tussen de betrokken actoren, beter getypeerd als een kat-en-muisspel. Het geeft een complex maar ook pragmatisch beeld, dat dichotomieën tussen bijvoorbeeld kopie en origineel destabiliseert, waarin commerciële motieven de overhand hebben. Hoofdstuk 5 markeert de overgang van het productieproces naar receptie en richt zich op de televisuele tekst zelf — het programma, en de manier waarop het publiek benaderd en gestuurd wordt op specifieke manieren. Ik laat zien hoe de populaire realityshow Where are we going dad bepaalde ideaalbeelden aanreikt over ‘goed vaderschap’ evenals ideeën over hoe een goede relatie tussen vader en kind eruit zou moeten zien. Vervolgens plaats ik het programma in een discours over mannelijkheid en vaderschap in hedendaags China, en in strategieën van bestuur. Ik laat zien hoe de show een progressief, maar ambigu ideaalbeeld van vaderschap voorstaat, dat tegelijkertijd in conservatieve opvattingen over mannelijkheid en vaderschap geworteld is, waarin uiteindelijk de staat als de metaforische vader gepositioneerd wordt. Redigeertechnieken dienen hier expliciet om bepaalde lezingen en interpretaties van scenes door het publiek te sturen. Ten slotte gaat hoofdstuk 6 gaat over het publiek en de manier waarop het televisieprogramma’s leest, interpreteert en zich toe-eigent. Door middel van focusgroepen met middenklasse familie in Changsha laat ik zien hoe deelnemers zich

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van Big Tech de industrie radicaal veranderd heeft. Voor veel televisiemakers hebben presenteren als ‘savvy audiences’ die programma’s op verschillende niveaus kunnen televisieplatforms het ‘creativiteitsbaken’ van HSTV overgenomen, daarmee ook de bekritiseren en interpreteren. Deelnemers bedienen zich van een instrumentalistische voorheen succesvolle creativiteitsnarratieven ter discussie stellend. insteek, waarbij steeds pragmatisch geëvalueerd wordt of de showinhoud enige Hoofdstuk 4 richt zich op het ‘kalibreren van bestuur’ en het onderzoek van de waarde heeft, op zowel educatief als entertainment niveau. Tegelijkertijd is het conceptuele ruimte waarin televisieproductie plaatsvindt. De focus verschuift naar de belangrijk om niet te snel subversie tegen de dominante technieken van bestuur in werkvloer, naar de televisiemakers en hun dagelijkse werk. Door de factoren te deze kritische reflecties te lezen. De savviness van de deelnemers brengt niet analyseren die van belang zijn in de ontwikkeling van een succesvolle lokalisering noodzakelijk een heel kritische of tegenovergestelde lezing van de gouvernementele van buitenlandse televisieformats, laat ik zien hoe televisiemakers zich door een logica waarop het programma draait met zich mee. Ik concludeer daarom dat de gepolitiseerd mijnenveld manoeuvreren en politieke, economische, culturele en gouvernementele logica achter de show uiteindelijk succesvol opereert. sociale factoren continu tegen elkaar moeten afwegen in hun dagelijkse werk. In mijn onderzoek laat ik zien hoe televisiemakers hier pragmatisch mee omgaan: copyright wordt geschonden, omzeild of legaal verkregen, afhankelijk van de eigen behoeftes en voorkeuren. Hetzelfde geldt voor censuur: het is geenszins eenrichtingsverkeer, maar een complex onderhandelingsproces tussen de betrokken actoren, beter getypeerd als een kat-en-muisspel. Het geeft een complex maar ook pragmatisch beeld, dat dichotomieën tussen bijvoorbeeld kopie en origineel destabiliseert, waarin commerciële motieven de overhand hebben. Hoofdstuk 5 markeert de overgang van het productieproces naar receptie en richt zich op de televisuele tekst zelf — het programma, en de manier waarop het publiek benaderd en gestuurd wordt op specifieke manieren. Ik laat zien hoe de populaire realityshow Where are we going dad bepaalde ideaalbeelden aanreikt over ‘goed vaderschap’ evenals ideeën over hoe een goede relatie tussen vader en kind eruit zou moeten zien. Vervolgens plaats ik het programma in een discours over mannelijkheid en vaderschap in hedendaags China, en in strategieën van bestuur. Ik laat zien hoe de show een progressief, maar ambigu ideaalbeeld van vaderschap voorstaat, dat tegelijkertijd in conservatieve opvattingen over mannelijkheid en vaderschap geworteld is, waarin uiteindelijk de staat als de metaforische vader gepositioneerd wordt. Redigeertechnieken dienen hier expliciet om bepaalde lezingen en interpretaties van scenes door het publiek te sturen. Ten slotte gaat hoofdstuk 6 gaat over het publiek en de manier waarop het televisieprogramma’s leest, interpreteert en zich toe-eigent. Door middel van focusgroepen met middenklasse familie in Changsha laat ik zien hoe deelnemers zich

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