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PHILOCLES of SIDON REVISITED Since the Publication Some Years A PHOENICIAN KING IN THE SERVICE OF THE PTOLEMIES: PHILOCLES OF SIDON REVISITED Since the publication some years ago of the present author’s paper on king Philocles of Sidon1, several related studies have appeared2, which prompt some reflection and updating. Phoenician by birth and Greek by culture, the Sidonian ruler was vested by the first two Ptolemies with far-reaching military, diplomatic and administrative powers. As far as we can infer from the scattered (almost exclusively epigraphical) evidence, Philocles’ career covered at least three decades, from about 3103 to ca. 279/8 BC. Embracing, as it seems, the Aegean as well as the Eastern Mediterranean, his high command can be envisaged as a plenipotentiary generalship or even as a kind of viceroy- ship of the North4. Polyaenus (III 16), the only literary source in which he appears, styles him ‘strategos’, whereas in official, epigraphical documents, the title, when mentioned, is always the by far more prestigious ‘King of the Sido- nians’. As a matter of fact Philocles must have had some fleet squadrons 1 H. HAUBEN, Philocles, King of the Sidonians and General of the Ptolemies, in E. LI- PINSKI (ed.), Phoenicia and the East Mediterranean in the First Millennium B.C. (Studia Phoenicia, V = Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta, 22), Leuven 1987, p. 413-427 [hereafter simply Philocles]. Cf. SEG XXXVIII (1988) 2005. 2 See esp. W. HUSS, Ägypten in hellenistischer Zeit, 332-30 v.Chr., München 2001, p. 171-172 n. 603; p. 204 with n. 112; p. 205 n. 122; p. 209 n. 160; p. 211-212; p. 239 n. 13; p. 262 n. 61 and 64. 3 For the most recent critical edition of the Theban subscription list (cf. Philocles, p. 414 n. 4; p. 416-417 n. 18; p. 418 n. 22; W. HUSS, Ägypten, p. 171 n. 603), see W. AMELING, in K. BRINGMANN – H. VON STEUBEN (edd.), Schenkungen hellenistischer Herrscher an griechische Städte und Heiligtümer I, Berlin 1995, p. 131-133, KNr. 83 [E 1]. For the text as well as a good commentary, see also Brigitte GULLATH, Unter- suchungen zur Geschichte Boiotiens in der Zeit Alexanders und der Diadochen (Europäi- sche Hochschulschriften, III 169), Frankfurt a.M.–Bern 1982, p. 91-97 (stressing the fact that the same person occurs in l. 18 and 27 and that this person is certainly the Sidonian king; considering 309/8 a possible alternative to 310 [Holleaux] as date of the first gift; cf. p. 165 n. 4). The restoration of Philocles’ name in l. 18, where only Filo[ is preserved, is basically certain since a politikon is virtually excluded. The sole sensible possibility would have been Filo[mele⁄v], were it not that Philomelion was only founded in the course of the 3rd century BC. 4 Cf. Philocles, p. 420 with n. 34. For a short overview of his career, see H. HAUBEN, art. Philoklès, in E. LIPINSKI (dir.), Dictionnaire de la civilisation phénicienne et punique, [Turnhout] 1992, p. 352; W. AMELING, art. Philokles 6, in DNP IX (2000), col. 831. 28 H. HAUBEN at his disposal, for without them it would have been impossible to exer- cise a command like his. However, there is insufficient reason to define his function as an ‘admiralship’ (his powers being much more extensive than those of an average fleet commander) and still less to call him ‘nauarchos’ (as the title is completely lacking in the sources)5. But as scholars in the past generally considered Philocles an ‘admiral’ or ‘nauarch’, we should not be surprised to find comparatively recent stud- ies still labeling him this way6. On principle, especially in this case, such 5 See Philocles, p. 420 n. 36; SEG XXXVIII (1988) 2005; W. AMELING, art. Philo- kles. 6 The list given in Philocles (see preceding note) can be expanded now: S.M. BURSTEIN, The Hellenistic Age from the Battle of Ipsos to the Death of Kleopa- tra VII (Translated Documents of Greece and Rome), Cambridge 1985, p. 92; W. TRAN- SIER, Samiaka. Epigraphische Studien zur Geschichte von Samos in hellenistischer und römischer Zeit, Diss. Mannheim 1985, p. 27 and 72; Charis KANTZIA, in AD 35 (1980) [1986] (see n. 10), p. 14 n. 87; p. 15; Marie-Françoise BASLEZ, Cultes et dévotions des Phéniciens en Grèce: les divinités marines, in Corinne BONNET – E. LIPINSKI – P. MAR- CHETTI (edd.), Religio Phoenicia (Studia Phoenicia, IV), Namur 1986, p. 289-305, esp. 301 (the statement that in the inscription on the Athenian base in honour of Philocles, IG II2 3425 [= L. MORETTI, Iscrizioni storiche ellenistiche I, Firenze 1967, p. 36-37 no. 17], «l’Aphrodite Euploia du Pirée est honorée par le navarque Philoclès de Sidon» is com- pletely unfounded); G. SHIPLEY, A History of Samos, 800-188 BC, Oxford 1987, p. 298 («Philadelphus’ chief admiral»); J.D. GRAINGER, Hellenistic Phoenicia, Oxford 1991, p. 62-64 (dating Philocles’ death to 278 [p. 63] or «soon after 278» [p. 64], in fact a pure — for devoid of any explicit evidence — but not completely senseless hypothesis based on the subsequent silence of the sources); Nina JIDEJIAN – E. LIPINSKI, art. Sidon, in Dict. civ. phén. pun., p. 413-417, esp. 416; B. DREYER, Der Beginn der Freiheitsphase Athens 287 v.Chr. und das Datum der Panathenäen und Ptolemaia im Kalliasdekret, in ZPE 111 (1996), p. 45-67, esp. 55 n. 70 («Nauarch und ‘Vizekönig’»); Marie-Françoise BASLEZ, Le sanctuaire de Délos dans le dernier tiers du IVe siècle. Etude historique des premiers inventaires de l’indépendance, in REA 99 (1997), p. 345-356, esp. 351, 353, 354; A.G. WOODHEAD, The Athenian Agora XVI. Inscriptions: The Decrees, Princeton (NJ) 1997, p. 248-249 no. 173 (still based on Tarn’s obsolete but uncommonly tenacious the- ory concerning the alleged ten years’ duration of the Ptolemaic nauarchia [JHS 53, 1933, p. 61-68]: in fact we do not know when exactly Philocles’ mandate came to an end, although the proposed date 278/7 is not impossible in itself); Marie-Françoise BASLEZ – F. BRIQUEL-CHATONNET, Un exemple d’intégration phénicienne au monde grec: les Sidoniens au Pirée à la fin du IVe siècle, in Atti del II Congresso Internazionale di Studi Fenici e Punici I, Roma 1991, p. 229-240, esp. 236; B. DREYER, Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des spätklassischen Athen (322-ca. 230 v.Chr.) (Historia, Einzelschr. 137), Stuttgart 1999, p. 210 n. 64; p. 231 (also following Tarn: «der erste Bekannte einer Reihe von ptolemäischen Nauarchen und ‘Vizekönigen’ …, dem Kallikrates [278/7] und Patro- klos [etwa 268ff] folgten»); p. 457; W. HUSS, Ägypten, p. 204 with n. 112 (suggesting that Philocles could have been the admiral of the Ptolemaic fleet [150 ships] off Aegina in 295 [Plut., Demetr. 33.7]); p. 211 n. 181 (but rightly considering him «Vizekönig» as well: p. 171 n. 603; p. 239 n. 13). Though obviously rejecting Tarn’s theory and underlining that «eine Bezeichnung für die Stellung des Philokles in den ägäischen A PHOENICIAN KING IN THE SERVICE OF THE PTOLEMIES 29 designations should be avoided since it is still not completely clear how the early Ptolemaic admiralty was organized nor what the specific mean- ing was of the term ‘nauarchia’ in each particular instance. Let us, there- fore, only speak of a ‘nauarchos’ when the sources expressly allow us to do so7. Sporadically we still encounter the famous story according to which it was Philocles (allegedly in Demetrius’ service) who at a certain moment handed over the Sidonian, Phoenician, or Demetrius’ fleet to Ptolemy I, thus lending him full control over the seas8. Needless to repeat that the story is a typical factoid9. Very promising was the discovery in 1982 of a bilingual Coan inscrip- tion. Published four years later by Charis Kantzia and M. Sznycer10, it Besitzungen» is lacking in the sources, R. BEHRWALD (Der Lykische Bund. Unter- suchungen zu Geschichte und Verfassung [Antiquitas, I 48], Bonn 2000, p. 70 n. 219; cf. p. 71) still contends that the Nesiotic League was under the higher command of Ptole- maic admirals, implying that Philocles was one of them. 7 On this kind of issues, see H. HAUBEN, Callicrates of Samos. A Contribution to the Study of the Ptolemaic Admiralty (Studia Hellenistica, 18), Leuven 1970, p. 67-70; Het vlootbevelhebberschap in de vroege diadochentijd (323-301 vóór Christus). Een proso- pografisch en institutioneel onderzoek (Verhand. Kon. Acad. Wet., Lett. en Schone Kun- sten v. België, Kl. Lett., Jg. 37, Nr. 77), Brussel 1975, p. 125-142; Onesicritus and the Hel- lenistic ‘Archikybernesis’, in W. WILL – J. HEINRICHS (edd.), Zu Alexander d. Gr. Festschrift G. Wirth zum 60. Geburtstag am 9.12.86, I, Amsterdam 1987, p. 569-593; Timosthène et les autres amiraux de nationalité rhodienne au service des Ptolémées, in G. GIZELIS (ed.), Proceedings of the International Scientific Symposium Rhodes: 24 Cen- turies, October 1-5, 1992, Athina 1996, p. 220-242, esp. 229-234. For analogous reasons similar reticences are to be recommended when dealing with presumed naukleroi: see my remarks in ZPE 28 (1978), p. 106-107; AfP 43 (1997), p. 32-33; cf., on the other hand, Marie-Françoise BASLEZ, Le rôle et la place des Phéni- ciens dans la vie économique des ports de l’Egée, in E. LIPINSKI (ed.), Phoenicia and the East Mediterranean (n. 1), p. 267-285, esp. 274-275, although well aware of the ter- minological problem, explicitly attributing the status of naukleros to Zenon (Pros. Ptol. VI 16387), the brother of Abdemoun of Sidon in P. Ryl. IV 554 (ca. 260 BC; cf. Catherine APICELLA, Sidon à l’époque hellénistique: quelques problèmes méconnus, in La Syrie hellénistique [Topoi Orient-Occident, Suppl.
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