Kürşat Bardakcı KİLİKİA SATRAPLIĞI SATRAPY of CILICIA
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The Satrap of Western Anatolia and the Greeks
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2017 The aS trap Of Western Anatolia And The Greeks Eyal Meyer University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Ancient History, Greek and Roman through Late Antiquity Commons Recommended Citation Meyer, Eyal, "The aS trap Of Western Anatolia And The Greeks" (2017). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 2473. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2473 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2473 For more information, please contact [email protected]. The aS trap Of Western Anatolia And The Greeks Abstract This dissertation explores the extent to which Persian policies in the western satrapies originated from the provincial capitals in the Anatolian periphery rather than from the royal centers in the Persian heartland in the fifth ec ntury BC. I begin by establishing that the Persian administrative apparatus was a product of a grand reform initiated by Darius I, which was aimed at producing a more uniform and centralized administrative infrastructure. In the following chapter I show that the provincial administration was embedded with chancellors, scribes, secretaries and military personnel of royal status and that the satrapies were periodically inspected by the Persian King or his loyal agents, which allowed to central authorities to monitory the provinces. In chapter three I delineate the extent of satrapal authority, responsibility and resources, and conclude that the satraps were supplied with considerable resources which enabled to fulfill the duties of their office. After the power dynamic between the Great Persian King and his provincial governors and the nature of the office of satrap has been analyzed, I begin a diachronic scrutiny of Greco-Persian interactions in the fifth century BC. -
Map 1. European Greece and Western Asia Minor
Map 1. European Greece and Western Asia Minor Western Map 1.European Greeceand DARDANIA BLACK SEA Lissus THRACE Bosporus Epidamnus MACEDONIA Maronea SEA OF Aenus MARMARA Pella Amphipolis Abdera Lysimacheia Cius ORESTIS Thessalonica Apollonia Chersonnese Pydna Lampsacus Oricum Abydus P PERRHAEBIA LEMNOS in Tempe Ilium d Hellespont u s Phoenice M N E Phaloria Larissa Alexandria Troas P ts Atrax I . R CORCYRA U Cynoscephalae S THESSALY Pharsalus Demetrias Ambracia AEGEAN Pergamum DOLOPIA SEA LESBOS Lamia Oreus A A Magnesia-ad-Sipylum C E EU A TO Thermopylae Nicaea BO R L CIS E N IA O A PH Smyrna A LOC Delphi Chalcis N Naupactus RIS Thebes Eretria CHIOS I Te o s A Thespiae ADRIATIC Oropus SEA Leuctra Plataea Marathon Myonnesus Ephesus Aegium Eleusis Carystus Sicyon Athens SAMOS Magnesia Elis Corinth Megara ACHAEA CARIA Argos Miletus Cleitor Lade Stratonicaea Megalopolis Delos Bargylia Messene Sellasia Caunus Sparta Pylos 0 30 60 mi Rhodes 0 50 100 km Map 2. The HellenisticKingdoms Map 2. IA AN RD GAULS OF DA A E I AEON TYLIS Byzantium P E BLACK SEA P I A O N C I D A Chalcedon E Amphipolis R R H R. Sangarius C Pella T Sinope U (Se Tios A Abdera leucid) P S CASPIAN M O Lysimacheia Cius Heraclea l N SEA e PA n Ambracia Cyzicus PHLAGONIA n BIT A T a Delphi HYNI a h Demetrias S aly U C . H Trapezus i R S bo Pergamum G A Uz Athens Sardes L A T I A E ARMENIA IA Apamea IA Sparta LYD P H C RY G I A ADO (to Egypt) Miletus CAPP tes L. -
Ptolemaic Foundations in Asia Minor and the Aegean As the Lagids’ Political Tool
ELECTRUM * Vol. 20 (2013): 57–76 doi: 10.4467/20800909EL.13.004.1433 PTOLEMAIC FOUNDATIONS IN ASIA MINOR AND THE AEGEAN AS THE LAGIDS’ POLITICAL TOOL Tomasz Grabowski Uniwersytet Jagielloński, Kraków Abstract: The Ptolemaic colonisation in Asia Minor and the Aegean region was a signifi cant tool which served the politics of the dynasty that actively participated in the fi ght for hegemony over the eastern part of the Mediterranean Sea basin. In order to specify the role which the settlements founded by the Lagids played in their politics, it is of considerable importance to establish as precise dating of the foundations as possible. It seems legitimate to acknowledge that Ptolemy II possessed a well-thought-out plan, which, apart from the purely strategic aspects of founding new settlements, was also heavily charged with the propaganda issues which were connected with the cult of Arsinoe II. Key words: Ptolemies, foundations, Asia Minor, Aegean. Settlement of new cities was a signifi cant tool used by the Hellenistic kings to achieve various goals: political and economic. The process of colonisation was begun by Alex- ander the Great, who settled several cities which were named Alexandrias after him. The process was successfully continued by the diadochs, and subsequently by the follow- ing rulers of the monarchies which emerged after the demise of Alexander’s state. The new settlements were established not only by the representatives of the most powerful dynasties: the Seleucids, the Ptolemies and the Antigonids, but also by the rulers of the smaller states. The kings of Pergamum of the Attalid dynasty were considerably active in this fi eld, but the rulers of Bithynia, Pontus and Cappadocia were also successful in this process.1 Very few regions of the time remained beyond the colonisation activity of the Hellenistic kings. -
Lector's Pronunciation Guide
LECTOR’S PRONUNCIATION GUIDE Abana = AHB-ah-nah Baal = BAY-uhl Abba = AHB-ah Baal-zephon = BAY-uhl-ZEE-fon Abednego = ah-BED-nee-go Babylonia = bab-ih-LOW-nee-ah Abel-meholah = AY-bel-mi-HO-lah Balaam = BAY-lam Abiathar = uh-BY-uh-thar Balak = BAY-lak Abihu = uh-BY-hew Barabbas = bar-RAHB-as Abilene = ab-ih-LEE-nee Barnabas = BAR-nah-bus Achaia = ah-KAY-yah Barsabbas = bar-SAH-bus Agabus = AG-ah-bus Bartimaeus = bar-tih-MEE-us Ahaz = AY-haz Bashan = BAY-shan Akeldama = uh-KEL-deh-muh Bdellium = DELL-ih-um Alphaeus = al-FEE-us Beelzebub = bee-ELL-ze-bub Amalek = AM-ah-lek Beersheba = beer-SHEE-bah Amalekites = ah-MAL-eh-kites Beor = BEE-or Amaziah = am-uh-ZY-uh Berea = beh-REE-ah Ammonites = AM-mo-nites Bethel = BETH-el Amorites = AM-oh-rites Bethphage = BETH-fah-jee Amos = AY-mus Bethsaida = beth-SAY-ih-dah Amoz = AY-muz Bithynia = bih-THIN-ee-ah Amphipolis = am-FIPP-oh-lis Caesarea = sess-ah-REE-ah Ananias = an-ah-NYE-us Caiaphas = KAY-ah-fas Annas = AN-us Canaan = KAY-nan Antioch = AN-tee-ock Capernaum = kuh-PER-nee-um Apollonia = ap-puh-LOW-nee-ah Cappadocia = kap-puh-DOH-shee-uh Apphia = AF-ih-ah Cephas = SEE-fas Apollos = ah-PAWL-lus Chaldeans = kal-DEE-anz Archippus = ar-KIPP-us Chloe = KLOH-ee Arimathea = air-ih-mah-THEE-uh Cilicia = sih-LISH-ih-ah Assyria = ah-SEER-ee-ah Claudius = KLAW-dee-us Azariah = az-ah-RYE-ah Cleopas = KLEE-oh-pas LECTOR’S PRONUNCIATION GUIDE Colossae = koh-LAH-sih Gihon = GY-hon Crescens = KRES-enz Gilead = GILL-ee-add Cretans = KREE-tuns Gilgal = GILL-gal Cyrene = sigh-REE-nee Golgotha = GAUL-goh-thah -
(1988) 116–118 © Dr. Rudolf Habelt Gmbh, Bonn
E. BADIAN TWO POSTSCRIPTS ON THE MARRIAGE OF PHILA AND BALACRUS aus: Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 73 (1988) 116–118 © Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 116 TWO POSTSCRIPTS ON THE MARRIAGE OF PHILA AND BALACRUS Waldemar Heckel (ZPE 70,1987,161-2) has done a service to prosopography of Alexander and the Diadochoi by his acute demonstration that the marriage of Phila and Balacrus, Alexander's satrap of Cilicia, must be accepted as historical fact. In view of the inadequacy of our source for the connection (the writer of romance, Antonius Diogenes, as recorded by Photius), it had been inconclusively discussed ever since Droysen first accepted it and then changed his mind about it.1) The dedication by an Antipater son of "Balagros" indeed establishes the fact. There is perhaps slight further confirmation for the identification discovered by Heckel in the spelling of "Balagros": the inscription coincides with Photius in this detail, and the spelling is a very rare variant.2) a.) Heckel should not, however, be followed in his acceptance of the authenticity of the letter cited by the Greek novelist. His statement that Photius "preserves, on the testimony of Antonius Diogenes, the details of a letter ..." is followed by his use of the letter in order to show that Phila cannot have been with her husband when he cook over the satrapy of Cilicia, since he still wrote to her from Tyre. In fact, there cannot be any doubt that the letter is fictitious: it pro- vides the setting for Diogenes' romance and the details are historically worthless. -
And KEEPING up with the PERSIANS Some Reflections on Cultural Links in the Persian Empire
Working draft, not for distribution without permission of the author 1 ‘MANNERS MAKYTH MAN’ and KEEPING UP WITH THE PERSIANS Some reflections on cultural links in the Persian Empire Christopher Tuplin (University of Liverpool) Revised version: 9 June 2008 The purpose of the meeting (according to the web site) is to explore how ancient peoples expressed their identities by establishing, constructing, or inventing links with other societies that crossed traditional ethnic and geographic lines. These cross-cultural links complicates, undermine, or give nuance to conventional dichotomies such as self/other, Greek/barbarian, and Jew/gentile In the Achaemenid imperial context this offers a fairly wide remit. But it is a remit limited – or distorted – by the evidence. For in this, as in all aspects of Achaemenid history, we face a set of sources that spreads unevenly across the temporal, spatial and analytical space of the empire. For what might count as an unmediated means of access to a specifically Persian viewpoint we are pretty much confined to iconographically decorated monuments and associated royal inscriptions at Behistun, Persepolis and Susa (which are at least, on the face of it, intended to broach ideological topics) and the Persepolis Fortification and Treasury archives (which emphatically are not). This material is not formally or (to a large extent) chronologically commensurate with the voluminous, but unevenly distributed, Greek discourse that provides so much of the narrative of Achaemenid imperial history. Some of it may appear more commensurate with the substantial body of iconographically decorated monuments (most not associated with inscriptions) derived from western Anatolia that provides much of the material in the two papers under discussion. -
Naming Practices in Second and First Millennium Western Anatolia H
Naming Practices in Second and First Millennium Western Anatolia H. Craig Melchert University of California, Los Angeles 1. Introduction1 The following presentation aims to provide as systematic a treatment of the topic as is feasible, but I must begin with some caveats and disclaimers. First, figures given below regarding the number of personal names in the various language corpora are mere approximations meant to 1 The following abbreviations are used: Adiego, Carian = I. J. Adiego, The Carian Language (Leiden, 2007) Brixhe, ‘Pisidie’, = C. Brixhe, ‘La langue des inscriptions épichoriques de Pisidie’, in Linguistic Happening [below], 131-55 Colvin, Names in Lycia = S. Colvin, ‘Names in Hellenistic and Roman Lycia’, in S. Colvin (ed.), The Greco-Roman East (Cambridge 2004), 44-84 Decifrazione = M. E. Gianotta et al. (eds.), La decifrazione del cario. Atti del 1° Simposio Internazionale. Roma, 3-4 maggio 1993 (Rome 1994), 65-86 Herbordt, Siegel = S. Herbordt, Die Prinzen- und Beamtensiegel der hethitischen Grossreichszeit auf Tonbullen aus dem Nişantepe-Archiv in Hattusa (Mainz, 2005) Gusmani, LydWb = R. Gusmani, Lydisches Wörterbuch (Heidelberg, 1964) Hawkins, CHLI = J. D. Hawkins, Corpus of Hieroglyphic Luwian Inscriptions. Volume 1: Inscriptions of the Iron Age (Berlin, 2000) Houwink ten Cate, LPG = P. H. J. Houwink ten Cate, The Luwian Population Groups of Lycia and Cilicia Aspera during the Hellenistic Period (Leiden, 1965) HS = Historische Sprachforschung IF = Indogermanische Forschungen Laroche, Noms and ‘Supplément’ = E. Laroche, Les noms des hittites (Paris, 1966) and ‘Les noms des hittites. Supplément’, Hethitica 4 (1981), 3-58 Linguistic Happening = Y. Arbeitman (ed.), A Linguistic Happening in Memory of Ben Schwarz (Louvain-la-Neuve, 1988) Melchert, DLL = H. -
From the Rosen Collection
LYCIA 565 Lycia, Uncertain Dynast (c.525-480 B.C.), Silver Stater, 9.48g. Forepart of a winged boar to left, ΦO[I] below. Rev. Patterned incuse square, divided into eight irregular segments (Vismara II, 45, pl. VI (these dies); SNG Keckman 425 (these dies); SNG von Aulock 4048; J. Spier, ‘The Demirler, Lycia Hoard’, Coin Hoards IX, 37, pl. 2; BMC -). Good very fine and rare. $ 3,500 Ex Spink Numismatic Circular, Volume XCIV, Number 10, London, December 1986, 8134 From The Rosen Collection 566 Lycia, Uncertain Dynast (c.500-440 B.C.), Silver Stater, 9.30g, . Bearded sea-serpent to left. Rev. Bearded sea-serpent to left, within a dotted square border within an incuse square (Rosen 708 (this coin); cf. Hess - Leu 49 (1971), lot 233). Toned, very fine, a fascinating mythical type and of the highest rarity. $ 7,000 This coin published in ‘Early Greek Coins from the Collection of Jonathan P. Rosen’, N. Waggoner, ACNAC 5, 1983, p. 45-6, illustrated on pl. 26. Ex Frank Sternberg, Auction VIII, Zurich, 16 & 17 November 1978, lot 141 Ex Jonathan P. Rosen Collection, Monnaies et Médailles SA, Auction 72, Basel, 6 October 1987, lot 348 An Exceptional Stater of Lycia 567 Lycia, Uncertain Dynast (c.500-440 B.C.), Silver Stater, 9.30g, . Sphinx seated to left, raising its right foreleg. Rev. Crab, within an incuse (cf. Vismara II, pl. VI, 51 (for reverse) & 52 (for obverse); SNG von Aulock 8467; cf. Rosen 704). Lightly toned, good very fine, an attractive and well-struck example, very rare. -
The University of Chicago Oriental Institute Seminars Number 2
oi.uchicago.edu i THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO ORIENTAL INSTITUTE SEMINARS NUMBER 2 Series Editors Leslie Schramer and Thomas G. Urban oi.uchicago.edu ii oi.uchicago.edu iii MARGINS OF WRITING, ORIGINS OF CULTURES edited by SETH L. SANDERS with contributions by Seth L. Sanders, John Kelly, Gonzalo Rubio, Jacco Dieleman, Jerrold Cooper, Christopher Woods, Annick Payne, William Schniedewind, Michael Silverstein, Piotr Michalowski, Paul-Alain Beaulieu, Theo van den Hout, Paul Zimansky, Sheldon Pollock, and Peter Machinist THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO ORIENTAL INSTITUTE SEMINARS • NUMBER 2 CHICAGO • ILLINOIS oi.uchicago.edu iv Library of Congress Control Number: 2005938897 ISBN: 1-885923-39-2 ©2006 by The University of Chicago. All rights reserved. Published 2006. Printed in the United States of America. The Oriental Institute, Chicago Co-managing Editors Thomas A. Holland and Thomas G. Urban Series Editors’ Acknowledgments The assistance of Katie L. Johnson is acknowledged in the production of this volume. Front Cover Illustration A teacher holding class in a village on the Island of Argo, Sudan. January 1907. Photograph by James Henry Breasted. Oriental Institute photograph P B924 Printed by McNaughton & Gunn, Saline, Michigan The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Infor- mation Services — Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1984. oi.uchicago.edu v TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ................................................................................................................. -
PHILOCLES of SIDON REVISITED Since the Publication Some Years
A PHOENICIAN KING IN THE SERVICE OF THE PTOLEMIES: PHILOCLES OF SIDON REVISITED Since the publication some years ago of the present author’s paper on king Philocles of Sidon1, several related studies have appeared2, which prompt some reflection and updating. Phoenician by birth and Greek by culture, the Sidonian ruler was vested by the first two Ptolemies with far-reaching military, diplomatic and administrative powers. As far as we can infer from the scattered (almost exclusively epigraphical) evidence, Philocles’ career covered at least three decades, from about 3103 to ca. 279/8 BC. Embracing, as it seems, the Aegean as well as the Eastern Mediterranean, his high command can be envisaged as a plenipotentiary generalship or even as a kind of viceroy- ship of the North4. Polyaenus (III 16), the only literary source in which he appears, styles him ‘strategos’, whereas in official, epigraphical documents, the title, when mentioned, is always the by far more prestigious ‘King of the Sido- nians’. As a matter of fact Philocles must have had some fleet squadrons 1 H. HAUBEN, Philocles, King of the Sidonians and General of the Ptolemies, in E. LI- PINSKI (ed.), Phoenicia and the East Mediterranean in the First Millennium B.C. (Studia Phoenicia, V = Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta, 22), Leuven 1987, p. 413-427 [hereafter simply Philocles]. Cf. SEG XXXVIII (1988) 2005. 2 See esp. W. HUSS, Ägypten in hellenistischer Zeit, 332-30 v.Chr., München 2001, p. 171-172 n. 603; p. 204 with n. 112; p. 205 n. 122; p. 209 n. 160; p. 211-212; p. -
Early Hellenistic Athens: Leadership and Diplomacy
IOANNA KRALLI EARLY HELLENISTIC ATHENS: LEADERSHIP AND DIPLOMACY PhD THESIS UCL ProQuest Number: 10016711 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest. ProQuest 10016711 Published by ProQuest LLC(2016). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 Abstract In my thesis I examine certain aspects of the political history of Athens in the early Hellenistic period, that is after the battle of Chaironeia in 338 B.C. and until the late 260s. For Athens this was a transitional period; she had to face a completely new political reality: she was no longer the great power of the fifth or even the fourth century B.C., Macedonia rose to power, then Alexander created a huge empire and his death triggered endless struggles for power among his Successors, in which Athens found herself involved. Independent foreign policy then on the part of Athens was impossible; on the other hand, diplomacy became more delicate and demanding than ever. I focus on the ways in which the Athenian leadership (the generals and the orators) adjusted to the circumstances. Firstly, I have examined the role of the generals in diplomacy in order to establish that they did assume increased responsibilities. -
The Coins of Tarsus Part 1 the Persian Period by Peter E
The Coins of Tarsus Part 1 The Persian Period by Peter E. Lewis The Hittite Empire existed from about 1800 to 1200 BC when it was overrun by large migrations of people that included the Sea People. The Sea People were groups of aggressive seafarers who in - vaded the land around the eastern part of the Mediterranean Sea. Following the collapse of the Hittite Empire independ - ent kingdoms arose in Anatolia and Cilicia, but with the rise of the Assyrian Empire in the 9 th century Tarsus came under Assyrian influence. Similarly after the Persian king Cyrus I came into power in 547 BC Tarsus continued under Per - sian control until Alexander the Great Figure 1 – Map showing some of the cities visited by St Paul. defeated the Persians in 333 BC. HE city of Tarsus (Figure 1 – Map ) the east to prevent flooding in the city. The first coins were minted at Tar - Tis important for several reasons, and The region that included the plain and sus in about 450 BC during the Persian as coins were minted there from the fifth the mountainous region to the west was Period. Although under Persian control century BC to the 3 rd century AD it is of called Cilicia. at this time Tarsus was ruled by a dy - considerable interest to numismatists. Tarsus was about 20 kilometres from nasty of native kings, but from about It is historically important firstly be - the coast, but south of the city the Cydnus 400 BC the Persians exerted more direct cause there has been a settlement there River flowed into a lake which served as rule through governors (satraps).