Stylometric Classification of Ancient Greek Literary Texts by Genre
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Ancient History Sourcebook: 11Th Brittanica: Sparta SPARTA an Ancient City in Greece, the Capital of Laconia and the Most Powerful State of the Peloponnese
Ancient History Sourcebook: 11th Brittanica: Sparta SPARTA AN ancient city in Greece, the capital of Laconia and the most powerful state of the Peloponnese. The city lay at the northern end of the central Laconian plain, on the right bank of the river Eurotas, a little south of the point where it is joined by its largest tributary, the Oenus (mount Kelefina). The site is admirably fitted by nature to guard the only routes by which an army can penetrate Laconia from the land side, the Oenus and Eurotas valleys leading from Arcadia, its northern neighbour, and the Langada Pass over Mt Taygetus connecting Laconia and Messenia. At the same time its distance from the sea-Sparta is 27 m. from its seaport, Gythium, made it invulnerable to a maritime attack. I.-HISTORY Prehistoric Period.-Tradition relates that Sparta was founded by Lacedaemon, son of Zeus and Taygete, who called the city after the name of his wife, the daughter of Eurotas. But Amyclae and Therapne (Therapnae) seem to have been in early times of greater importance than Sparta, the former a Minyan foundation a few miles to the south of Sparta, the latter probably the Achaean capital of Laconia and the seat of Menelaus, Agamemnon's younger brother. Eighty years after the Trojan War, according to the traditional chronology, the Dorian migration took place. A band of Dorians united with a body of Aetolians to cross the Corinthian Gulf and invade the Peloponnese from the northwest. The Aetolians settled in Elis, the Dorians pushed up to the headwaters of the Alpheus, where they divided into two forces, one of which under Cresphontes invaded and later subdued Messenia, while the other, led by Aristodemus or, according to another version, by his twin sons Eurysthenes and Procles, made its way down the Eurotas were new settlements were formed and gained Sparta, which became the Dorian capital of Laconia. -
Citations in Classics and Ancient History
Citations in Classics and Ancient History The most common style in use in the field of Classical Studies is the author-date style, also known as Chicago 2, but MLA is also quite common and perfectly acceptable. Quick guides for each of MLA and Chicago 2 are readily available as PDF downloads. The Chicago Manual of Style Online offers a guide on their web-page: http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide.html The Modern Language Association (MLA) does not, but many educational institutions post an MLA guide for free access. While a specific citation style should be followed carefully, none take into account the specific practices of Classical Studies. They are all (Chicago, MLA and others) perfectly suitable for citing most resources, but should not be followed for citing ancient Greek and Latin primary source material, including primary sources in translation. Citing Primary Sources: Every ancient text has its own unique system for locating content by numbers. For example, Homer's Iliad is divided into 24 Books (what we might now call chapters) and the lines of each Book are numbered from line 1. Herodotus' Histories is divided into nine Books and each of these Books is divided into Chapters and each chapter into line numbers. The purpose of such a system is that the Iliad, or any primary source, can be cited in any language and from any publication and always refer to the same passage. That is why we do not cite Herodotus page 66. Page 66 in what publication, in what edition? Very early in your textbook, Apodexis Historia, a passage from Herodotus is reproduced. -
Nabis and Flamininus on the Argive Revolutions of 198 and 197 B.C. , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 28:2 (1987:Summer) P.213
ECKSTEIN, A. M., Nabis and Flamininus on the Argive Revolutions of 198 and 197 B.C. , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 28:2 (1987:Summer) p.213 Nabis and Flamininus on the Argive Revolutions of 198 and 197 B.C. A. M. Eckstein N THE SUMMER of 19 5 a. c. T. Quinctius Flamininus and the Greek I allies of Rome went to war against N abis of Sparta. The official cause of the war was Nabis' continued occupation of Argos, the great city of the northeastern Peloponnese. 1 A strong case can be made that the liberation of Argos was indeed the crucial and sincere goal of the war,2 although the reasons for demanding Nabis' with drawal from Argos may have been somewhat more complex.3 Nabis was soon blockaded in Sparta itself and decided to open negotiations for peace. Livy 34.3lfprovides us with a detailed account of the sub sequent encounter between N abis and Flamininus in the form of a debate over the justice of the war, characterized by contradictory assertions about the history of Sparta's relations with Rome and the recent history of Argos. Despite the acrimony, a preliminary peace agreement was reached but was soon overturned by popular resis tance to it in Sparta. So the war continued, with an eventual Roman 1 Cf. esp. Liv. 34.22.10-12, 24.4, 32.4f. 2 See now E. S. GRUEN, The Hellenistic World and the Coming of Rome II (Berkeley/Los Angeles [hereafter 'Gruen']) 450-55, who finds the propaganda of this war, with its consistent emphasis on the liberation of Argos as a matter of honor both for Rome and for Flamininus, likely to have some basis in fact. -
Ig V 1, 16 and the Gerousia of Roman Sparta
IG V 1, 16 AND THE GEROUSIA OF ROMAN SPARTA (PLATE 46) G Vi 1,16 is embeddedupside down in the apseof the Katholikonin the monasteryof hJI[ the Agioi Saranta,the Forty Martyrsof Sebaste,some nine kilometerseast of Sparta.1Kolbe, the editor of the Laconian section of the corpus, based his edition on tran- scriptionsof the text in the works of antiquariantravelers, among them Col. William Leake and Ludwig Ross. Although the inscription, thanks to a restorationAdolf Wilhelm pro- posed and Kolbe adopted, is directly relevant to the vexatious problem of the size of the Spartan gerousia in the Roman period, no one has examined the stone since the 19th cen- tury.2A new edition based on autopsy is required. p. ante vel p. post A.D. 61 NON-ITOIX. Height 0.205 m. Width 0.277 m. Letter height 0.01 1-0.01 9 m. COL. I [o betva--------office ------------------------------------?IN]I ~[pwvosvJKAavbliov Katoapos----------------------------------]OIO I-----------------------------------------------------]II[--] ?-- 5 [--------------------------------------------------------- ?I] ?I] ?I] COL. II vacat Iro b Aou,oi j cvavo[ov? -?----------------------------------- SOY aL'-rcZoat.vacat [ vacat ] Aztarovtrov -rovi KocaAalov[ --------------------------------------[ rovtrovsyap o Aev 1c8ao[rs0] ------------------------------------? I An earlier version of this article was given as the paper "FortySaints, But How Many Gerontes?"at the 1989 annual meeting of the ArchaeologicalInstitute of America in Boston, Massachusetts. I would like to thank this journal's referees for their useful comments. Works frequently cited are abbreviatedas follows: Cartledgeand = P. Cartledge and A. Spawforth, Hellenistic and Roman Sparta. A Tale of Two Cities, Spawforth London 1989 Oliver = J. H. Oliver, GreekConstitutions of Early Roman Emperorsfrom Inscriptionsand Papy- ri, Philadelphia 1989 Kennell = N. -
Durham E-Theses
Durham E-Theses The legend of Oedipus in fth century tragedy at Athens Bailey, S. K. How to cite: Bailey, S. K. (1955) The legend of Oedipus in fth century tragedy at Athens, Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/9722/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk r 1 THE LEGEND OF OEDIPUS IN FIFTH CENTURY TRAGEDY AT ATHENS A THESIS SUJ3W:TTED BY S.K. BAILEY FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF LETTERS The aims of the thesis are (a) to mark what has been altered or added to the legend of Oedipus by the three great dramatists of the fifth century, and (b) to show that these alterations and additions were made with a· specific end in view. To further these aims it has been necessary to broaden somewhat the scope of the thesis so as to include in it a gathering together of the pre-Aeechylean versions of the story; in the case of Aeschylus a reconstruction of the two lost plays of the trilogy, and in the case of each poet a personal interpretation of the plays connected with the Oedipus legend. -
Aus: Zeitschrift Für Papyrologie Und Epigraphik 79 (1989) 80–82 © Dr
IAN WORTHINGTON THOUGHTS ON THE IDENTITY OF DEINARCHUS’ PHILOCLES (III AGAINST PHILOCLES) aus: Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 79 (1989) 80–82 © Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 80 THOUGHTS ON THE IDENTITY OF DEINARCHUS' PHILOCLES (III AGAINST PHILOCLES) In an appendix to my article on the chronology of the Harpalus affair1 I briefly outlined the arguments of, and my agreement with, O.W.Reinmuth2 which challenged the identification of Philocles, strategos of 325/4, with the Philocles, son of Phormio or Eroeadae, recorded as kosmetes on the Oropus inscription for 324/3.3 Philocles the strategos was responsible for allowing Harpalus to enter Athens against the specific directive of the Assembly ([Plut.] X. Or. 846a), and was brought to trial for this and for accepting a bribe from him in the subsequent scandal; Deinarchus' speech Against Philocles (III) survives from his trial. If the two names refer to the same person, then Philocles was elected kosmetes for 324/33 and then, according to Dein. III.15, suspended from that office when accused of complicity in the Harpalus affair.4 However, since the inscription has him crowned at the end of his year of office the implication to be drawn is that he must have been acquitted as his trial. This is not a satisfactory explanation, and although the matter cannot be resolved with any firm certainty some consideration of Demosthenes' second and third letters, particularly of their date of composition, lends weight to the belief that the two men were not one and the same. In Ep. II.15-17 and 26 Demosthenes states that apart from himself all of those charged in the Harpalus affair were either acquitted or later reprieved, but this is negated by Ep. -
PHILOCLES of SIDON REVISITED Since the Publication Some Years
A PHOENICIAN KING IN THE SERVICE OF THE PTOLEMIES: PHILOCLES OF SIDON REVISITED Since the publication some years ago of the present author’s paper on king Philocles of Sidon1, several related studies have appeared2, which prompt some reflection and updating. Phoenician by birth and Greek by culture, the Sidonian ruler was vested by the first two Ptolemies with far-reaching military, diplomatic and administrative powers. As far as we can infer from the scattered (almost exclusively epigraphical) evidence, Philocles’ career covered at least three decades, from about 3103 to ca. 279/8 BC. Embracing, as it seems, the Aegean as well as the Eastern Mediterranean, his high command can be envisaged as a plenipotentiary generalship or even as a kind of viceroy- ship of the North4. Polyaenus (III 16), the only literary source in which he appears, styles him ‘strategos’, whereas in official, epigraphical documents, the title, when mentioned, is always the by far more prestigious ‘King of the Sido- nians’. As a matter of fact Philocles must have had some fleet squadrons 1 H. HAUBEN, Philocles, King of the Sidonians and General of the Ptolemies, in E. LI- PINSKI (ed.), Phoenicia and the East Mediterranean in the First Millennium B.C. (Studia Phoenicia, V = Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta, 22), Leuven 1987, p. 413-427 [hereafter simply Philocles]. Cf. SEG XXXVIII (1988) 2005. 2 See esp. W. HUSS, Ägypten in hellenistischer Zeit, 332-30 v.Chr., München 2001, p. 171-172 n. 603; p. 204 with n. 112; p. 205 n. 122; p. 209 n. 160; p. 211-212; p. -
Titus Quinctius Flamininus, the Man and His Portrayal by Plutarch
for my father Promotor Prof. dr. Kristoffel Demoen Vakgroep Letterkunde Copromotor dr. Koen De Temmerman Vakgroep Letterkunde Decaan Prof. dr. Freddy Mortier Rector Prof. dr. Paul Van Cauwenberge Illustration on cover: gold stater bearing the image of Flamininus, now on display in the British Museum. On the reverse side: image of Nike and identification of the Roman statesman (“T. Quincti”) © Trustees of the British Museum. Alle rechten voorbehouden. Niets uit deze uitgave mag worden verveelvoudigd, opgeslagen in een geautomatiseerd gegevensbestand, of openbaar gemaakt, in enige vorm of op enige wijze, hetzij elektronisch, mechanisch, door fotokopieën, opnamen, of enige andere manier, zonder voorafgaande toestemming van de uitgever. Faculteit Letteren & Wijsbegeerte Peter Newey Titus Quinctius Flamininus, the Man and his Portrayal by Plutarch Proefschrift voorgedragen tot het behalen van de graad van Doctor in de Taal- en Letterkunde 2012 Foreword It was nearly fifty years ago as an undergraduate that, following a course of lectures on Livy XXXIII, I first met Titus Quinctius Flamininus. Fascinated by the inextricable blend of historicity and personality that emerges from Livy‖s text, I immediately directed my attention toward Polybius 18. Plutarch‖s Life of Flamininus was the next logical step. Although I was not destined to pursue an academic career, the deep impression left on me by these authors endured over the following years. Hence, finally, with the leisure and a most gratefully accepted opportunity, my thesis. My thanks are due initially to Dr T.A. Dorey, who inspired and nurtured my interest in ancient historiography during my undergraduate years in the University of Birmingham. -
PHILOPOEMEN IMMODICUS and SUPERBUS and SPARTA the Decision Taken by the Achaean League in the Autumn of 192 B.G at Aegium To
PHILOPOEMEN IMMODICUS AND SUPERBUS AND SPARTA The decision taken by the Achaean League in the autumn of 192 B.G at Aegium to wage war against the Aetolians and their allies was crucial to the Greeks and their future. Greece proper had been divided for generations among several political bodies — and, in fact, had never been united into one state. Yet all those known as Έλληνες felt the natural human desire to avoid the unnecessary violence, bloodshed, and self-destruction engendered by ceaseless competition for preeminence and hegemomy in the domestic arena. The so-called “Tragic Historians” adopted these emotions as the leitmotif of their principal efforts to delineate the deeds and omissions of the Greek leadership and populace.1 Rome’s powerful political-strategical penetration east of the Adriatic sea, into Mainland Greece, particularly during the later decades of the third century B.C, undermined the precarious balance of internal Greek politics. The embarrassment which had seized most of Greece is easily understandable. Yet the Achaeans at Aegium do not appear to have been inspired by the memory of their ancestors’ resistance to the Persians. The Achaean leaders, Philopoemen not excluded, rejected Aetolian pleas for help or, at least, non-intervention in the struggle that they had started in the name of Έλληνες for the whole of Greece. Somewhat surprisingly, the Achaean leaders hastened to declare war on the Aetolians, anticipating even the Roman crossing to Greece2. These are the bare facts available to us (Livy 35.50.2-6). However, the conventional interpretation of these occurrences derived from Polybius 3 tends to be pathetic more than historical, and consti tute an embellished portrait of Achaean policy and politicians of those days rather than an honest guide to the political realities of the Έλληνες and Greece proper. -
Pausanias' Description of Greece
BONN'S CLASSICAL LIBRARY. PAUSANIAS' DESCRIPTION OF GREECE. PAUSANIAS' TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH \VITTI NOTES AXD IXDEX BY ARTHUR RICHARD SHILLETO, M.A., Soiiii'tinie Scholar of Trinity L'olltge, Cambridge. VOLUME IT. " ni <le Fnusnnias cst un homme (jui ne mnnquo ni de bon sens inoins a st-s tlioux." hnniie t'oi. inais i}iii rn>it ou au voudrait croire ( 'HAMTAiiNT. : ftEOROE BELL AND SONS. YOUK STIIKKT. COVKNT (iAKDKX. 188t). CHISWICK PRESS \ C. WHITTINGHAM AND CO., TOOKS COURT, CHANCEKV LANE. fA LC >. iV \Q V.2- CONTEXTS. PAGE Book VII. ACHAIA 1 VIII. ARCADIA .61 IX. BtEOTIA 151 -'19 X. PHOCIS . ERRATA. " " " Volume I. Page 8, line 37, for Atte read Attes." As vii. 17. 2<i. (Catullus' Aft is.) ' " Page 150, line '22, for Auxesias" read Anxesia." A.-> ii. 32. " " Page 165, lines 12, 17, 24, for Philhammon read " Philanimon.'' " " '' Page 191, line 4, for Tamagra read Tanagra." " " Pa ire 215, linu 35, for Ye now enter" read Enter ye now." ' " li I'aijf -J27, line 5, for the Little Iliad read The Little Iliad.'- " " " Page ^S9, line 18, for the Babylonians read Babylon.'' " 7 ' Volume II. Page 61, last line, for earth' read Earth." " Page 1)5, line 9, tor "Can-lira'" read Camirus." ' ; " " v 1'age 1 69, line 1 , for and read for. line 2, for "other kinds of flutes "read "other thites.'' ;< " " Page 201, line 9. for Lacenian read Laeonian." " " " line 10, for Chilon read Cliilo." As iii. 1H. Pago 264, " " ' Page 2G8, Note, for I iad read Iliad." PAUSANIAS. BOOK VII. ACIIAIA. -
Miracles in Greco-Roman Antiquity: a Sourcebook/Wendy Cotter
MIRACLES IN GRECO-ROMAN ANTIQUITY Miracles in Greco-Roman Antiquity is a sourcebook which presents a concise selection of key miracle stories from the Greco- Roman world, together with contextualizing texts from ancient authors as well as footnotes and commentary by the author herself. The sourcebook is organized into four parts that deal with the main miracle story types and magic: Gods and Heroes who Heal and Raise the Dead, Exorcists and Exorcisms, Gods and Heroes who Control Nature, and Magic and Miracle. Two appendixes add richness to the contextualization of the collection: Diseases and Doctors features ancient authors’ medical diagnoses, prognoses and treatments for the most common diseases cured in healing miracles; Jesus, Torah and Miracles selects pertinent texts from the Old Testament and Mishnah necessary for the understanding of certain Jesus miracles. This collection of texts not only provides evidence of the types of miracle stories most popular in the Greco-Roman world, but even more importantly assists in their interpretation. The contextualizing texts enable the student to reconstruct a set of meanings available to the ordinary Greco-Roman, and to study and compare the forms of miracle narrative across the whole spectrum of antique culture. Wendy Cotter C.S.J. is Associate Professor of Scripture at Loyola University, Chicago. MIRACLES IN GRECO-ROMAN ANTIQUITY A sourcebook Wendy Cotter, C.S.J. First published 1999 by Routledge 11 New Fetter Lane, London EC4P 4EE Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada by Routledge 29 West 35th Street, New York, NY 10001 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2003. -
University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan LINDA JANE PIPER 1967
This dissertation has been microfilmed exactly as received 66-15,122 PIPER, Linda Jane, 1935- A HISTORY OF SPARTA: 323-146 B.C. The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1966 History, ancient University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan LINDA JANE PIPER 1967 All Rights Reserved A HISTORY OF SPARTA: 323-1^6 B.C. DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Linda Jane Piper, A.B., M.A. The Ohio State University 1966 Approved by Adviser Department of History PREFACE The history of Sparta from the death of Alexander in 323 B.C; to the destruction of Corinth in 1^6 B.C. is the history of social revolution and Sparta's second rise to military promi nence in the Peloponnesus; the history of kings and tyrants; the history of Sparta's struggle to remain autonomous in a period of amalgamation. It is also a period in Sparta's history too often neglected by historians both past and present. There is no monograph directly concerned with Hellenistic Sparta. For the most part, this period is briefly and only inci dentally covered in works dealing either with the whole history of ancient Sparta, or simply as a part of Hellenic or Hellenistic 1 2 history in toto. Both Pierre Roussel and Eug&ne Cavaignac, in their respective surveys of Spartan history, have written clear and concise chapters on the Hellenistic period. Because of the scope of their subject, however, they were forced to limit them selves to only the most important events and people of this time, and great gaps are left in between.