Re-Fashioning Anakreon in Classical Athens the Envy
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Citations in Classics and Ancient History
Citations in Classics and Ancient History The most common style in use in the field of Classical Studies is the author-date style, also known as Chicago 2, but MLA is also quite common and perfectly acceptable. Quick guides for each of MLA and Chicago 2 are readily available as PDF downloads. The Chicago Manual of Style Online offers a guide on their web-page: http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide.html The Modern Language Association (MLA) does not, but many educational institutions post an MLA guide for free access. While a specific citation style should be followed carefully, none take into account the specific practices of Classical Studies. They are all (Chicago, MLA and others) perfectly suitable for citing most resources, but should not be followed for citing ancient Greek and Latin primary source material, including primary sources in translation. Citing Primary Sources: Every ancient text has its own unique system for locating content by numbers. For example, Homer's Iliad is divided into 24 Books (what we might now call chapters) and the lines of each Book are numbered from line 1. Herodotus' Histories is divided into nine Books and each of these Books is divided into Chapters and each chapter into line numbers. The purpose of such a system is that the Iliad, or any primary source, can be cited in any language and from any publication and always refer to the same passage. That is why we do not cite Herodotus page 66. Page 66 in what publication, in what edition? Very early in your textbook, Apodexis Historia, a passage from Herodotus is reproduced. -
Nabis and Flamininus on the Argive Revolutions of 198 and 197 B.C. , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 28:2 (1987:Summer) P.213
ECKSTEIN, A. M., Nabis and Flamininus on the Argive Revolutions of 198 and 197 B.C. , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 28:2 (1987:Summer) p.213 Nabis and Flamininus on the Argive Revolutions of 198 and 197 B.C. A. M. Eckstein N THE SUMMER of 19 5 a. c. T. Quinctius Flamininus and the Greek I allies of Rome went to war against N abis of Sparta. The official cause of the war was Nabis' continued occupation of Argos, the great city of the northeastern Peloponnese. 1 A strong case can be made that the liberation of Argos was indeed the crucial and sincere goal of the war,2 although the reasons for demanding Nabis' with drawal from Argos may have been somewhat more complex.3 Nabis was soon blockaded in Sparta itself and decided to open negotiations for peace. Livy 34.3lfprovides us with a detailed account of the sub sequent encounter between N abis and Flamininus in the form of a debate over the justice of the war, characterized by contradictory assertions about the history of Sparta's relations with Rome and the recent history of Argos. Despite the acrimony, a preliminary peace agreement was reached but was soon overturned by popular resis tance to it in Sparta. So the war continued, with an eventual Roman 1 Cf. esp. Liv. 34.22.10-12, 24.4, 32.4f. 2 See now E. S. GRUEN, The Hellenistic World and the Coming of Rome II (Berkeley/Los Angeles [hereafter 'Gruen']) 450-55, who finds the propaganda of this war, with its consistent emphasis on the liberation of Argos as a matter of honor both for Rome and for Flamininus, likely to have some basis in fact. -
(Eponymous) Heroes
is is a version of an electronic document, part of the series, Dēmos: Clas- sical Athenian Democracy, a publicationpublication ofof e Stoa: a consortium for electronic publication in the humanities [www.stoa.org]. e electronic version of this article off ers contextual information intended to make the study of Athenian democracy more accessible to a wide audience. Please visit the site at http:// www.stoa.org/projects/demos/home. Athenian Political Art from the fi h and fourth centuries: Images of Tribal (Eponymous) Heroes S e Cleisthenic reforms of /, which fi rmly established democracy at Ath- ens, imposed a new division of Attica into ten tribes, each of which consti- tuted a new political and military unit, but included citizens from each of the three geographical regions of Attica – the city, the coast, and the inland. En- rollment in a tribe (according to heredity) was a manda- tory prerequisite for citizenship. As usual in ancient Athenian aff airs, politics and reli- gion came hand in hand and, a er due consultation with Apollo’s oracle at Delphi, each new tribe was assigned to a particular hero a er whom the tribe was named; the ten Amy C. Smith, “Athenian Political Art from the Fi h and Fourth Centuries : Images of Tribal (Eponymous) Heroes,” in C. Blackwell, ed., Dēmos: Classical Athenian Democracy (A.(A. MahoneyMahoney andand R.R. Scaife,Scaife, edd.,edd., e Stoa: a consortium for electronic publication in the humanities [www.stoa.org], . © , A.C. Smith. tribal heroes are thus known as the eponymous (or name giving) heroes. T : Aristotle indicates that each hero already received worship by the time of the Cleisthenic reforms, although little evi- dence as to the nature of the worship of each hero is now known (Aristot. -
Durham E-Theses
Durham E-Theses The legend of Oedipus in fth century tragedy at Athens Bailey, S. K. How to cite: Bailey, S. K. (1955) The legend of Oedipus in fth century tragedy at Athens, Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/9722/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk r 1 THE LEGEND OF OEDIPUS IN FIFTH CENTURY TRAGEDY AT ATHENS A THESIS SUJ3W:TTED BY S.K. BAILEY FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF LETTERS The aims of the thesis are (a) to mark what has been altered or added to the legend of Oedipus by the three great dramatists of the fifth century, and (b) to show that these alterations and additions were made with a· specific end in view. To further these aims it has been necessary to broaden somewhat the scope of the thesis so as to include in it a gathering together of the pre-Aeechylean versions of the story; in the case of Aeschylus a reconstruction of the two lost plays of the trilogy, and in the case of each poet a personal interpretation of the plays connected with the Oedipus legend. -
Stylometric Classification of Ancient Greek Literary Texts by Genre
Stylometric Classification of Ancient Greek Literary Texts by Genre Efthimios Tim Gianitsos Thomas J. Bolt Pramit Chaudhuri Department of Computer Science Department of Classics Department of Classics University of Texas at Austin University of Texas at Austin University of Texas at Austin Joseph P. Dexter Neukom Institute for Computational Science Dartmouth College Abstract analyses of literary genre have been reported, us- ing both English and non-English corpora such Classification of texts by genre is an impor- as classical Malay poetry, German novels, and tant application of natural language process- Arabic religious texts (Tizhoosh et al., 2008; Ku- ing to literary corpora but remains understud- mar and Minz, 2014; Jamal et al., 2012; Hettinger ied for premodern and non-English traditions. et al., 2015; Al-Yahya, 2018). However, computa- We develop a stylometric feature set for an- cient Greek that enables identification of texts tional prediction of even relatively coarse generic as prose or verse. The set contains over 20 distinctions (such as between prose and poetry) re- primarily syntactic features, which are calcu- mains unexplored for classical Greek literature. lated according to custom, language-specific Encompassing the epic poems of Homer, the heuristics. Using these features, we classify tragedies of Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides, almost all surviving classical Greek literature the historical writings of Herodotus, and the phi- as prose or verse with >97% accuracy and F1 losophy of Plato and Aristotle, the surviving lit- score, and further classify a selection of the verse texts into the traditional genres of epic erature of ancient Greece is foundational for the and drama. -
Aus: Zeitschrift Für Papyrologie Und Epigraphik 79 (1989) 80–82 © Dr
IAN WORTHINGTON THOUGHTS ON THE IDENTITY OF DEINARCHUS’ PHILOCLES (III AGAINST PHILOCLES) aus: Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 79 (1989) 80–82 © Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn 80 THOUGHTS ON THE IDENTITY OF DEINARCHUS' PHILOCLES (III AGAINST PHILOCLES) In an appendix to my article on the chronology of the Harpalus affair1 I briefly outlined the arguments of, and my agreement with, O.W.Reinmuth2 which challenged the identification of Philocles, strategos of 325/4, with the Philocles, son of Phormio or Eroeadae, recorded as kosmetes on the Oropus inscription for 324/3.3 Philocles the strategos was responsible for allowing Harpalus to enter Athens against the specific directive of the Assembly ([Plut.] X. Or. 846a), and was brought to trial for this and for accepting a bribe from him in the subsequent scandal; Deinarchus' speech Against Philocles (III) survives from his trial. If the two names refer to the same person, then Philocles was elected kosmetes for 324/33 and then, according to Dein. III.15, suspended from that office when accused of complicity in the Harpalus affair.4 However, since the inscription has him crowned at the end of his year of office the implication to be drawn is that he must have been acquitted as his trial. This is not a satisfactory explanation, and although the matter cannot be resolved with any firm certainty some consideration of Demosthenes' second and third letters, particularly of their date of composition, lends weight to the belief that the two men were not one and the same. In Ep. II.15-17 and 26 Demosthenes states that apart from himself all of those charged in the Harpalus affair were either acquitted or later reprieved, but this is negated by Ep. -
PHILOCLES of SIDON REVISITED Since the Publication Some Years
A PHOENICIAN KING IN THE SERVICE OF THE PTOLEMIES: PHILOCLES OF SIDON REVISITED Since the publication some years ago of the present author’s paper on king Philocles of Sidon1, several related studies have appeared2, which prompt some reflection and updating. Phoenician by birth and Greek by culture, the Sidonian ruler was vested by the first two Ptolemies with far-reaching military, diplomatic and administrative powers. As far as we can infer from the scattered (almost exclusively epigraphical) evidence, Philocles’ career covered at least three decades, from about 3103 to ca. 279/8 BC. Embracing, as it seems, the Aegean as well as the Eastern Mediterranean, his high command can be envisaged as a plenipotentiary generalship or even as a kind of viceroy- ship of the North4. Polyaenus (III 16), the only literary source in which he appears, styles him ‘strategos’, whereas in official, epigraphical documents, the title, when mentioned, is always the by far more prestigious ‘King of the Sido- nians’. As a matter of fact Philocles must have had some fleet squadrons 1 H. HAUBEN, Philocles, King of the Sidonians and General of the Ptolemies, in E. LI- PINSKI (ed.), Phoenicia and the East Mediterranean in the First Millennium B.C. (Studia Phoenicia, V = Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta, 22), Leuven 1987, p. 413-427 [hereafter simply Philocles]. Cf. SEG XXXVIII (1988) 2005. 2 See esp. W. HUSS, Ägypten in hellenistischer Zeit, 332-30 v.Chr., München 2001, p. 171-172 n. 603; p. 204 with n. 112; p. 205 n. 122; p. 209 n. 160; p. 211-212; p. -
The Scenery of the Greek Stage
THE SCENERY OF THE GREEK STAGE. WHILE most of the dispositions of the ancient Greek theatre have been submitted in recent years to a searching examination, the question as to the scenery used as a background to plays has been somewhat neglected. It seems to me that a fresh enquiry on this particular point may be of service. I must preface this enquiry by a statement of the view which I adopt as to the presence or absence of a raised stage in the Greek theatre, since it is obvious that any theory as to scenery must depend in a great degree upon the solution of the stage question which is adopted. It is quite impossible on this occasion to discuss fully the question whether the place of the actors in Greece was the orchestra or the Xoyelov. I can only say that I assume the latter view to be correct. I think that from the time of Aeschylus onwards the stage, which had at first been a low platform of varying size, grew steadily in height as the part of the actors in the performance grew more important, and their independence of the chorus more complete. And as the stage grew higher it also grew narrower by an obvious necessity, until we have the long narrow stone stage of the Hellenistic age, which exactly corresponds with the assertions of Vitruvius and other ancient authorities. * In the last few months a fresh piece of evidence, which tends strongly to confirm this view, has been brought forward. Mr. Fossum,1 who was engaged in 1891 on behalf of the American School of Athens in excavating the theatre at Eretria, has now declared his conviction that he discovered there remains of the elcricvic\r)/ji,a, a pair of parallel lines of slabs of bluish marble on which the eicicv/c\7)/Aa ran backwards and forwards between the skene' and the proscenium. -
The Pythias Excerpted from Secret History of the Witches © 2009 Max Dashu
The Pythias excerpted from Secret History of the Witches © 2009 Max Dashu I count the grains of sand on the beach and measure the sea I understand the speech of the mute and hear the voiceless —Delphic Oracle [Herodotus, I, 47] In the center of the world, a fissure opened from the black depths of Earth, and waters flowed from a spring. The place was called Delphoi (“Womb”). In its cave sanctuary lived a shamanic priestess called the Pythia—Serpent Woman. Her prophetic power came from a she-dragon in the Castalian spring, whose waters had inspirational qualities. She sat on a tripod, breathing vapors that emerged from a deep cleft in the Earth, until she entered trance and prophesied by chanting in verse. The shrine was sacred to the indigenous Aegean earth goddess. The Greeks called her Ge, and later Gaia. Earth was said to have been the first Delphic priestess. [Pindar, fr. 55; Euripides, Iphigenia in Taurus, 1234-83. This idea of Earth as the original oracle and source of prophecy was widespread. The Eumenides play begins with a Pythia intoning, “First in my prayer I call on Earth, primeval prophetess...” [Harrison, 385] Ancient Greek tradition held that there had once been an oracle of Earth at the Gaeion in Olympia, but it had disappeared by the 2nd century. [Pausanias, 10.5.5; Frazer on Apollodorus, note, 10] The oracular cave of Aegira, with its very old wooden image of Broad-bosomed Ge, belonged to Earth too. [Pliny, Natural History 28. 147; Pausanias 7, 25] Entranced priestess dancing with wand, circa 1500 BCE. -
Pausanias' Description of Greece
BONN'S CLASSICAL LIBRARY. PAUSANIAS' DESCRIPTION OF GREECE. PAUSANIAS' TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH \VITTI NOTES AXD IXDEX BY ARTHUR RICHARD SHILLETO, M.A., Soiiii'tinie Scholar of Trinity L'olltge, Cambridge. VOLUME IT. " ni <le Fnusnnias cst un homme (jui ne mnnquo ni de bon sens inoins a st-s tlioux." hnniie t'oi. inais i}iii rn>it ou au voudrait croire ( 'HAMTAiiNT. : ftEOROE BELL AND SONS. YOUK STIIKKT. COVKNT (iAKDKX. 188t). CHISWICK PRESS \ C. WHITTINGHAM AND CO., TOOKS COURT, CHANCEKV LANE. fA LC >. iV \Q V.2- CONTEXTS. PAGE Book VII. ACHAIA 1 VIII. ARCADIA .61 IX. BtEOTIA 151 -'19 X. PHOCIS . ERRATA. " " " Volume I. Page 8, line 37, for Atte read Attes." As vii. 17. 2<i. (Catullus' Aft is.) ' " Page 150, line '22, for Auxesias" read Anxesia." A.-> ii. 32. " " Page 165, lines 12, 17, 24, for Philhammon read " Philanimon.'' " " '' Page 191, line 4, for Tamagra read Tanagra." " " Pa ire 215, linu 35, for Ye now enter" read Enter ye now." ' " li I'aijf -J27, line 5, for the Little Iliad read The Little Iliad.'- " " " Page ^S9, line 18, for the Babylonians read Babylon.'' " 7 ' Volume II. Page 61, last line, for earth' read Earth." " Page 1)5, line 9, tor "Can-lira'" read Camirus." ' ; " " v 1'age 1 69, line 1 , for and read for. line 2, for "other kinds of flutes "read "other thites.'' ;< " " Page 201, line 9. for Lacenian read Laeonian." " " " line 10, for Chilon read Cliilo." As iii. 1H. Pago 264, " " ' Page 2G8, Note, for I iad read Iliad." PAUSANIAS. BOOK VII. ACIIAIA. -
Hybrid Monsters
HYBRID MONSTERS IN THE CLASSICAL WORLD THE NATURE AND FUNCTION OF HYBRID MONSTERS IN GREEK MYTHOLOGY, LITERATURE AND ART by Liane Posthumus Thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Master of Philosophy in Ancient Cultures at the University of Stellenbosch Supervisor: Prof. J.C. Thom Co-supervisor: Dr. S. Thom Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences Department of Ancient Studies March 2011 Declaration By submitting this thesis electronically, I declare that the entirety of the work contained therein is my own, original work, that I am the authorship owner thereof (unless to the extent explicitly otherwise stated) and that I have not previously in its entirety or in part submitted it for obtaining any qualification. Date: 28 February 2011 Copyright © 2010 University of Stellenbosch All rights reserved i ABSTRACT The aim of this thesis is to explore the purpose of monster figures by investigating the relationship between these creatures and the cultures in which they are generated. It focuses specifically on the human-animal hybrid monsters in the mythology, literature and art of ancient Greece. It attempts to answer the question of the purpose of these monsters by looking specifically at the nature of man- horse monsters and the ways in which their dichotomous internal and external composition challenged the cultural taxonomy of ancient Greece. It also looks at the function of monsters in a ritual context and how the Theseus myth, as initiation myth, and the Minotaur, as hybrid monster, conforms to the expectations of ritual monsters. The investigation starts by considering the history and uses of the term “monster” in an attempt to arrive at a reasonable definition of monstrosity. -
Mythic Bio-Techne in Classical Antiquity: Desire, Hope, and Dread
Mayor, Mythic Bio-Techne, 1 Mythic Bio-Techne in Classical Antiquity: Desire, Hope, and Dread Adrienne Mayor Biotechnique Exhibit Catalog, Yerba Buena Center for the Arts, 2007 The apprehension and exuberance (rational or otherwise) evoked by obscuring the lines between the natural and unnatural, art and science, life and death, might seem to be new constellations of human emotions called into being by uniquely modern biotechnological advances. Concepts of replicating, amplifying, and creating life itself— and the ambivalence that surrounds such issues—have very ancient roots, and were explored in Greek mythology and art, thousands of years before the advent of modern science. Ancient narratives about artificial life, surpassing human limits, and controlling potentially dangerous biotechnologies feature familiar legendary figures: Hercules, Medea, Daedalus, Pandora. Classical stories describing what the ancient Greeks might have termed bio- techne (bios, life, crafted through the art of science, techne) eerily foreshadow the ways that contemporary feelings of optimism about modern biotechnology vie with a sense of dread. In classical antiquity, as in modernity, cultural dreams and nightmares about bio-techne Mayor, Mythic Bio-Techne, 2 inspired artistic endeavors. Artisans created hybrid mythological life- forms for public display. Bio-techne myths led playwrights like Euripides and Sophocles to produce haunting dramatic performances, and artists illustrated the stories in vase paintings and sculpture. These classical artifacts continue to have powerful impacts on modern audiences. The stories discussed in this essay help to place the seemingly modern idea of manipulating life within early mytho-historic traditions. The examples I’ve selected fall into four, often overlapping categories.