The Perception of Non-Perception: Lessons for Art Education with Downcast Eyes (Part One: Trompe-L’Oeil and the Question of Radical Evil)
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Understanding Art in Antwerp Classicising the Popular
94924_Ranmakers GSCC vwk 12-12-2011 09:04 Page iii Understanding Art in Antwerp Classicising the Popular, Popularising the Classic (1540 – 1580) EDITED BY Bart Ramakers PEETERS LEUVEN - PARIS - WALPOLE, MA 2011 CONTENTS Preface and Acknowledgements ix Understanding Art in Antwerp. An Introduction Bart Ramakers xi Contributors xxiii Session I Lost in Translation? Thinking about Classical and Vernacular Art in Antwerp, 1540-1580 Joanna Woodall 1 After the Flood. Luxurious Antwerp and Antiquity David Rijser 25 Session II Reformulating St Luke. Frans Floris on Art and Diligence Annette de Vries 37 The Annexation of the Antique. The Topic of the Living Picture in Sixteenth-Century Antwerp Caecilie Weissert 53 St Luke’s Diligence Elizabeth Honig 69 Session III Classical Architecture and the Communion Debate. The Iconography of Suggestion Koenraad Jonckheere 75 Prints as Perfect Means of Communication. Allegorical Prints with Moral and Religious Messages Invented by Willem van Haecht Yvonne Bleyerveld 93 vi CONTENTS Visual Pamphleteering and the Invention of its Idiom in Rebellious Antwerp Catrien Santing 109 Session IV Pieter Bruegel and the Art of Vernacular Cultivation Todd M. Richardson 115 For the Illustration of Rhetoric. Cornelis van Ghistele, Virgil and the Ideology of Learned Rhetorijcke Femke Hemelaar 131 Learned Humanist Drama Classicising the Popular Jan Bloemendal 151 Session V Lady Pictura and Lady Rhetorica in Mid-Sixteenth-Century Antwerp. Upgrading Painting and Rhetorijcke by Linking Them to the Liberal Arts Stijn Bussels 157 Mirroring God, Reflecting Man. Shaping Identity Through Knowledge in the Antwerp Plays of 1561 Jeroen Vandommele 173 Rhetoricians as a Bridge Between Learned and Vernacular Culture Hilde de Ridder-Symoens 197 Session VI A Pure Marriage Bed. -
The Scenery of the Greek Stage
THE SCENERY OF THE GREEK STAGE. WHILE most of the dispositions of the ancient Greek theatre have been submitted in recent years to a searching examination, the question as to the scenery used as a background to plays has been somewhat neglected. It seems to me that a fresh enquiry on this particular point may be of service. I must preface this enquiry by a statement of the view which I adopt as to the presence or absence of a raised stage in the Greek theatre, since it is obvious that any theory as to scenery must depend in a great degree upon the solution of the stage question which is adopted. It is quite impossible on this occasion to discuss fully the question whether the place of the actors in Greece was the orchestra or the Xoyelov. I can only say that I assume the latter view to be correct. I think that from the time of Aeschylus onwards the stage, which had at first been a low platform of varying size, grew steadily in height as the part of the actors in the performance grew more important, and their independence of the chorus more complete. And as the stage grew higher it also grew narrower by an obvious necessity, until we have the long narrow stone stage of the Hellenistic age, which exactly corresponds with the assertions of Vitruvius and other ancient authorities. * In the last few months a fresh piece of evidence, which tends strongly to confirm this view, has been brought forward. Mr. Fossum,1 who was engaged in 1891 on behalf of the American School of Athens in excavating the theatre at Eretria, has now declared his conviction that he discovered there remains of the elcricvic\r)/ji,a, a pair of parallel lines of slabs of bluish marble on which the eicicv/c\7)/Aa ran backwards and forwards between the skene' and the proscenium. -
The Pythias Excerpted from Secret History of the Witches © 2009 Max Dashu
The Pythias excerpted from Secret History of the Witches © 2009 Max Dashu I count the grains of sand on the beach and measure the sea I understand the speech of the mute and hear the voiceless —Delphic Oracle [Herodotus, I, 47] In the center of the world, a fissure opened from the black depths of Earth, and waters flowed from a spring. The place was called Delphoi (“Womb”). In its cave sanctuary lived a shamanic priestess called the Pythia—Serpent Woman. Her prophetic power came from a she-dragon in the Castalian spring, whose waters had inspirational qualities. She sat on a tripod, breathing vapors that emerged from a deep cleft in the Earth, until she entered trance and prophesied by chanting in verse. The shrine was sacred to the indigenous Aegean earth goddess. The Greeks called her Ge, and later Gaia. Earth was said to have been the first Delphic priestess. [Pindar, fr. 55; Euripides, Iphigenia in Taurus, 1234-83. This idea of Earth as the original oracle and source of prophecy was widespread. The Eumenides play begins with a Pythia intoning, “First in my prayer I call on Earth, primeval prophetess...” [Harrison, 385] Ancient Greek tradition held that there had once been an oracle of Earth at the Gaeion in Olympia, but it had disappeared by the 2nd century. [Pausanias, 10.5.5; Frazer on Apollodorus, note, 10] The oracular cave of Aegira, with its very old wooden image of Broad-bosomed Ge, belonged to Earth too. [Pliny, Natural History 28. 147; Pausanias 7, 25] Entranced priestess dancing with wand, circa 1500 BCE. -
Athenian Democracy and Popular Tyranny
UC Berkeley UC Berkeley Previously Published Works Title Athenian democracy and popular tyranny Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/4dj5x065 ISBN 9781107130401 Author Hoekstra, K Publication Date 2016-03-24 DOI 10.1017/CBO9781316418024.002 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Athenian Democracy and Popular Tyranny Kinch Hoekstra I An account of popular sovereignty that begins with the fifth century BCE may seem to be off to a false start.1 Foundational works in the history of political thought have taught us that the very notion of sovereignty, and thus of popular sovereignty, emerged from the particular historical circumstances of the early modern era. One might thus believe that fifth-century Greeks could not be discussing popular sovereignty some two thousand years before this concept’s emergence.2 Leading ancient historians and classicists have adopted this view, deeming ‘sovereignty’ a misleadingly anachronistic way of thinking about Athenian democracy in the classical period.3 For the concept of sovereignty seems 1 By agreement, my primary focus is on the fifth century BCE (esp. its second half) and Melissa Lane’s in her contribution is on the fourth. Earlier versions of this chapter were presented at Queen Mary, University of London (Popular Sovereignty Project); Stanford University (Workshop on Ethics and Politics, Ancient and Modern); and UCLA (a combined meeting of the Legal Theory Workshop and the Political Theory Workshop). I am grateful to the audiences on each of these occasions, and for comments from Mark Greenberg, Amanda Greene, Tim Hoekstra, Seth Jaffe, Kathryn Morgan, Seana Shiffrin, and Quentin Skinner. -
Hybrid Monsters
HYBRID MONSTERS IN THE CLASSICAL WORLD THE NATURE AND FUNCTION OF HYBRID MONSTERS IN GREEK MYTHOLOGY, LITERATURE AND ART by Liane Posthumus Thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Master of Philosophy in Ancient Cultures at the University of Stellenbosch Supervisor: Prof. J.C. Thom Co-supervisor: Dr. S. Thom Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences Department of Ancient Studies March 2011 Declaration By submitting this thesis electronically, I declare that the entirety of the work contained therein is my own, original work, that I am the authorship owner thereof (unless to the extent explicitly otherwise stated) and that I have not previously in its entirety or in part submitted it for obtaining any qualification. Date: 28 February 2011 Copyright © 2010 University of Stellenbosch All rights reserved i ABSTRACT The aim of this thesis is to explore the purpose of monster figures by investigating the relationship between these creatures and the cultures in which they are generated. It focuses specifically on the human-animal hybrid monsters in the mythology, literature and art of ancient Greece. It attempts to answer the question of the purpose of these monsters by looking specifically at the nature of man- horse monsters and the ways in which their dichotomous internal and external composition challenged the cultural taxonomy of ancient Greece. It also looks at the function of monsters in a ritual context and how the Theseus myth, as initiation myth, and the Minotaur, as hybrid monster, conforms to the expectations of ritual monsters. The investigation starts by considering the history and uses of the term “monster” in an attempt to arrive at a reasonable definition of monstrosity. -
The Attitude of Marcus Tullius Cicero to Greek Art*
Elżbieta Woźniak Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej, Lublin THE ATTITUDE OF MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO TO GREEK ART* This great orator, philosopher, scholar and at the same time a statesman, is one of the best-known figures in the period of the Late Republic owing to the fortunate preservation of his rich and diverse works until the present time. That is why ancient historians refer to his testimony in many of their studies. When investigating the problems connected with the Late Republican art, it is essential that we focus attention on the views and attitude of this eminent representative of nobilitas towards Greek art. In his speeches, and oratorical and philosophical works Cicero reveals two somewhat different attitudes towards art. When he tries to be more of an advocate and moralist in the spirit of Roman traditionalism and practicalism, he shows detachment from the matters of art. For example, he finds it right to worship the statues built in memory of the citizens who served the Republic well1 but he adds that the works of painters and sculptors are not essential for the fame of eminent people2. In another work he says that equally unreasonable are those who delight too much in statutes, paintings, decorative silver articles, Corinthian vases, and sumptuous houses3, even if they wish to emphasize their dignity and position in the State in this way. At this point he points to L. Mummius, who scorned all of Corinth4. This statement requires an extensive comment: Mum- mius spurned the magnificent works of art from Corinth, having kept nothing for himself but bringing these spoils to Rome to adorn the temples and squares in the capital. -
Aetion, Artist of the Age of Alexander
Искусство и художественная культура Древнего мира 103 УДК: 7.032 ББК: 85.103(0)32 А43 DOI: 10.18688/aa177-1-11 Antonio Corso Aetion, Artist of the Age of Alexander Aetion was a renowned painter of pictures who is known thanks to several passages of an- cient writers, especially of Cicero, Pliny and Lucian: these three authorities were quite learned in the realm of visual arts [7, pp. 257–263]. The chronologically first surviving testimony about this artist is Cicero,Paradoxa Stoicorum 33–38. In this passage the writer from Arpinum is criticizing the Romans who madly loved works of art by the greatest Greek masters, because they were not free but slaves of their pas- sions: “You stand gaping spell-bound before a picture of Aetion or a statue of Polyclitus. I pass over the question where you got it from and how you come to have it, but when I see you gazing and marveling and uttering cries of admiration, I judge you to be the slave of any foolishness. ‘Then are not those kinds of things delightful?’ Granted that they are, for we also have trained eyes; but I beg of you, do let the charm that those things are deemed to possess make them serve not as fetters for men but as amusements for children” (transl. Loeb with amendments). We argue from this passage that in late republican Rome pictures of Aetion were objects of deeply felt admiration. They were collected by private owners but were also disliked by the most traditionalist quarter of the Roman society. -
Robert Graves the White Goddess
ROBERT GRAVES THE WHITE GODDESS IN DEDICATION All saints revile her, and all sober men Ruled by the God Apollo's golden mean— In scorn of which I sailed to find her In distant regions likeliest to hold her Whom I desired above all things to know, Sister of the mirage and echo. It was a virtue not to stay, To go my headstrong and heroic way Seeking her out at the volcano's head, Among pack ice, or where the track had faded Beyond the cavern of the seven sleepers: Whose broad high brow was white as any leper's, Whose eyes were blue, with rowan-berry lips, With hair curled honey-coloured to white hips. Green sap of Spring in the young wood a-stir Will celebrate the Mountain Mother, And every song-bird shout awhile for her; But I am gifted, even in November Rawest of seasons, with so huge a sense Of her nakedly worn magnificence I forget cruelty and past betrayal, Careless of where the next bright bolt may fall. FOREWORD am grateful to Philip and Sally Graves, Christopher Hawkes, John Knittel, Valentin Iremonger, Max Mallowan, E. M. Parr, Joshua IPodro, Lynette Roberts, Martin Seymour-Smith, John Heath-Stubbs and numerous correspondents, who have supplied me with source- material for this book: and to Kenneth Gay who has helped me to arrange it. Yet since the first edition appeared in 1946, no expert in ancient Irish or Welsh has offered me the least help in refining my argument, or pointed out any of the errors which are bound to have crept into the text, or even acknowledged my letters. -
Visualizing Poetry in Practice in Early Modern Italian Art
Athens Journal of Humanities & Arts - Volume 8, Issue 3, July 2021 – Pages 189-208 Li Pittori Parlano con l’Opere: Visualizing Poetry in Practice in Early Modern Italian Art By James Hutson* The relative sophistication of artists in the early modern era is contested, especially with regards to their educational backgrounds. On one hand, Dempsey-esque intellectual history is vested in touting the structured, literary curricula in art-educational institutions; while on the other, a complete rejection of the ‚artist-philosopher‛ as historical fiction seeks to undermine this hegemonic construct. This study argues that the lack of early formal education in the cases of artist like Annibale Carracci and Nicolas Poussin, who, unlike Peter Paul Rubens, did not have a firm foundation in the classics and languages that would allow them to engage directly with source material, would later be supplemented through their relationships with literary figures in the circles of Torquato Tasso, Giambattista Marino, and the Accademia dei Gelati. In addition to such relationships, informal exchanges, gatherings, and supplemental materials like Giovanni Paolo Gallucci’s Della Simmetria could be called upon when treating poetic subjects. With intimate knowledge of vernacular poetry, literati themselves participating in lectures and studio visits, and, finally, quick reference guides for subject matter, these artists were able to produce works that spoke to both poetic and artistic theory of the day, as one naturally informed the other. Introduction ‚Poets paint with words, painters speak with their works.‛1 This aphorism of Annibale Carracci (1560-1609) followed a superb rendering of the Laocoön in charcoal, expertly rendered from memory. -
The Education of Artists in Ancient Greece
Hyperboreus 18:1 (2012) Antonio Corso THE EDUCATION OF ARTISTS IN ANCIENT GREECE Introductory Remarks The aim of this article is to collect the written evidence which may help us to understand what type of education and training ancient Greek artists enjoyed throughout the different ages and in the most important artistic centres. As I shall point out several documents may be also enlightening about the relations between masters and pupils and may indicate the infl uence of philosophical ideas on this phenomenon. I believe that this topic has been little studied and that several relevant sources have not yet been fully used in order to enhance our knowledge of this issue.1 These considerations hopefully justify the present study of this topic. Masters and pupils in the workshops of artists of archaic Greece In archaic Greece the rivalry among craftsmen who work with the same materials and the same techniques was very harsh. 1 I delivered lectures on the education of ancient Greek artists in the University of Pavia in March, 2007 as well as at Saint-Petersburg, in the Bibliotheca Classica, in September, 2007. I thank Prof. Harari, who invited me to deliver my lecture in Pavia, as well as Profs. Kazansky, Gavrilov, Verlinsky, who encouraged me to talk about the results of my research in Saint-Petersburg. About workshops in ancient Greece, see S. Nolte, Steinbruch – Werkstatt – Skulptur (Göttingen 2006) 9–303 who cites the most important previous bibliography. About workshops of painters see A. Anguissola, “La bottega dell’artista”, in: C. Gallazzi and S. Settis (eds.), Le tre vite del Papiro di Artemidoro (Milan 2006) 124–131 with relevant previous bibliography. -
The Timanthes-Effect. Another Note on the Historical Explanation of Pictures1
The Timanthes-effect. Another note on the historical explanation of pictures1 Koenraad Jonckheere THIS IS A DRAFT OF AN UNPUBLISHED PAPER – PLEASE DO NOT QUOTE In his Historia Naturalis, Pliny the Elder described a contest between Zeuxis and Parrhasius. Zeuxis was a painter working in Athens in the fifth century BC. Parrhasius of Ephesus was his main artistic rival. The two painters were believed to be the best living artists and in order to settle the discussion a contest was organized. Both were to make a painting and it was to be decided which one was the most lifelike. Zeuxis revealed his panel first. He had painted grapes, which looked so convincing and inviting that birds immediately fell from the sky to peck them. Proudly Zeuxis now asked Parrhasius to slip the curtain of his painting, only to find out that it was a trompe-l'oeil instead of an actual drape. Zeuxis immediately admitted he had lost the contest and great- heartedly congratulated Parrhasius on his triumph.2 Pliny’s story is a wonderful metaphor on human visual cognition. While Zeuxis had indeed deceived the birds, Parrhasius deceived Zeuxis, the most famous artist, by tricking him into trusting his patterns of expectation only to 1 I would like to thank XXX 2 Pliny, Naturalis Historia, 35.145; On this story see recently: Sarah Blake McHam, Pliny and the Artistic Culture of the Italian Renaissance: The Legacy of the Natural History (London - New Haven: Yale University Press, 2013), p. 47. Stijn Bussels, The Animated Image. Roman Theory on Naturalism, Vividness and Divine Power (Leiden - Berlin: Leiden University Press - Akademie Verlag, 2012), passim. -
Thucydides, "Funeral Oration of Pericles"
ART HUMANITIES: PRIMARY SOURCE READER Section 1: The Parthenon Art Humanities Primary Source Reading 1 Thucydides, "Funeral Oration of Pericles" EXCERPT FROM HISTORY OF THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR, 5TH CENTURY B.C. Thucydides, one of the most important Greek writers of the period during which the Parthenon was constructed, is the author of a history of the war between Athens and Sparta (the so-called Peloponnesian War, 431-404 BCE). As an Athenian general, Thucydides was a first-hand witness to the conflict. His history, an incomplete work in eight books, includes a famous speech by the statesman Pericles, one of the most prominent leaders of the Athenian democracy. The speech is a funeral oration, delivered during public ceremonies the winter after the beginning of the war to honor soldiers killed in the first campaign. As a tribute to the fallen, Pericles praises the city of Athens as the embodiment of the ideals Athenian soldiers died to defend. To the grieving populace, he says: “I would have you day by day fix your eyes upon the greatness of Athens,” alluding at least in part to the city’s massive religious sanctuary, whose centerpiece was the Parthenon. Set high above the city on the Acropolis plateau, this temple to Athena had been inaugurated in 432, only one year before the outbreak of war. The Parthenon and its lavish sculptural decoration transformed the Acropolis into a celebration of Athenian civic principles and pride; it was in many ways a political monument as well as a religious center. The Greek world of the 5th century BCE was divided into more or less autonomous city-states, of which Athens and Sparta were among the most powerful and feared.