RED PARASOLS 0 V E R AN ANTIPODEAN IT AL l J w A study of The Lone Hand and the people vho made it.

A research thesis submitted to the school of History, University of , as partial requirement for the degree of M.A. [Bonsl I I

b r a d 1 e y f i t z m a u r i c e 1 9 8 6 , i ' ~ . , (- , , ~ \ . ' ' ( ; ._ ' . . - . , ' - ~ , °'" / t , t r\ ".'\_ "- I r , . . -~ , I , - ,-./ t· , . • ll , '-- ' "'-- /' ' ' I / • J / /'. , , 1 , - , ~ \ , ~ • 1 , ✓• \ , I._, I - ♦ \. \ \ \_ "- ) - /' -----..c ' \ , - , ~ ~ \ ' ~ - rl • ' "" I • ' / • ' ~•' ' - ' > •, ~ '- I ,ii,-·• 'y J '\ ~ ~ I' ' • ~ • / \ \ \ \ 'r I ABSTRACT

Th• thesis examines THE LONE HAND, a literary/artistic offshoot of the BULLETIN and the first sophisticated, high quality, monthly magazine produced in . Essentially the aim has been to construct a foundation upon which future work can build. Taking up Professor Michael Roe's (1976) observation that "historians have yet to recognise the significance of the LONE HAND," attention is drawn to the value of the magazine in terms of both the wealth of historical material it contains and the insight it offers into the development of Australian cultural traditions. It is argued that in adopting a cosmopolitan and optimistic outlook, THE LONE HAND represented a deliberate departure from the parochialism of the BULLETIN and in doing so spoke specifically to and for the interests of the emergent Australian suburban bourgeoisie. The magazine is considered within the broad socio-intellectual context from which it emerged as well as the prevailing trends in journalism and magazine production. Research has been almost exclusively based on primary material, namely, original copies of the magazine and personal manuscripts of the contributors. For my parents and Jo-Anne Co nt e n t s

Acknowledgements ii

Tables iii

Illustrations iv

Introduction vi

1. The Kingdom Of Nothingness Before The Storm l

2. Sunshine, Good Cooking And Red Umbrellas 12

3. The Editor's Uneasy Chair 22

4. The Men Who Made It 53

5. For The Public Good 63

Concluding Remarks 79

Appendix One 81

Appendix Two 84

Bibliography 85

i A c t n o v1 e d g e I e nt s muwan: - ---

I am indebted to Martin Smith, Margot Hofacher, Gretta Kool, Lawrence Dunn, Jane Glad (nee Lindsay) who granted me access to her complete set of THE LONE HAND and to my supervisor, Dr. David Walker.

ii Ta b I e s --- = -- =

Facing Page

1. Major Literary Contributors To The Lone Hand 54 2. Contributions Under Editors (Authors) SS

3. Place Of Birth (Authors) 56

4. Age As Of 1907 (Authors) 56 s. Place Of Birth (Artists) 56 6. Age As Of 1907 (Artists) 56

7. Major Artistic Contributors 57 8. Contributions Under Editors (Artists) 58

All Tables compiled by author from material listed in Bibliography.

iii I I I u s t r a t i o n s --· ..... Facing Page

1. Cover, The Lone Hand, May 1907 vi 2. A.G. Stephens 10 3. The Lone Hand On Sale 18 4. Advertisement, Champion's Vinegar 20 5. J.F. Archibald 22 6. Frank Fox 26 7. Cartoon, 'A Christmas Story' 27 8. Cover, The Lone Hand, February 1909 29 9. Cover, The Lone Hand, August 1908 33 10. Printer's Error Competition 36 11. Arthur H. Adams 41 12. Poem, 'From A Cremorne Balcony' 42 13. Editorial Announcement 44 14. Editorial Announcement 45 15. Cover, The Lone Hand, May 1910 46 16. Bertram Stevens 47 17. Low Caricatures 59 18. Low Caricatures 60 19. Advertisement, Wolfe's Schnapps 61 20. Cover, The Lone Hand, April 1909 62 21. Cover, The Lone Hand, January 1914 63 22. 'Circular Quay', 76

iv In order that society should exist, and, a j'lortiori, that a society should prosper. it is required that all the minds of the citizens should be rallied and held together by certain predominant ideas ••••

Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America.

In every literature's growth, there comes a stage when a primitive vigour must be refined to serve more sophisticated purposes.

A.A. Phillips, The Famild Relationship. In vanished days of want and sin, The "Lone Hand" was the "Bulletin". The Lone Hand in the days of old, He worked alone in search of gold; The Lone Hand in the days of youth, He worked alone in search of Truth; The Lone Hand in the days of Might, He strikes alone to shield the Right. And countless scores in high co11111&nd Through all their lives played a lone hand. Oh! men and women, lined of brow! And boys and girls who play it now! Though cold looks freeze and hot tears scald, Stick to the right, like Archibald, And guide your future by the past - A loving Lone Hand till the last.

Henry Lawson, THE LONE HAND, 1.11.1921.

V rlAY 1907

PRI'CE

l. Cover, THE LONE HAND, May 1907.

. , - .. , ...... I n t r a d u c t i o n

THE LONE HAND was the first sophisticated high quality magazine of art and literature produced in Australia. A brave and daring venture, it was designed to transform the Kingdom of Nothingness into an Antipodean Italy. Coualncing publication in May 1907, THE LONE HAND was set up by t~e BULLETIN to provide • a vehicle through which Australian literary and artistic talent could be developed. Cultural standards within the new nation were to be enhanced by drawing from the experiences of the outside world. In effect, THE LONE HAND was intended as a declaration that the Australian nation had come of age.

Advocating a departure from the gloom and despair of the wattle and bottle tradition that had been fostered by the BULLETIN in the late nineteenth century, THE LONE HAND actively encouraged "a sturdy optimism", endeavouring "to strike 1 a keynote of cheerfulness" in Australian life. Furthermore, unlike the BULLETIN, THE LONE HAND was purportedly apolitical, its only politics being "sunshine and good cooking, open air music and red umbrellas."2 It was a celebration of current prosperity. There was no promotion of radical class consciousness as there had been in the BUL~ETIN. Instead, THE LONE HAND disseminated a set of ideals and values emphasising national and cultural development, that were consistent with, indeed were a vital component of the prevailing bourgeois hegemony. 3

1. BULLETIN, 2 May 1907, p.24. 2. BULLETIN, 7 February 1907, p.9. 3. Connell has provided a useful definition of hegemony: "A situation where the subordinate class lives its daily life in forms created by, or consistent with the interests of the dominant class, and through this daily life acquires beliefs, emotions and ways of thinking that serve to perpetuate the class structure." C.R.W. Connell and T.H. Irving, CZass St'l'Ucture in AustraZian History, , 1980; J.V. Femia, "The Gramsci Phenomenon: Some Reflect­ ions", PoZiticaL Studies, XXVII, 3, pp.472-483; J.V. Femia, "Hegemony and Consciousness in the Thought of Antonio Gramsci", PoZiticaZ Studies, XXIII, l,· pp.29-48; J. Howley, "Antonio Gramsci's Marxism: Class, State and Work", Social, ProbZems, 27, S, 1980, pp.542-600; G. Williams, "Gramsci's Concept of 'Egomania"', Journ.aZ of the History of Ideas, 21, 4, pp.586-599.

vi Wh•r••• the BULLETIN.bad begun publication under so•what inauspicious ci~cuutanc•• and with a limited budget, THE LONE HAND wa• launched amidst considerable fanfare and it appears that no expense was spared in getting it to print which, according to an early prospectus, wa• done uaing "special paper, special type, special machinery [and] a special Mchanical staff."1 But money was unable to buy eventual success and, in contra•t to the raga to riches story of the BULLETIN, the story of THE LONE HAND 1a a slow, unfolding tragedy., The I first issue of THE LONE HAND, for which 50,000 copies.-bad been printed, sold out in three days, which led to the proprietors having to cancel all overseas consignments that had not been previously paid for. 2 The BULLETIN boasted that it was "the biggest sensation the trade has known. 113 The second issue sold out on the first day and by this time the magazine was receiving critical as well as commercial success - the DAILY MAIL for example, declared that "the new magazine approximates to perfection ••• marking a new epoch in ."4

But this initial success was not sustained. In the face of falling subscript­ ions the successive editors were forced to implement a number of fundamental changes. The first of these came in May 1910 when Arthur Adams reduced the price of the magazine from one shilling to sixpence. In December 1913 Bertram Stevens, who had succeeded Adams, introduced a new series which appeared in a larger format and contained considerably less original material. On the outbreak of war in August 1914, the BULLETIN Co. sold its holdings and an independent company, THE LONE HAND Ltd. was formed, the major shareholder of which was Syd. Day The Printer Pty. Ltd. whose plant was located in the BULLETIN premises. In January 1919 an unknown sponsor assumed control and for the final two years (July 1919 - February 1921) the magazine was owned by A.A. Catts, New Century Press Ltd.5

1. BULLETIN, 4 April 1907, p.15. 2. THE LONE HAND (L.H.J, 'The Editor's Uneasy Chair' ('E.U.C.'), July 1907, p.xxi; BULLETIN, 9 May 1907, p.15. 3. BULLETIN, 9 May 1907, p.15. 4. Cited in 'E.U.C.', April 1908, p.vii. 5. The machinations of THE LONE HAND proprietorship is an interesting issue, not dealt with here, but which might be taken up in future research. Records are scarce and hard to come by and so the task would not be easy. It appears that several members of the original proprietorship retained shares in later pro­ prietorships - McCleod, for example, is known to have negotiated the sale of THE LONE HAND to A.A. Catts.

vii Apart from the Edito~ship, THE LONE HAND did not have a formal staff as such, the.work being done predominantly by BULLETIN staff and regular contributors. This latter group included , , Louis Esson, Roderick Quinn and Frank Wilmot. THE LONE HAND also encouraged contributions from its readers and, as was the case with the BULLETIN, the amount of contributions received was considerable. That THE LONE HAND attracted so many writers of high calibre is not surprising, given that the magazine provided an excellent forum I for creativity that could not have been expressed witain the rigid format of a weekly newspaper such as the BULLETIN. The magazine format and the use of full colour especially lent itself to high quality art reproduction. Among the scores of artists whose work appeared in THE LONE HAND weie 'Hop'• Lionel and (whose depiction of a sturdy, independent prospector - a "Lone Hand" as it were - adorned the front cover of the first issue), Spence, Lambert, Souter, Weston and Longstaff.

The fact that THE LONE HAND provided such an important forum for Australian writers and artists is sufficient justification for a scholarly examination of the journal. Moreover, in tackling the major issues of the day: air, land and naval defence, social and working conditions, and the general health of the community, THE LONE HAND provides an excellent insight into early twentieth century Australian society. It is therefore surprising that THE LONE HAND has escaped the attention of Australian historians. The magazine has been indexed twice, by Cyril Hannaford, and Kit Taylor, both indexes being completed at approximately the same time. 1 A "survey" of ':EE :.ONE i:A.W was completed in 1957 by Mrs. Catherine Hobbs, but unfortunately this is almost inaccessible, lying buried in the labyrinth that is the Mitchell Manuscripts Department. 2 Apart from this and a number of passing references, I have been unable to uncover any major secondary work dealing with THE LONE HAND. Regrettably, Michael Roe's (1976) observation that "historians have yet to recognise the significance of THE LONE HAND" is all too true. 3 Herein lies the real tragedy of THE LONE HAND.

1. C.H. Hannaford, Index to THE LONE HAND (First Series), ,1967; K. Taylor, A History of THE LONE HAND !Jith Indexes, Melbourne, 1977. Two unsuccessful attempts were made to contact Kit Taylor. 2. Access to this work is restricted, and I have been unable to contact the author. 3. M. Roe, "The Establishment of the Australian Department of Health", Historiaai Studies, 17, 67, October 1976, p.188.

viii H~atorian•' neglect ~f THE LONE HAND is all the more surprising given the copious exaaination of the BULLETIN and the extensive treatment of Australian -· 1 nationalism. Hans Kohn has defined nationaliam aa "a state of aind in which the aupreme loyalty of the individual is felt to be due to the nation state."2 The function of nationalism, it is argued, 11 to provide the ideological cement. a common identity which unites individual ■ within a modern nation state. 3 National myth■, the substance or rather nuts and bolts of nationalism prpvide I the cultural and psychological defence of property. In a long and ongoing debate of historical method and ideology, so• historian■ have argued that the Bush is the source of our national identity. 4 Others have looked to the Anzac legend5 while others have argued that:

1. For the BULLETIN see esp. P. Rolfe. The Journalistic Javelin. , 1979; s. Lawson, The A:rchibald Pa:radoz. Penguin, 1983; A. Tho•on, "The Early History of the Bulletin". Histo:rical Studies, 6, 22, Hay 1954, pp.121-135; A.W. Jose. The Romantic Nineties. Sydney, 1933. For works on Australian nationalism see: C.S. Blackton, "Australian Nationality and Nationalism, 1850-1900", Histo:rical Studies. 9. 3. Hay 1961, pp.351-365; c.s. Blackton, "Australian Nationality and Nativism: The Australian Natives Association. 1885-1901", Journal of Modem History, xxx. I, March 1958, pp.37-47; c.s. Blackton, "Australian Nationality and Nationalism: The Imperial Federationist Interlude, 1885-1902", Histo:rical Studies. 7. 25, November 1955, pp.1-16; C. Grimshaw, "Australian Nationalism and the Imperial Connection, 1900-1914". Aust:ralian Journal of Politics and History. III. 2. May 1958, pp.161-82; C. Hamann, "Nationalism and Reform in Australian Architecture 1880-1920" 1 Historical Studies. 18, 72, April 1979, pp,393-411; S.P. Shortus, "Colonial Nationalism: New South Welsh Identity in the Mid-1880's", Journal of the Royal Australian Histo:rical Society. 59, l, March 1983, pp.31-51; R. Ward, "Two Kinds of Australian Patriotism", Victorian Historical Magazine, 41, 5, February 1970, pp.225-243; M. Roe, "An Historical Survey of Australian Nationalism", Victo:rian Histo:riaaZ Magazine, 42, 4, November 1971, pp.656-678; H. McQueen, A Nel,J B:ritannia, Penguin, 1976; J. Turner (ed.) 1 The Australian D:rearn. Melbourne. 1968; C.M.H. Clark, The Quest for an Australian Identity, St. Lucia, 1980. 2. H. Kohn, Nationalism. Its Meaning and History. New Jersey, 1955, p.9; qv. E. Kaaenka, Nationalism: The Natu:re and Evolution of an Idea. Canberra, 1973. D. Potter, "The Historian's Use of Nationalism and Vice Versa", Ame:rican Histo:ricaZ Review. LXVIII, July 1962, pp.169-204; B.C. Shafer, Nationalism: Intezspretors and Intezspretations. 2nd Ed., Washington, 1963; L.L. Snyder, TM Neaning of Nationalism. New Jersey, 1954. 3. H. Kohn. op.cit •• pp.9ff. 4. R. Ward, The Australian Legend, Melbourne, 1958; R. Ward, "Collectivist Notions of a Nomad Tribe", Histo:rical Studies# 6, 24, May 1955, pp.459-473; R. Ward, "The Australian Legend Revisited", Histo:riaal Studies, 18, 71, October 1978, pp.171-190. 5. K. Inglis, "The Anzac Tradition", Meanjin. 24 1 11 1965. pp.25-449 M. Roe. "Co111Dent on the 'Digger Tradition'," Meanjin, XXV, 3 1 1965 1 pp,357-8; G. Serle, "The Digger Tradition and Australian Nationalism", Meanjin, XXIV, 2, 1965, pp.149-158.

ix In so far as Australians have sought a cultural identity and authority it has been by aspiring to hold fast, even if in a fragmentary and peripheral way, to the predominant British traditions of their forebears ••• National behaviour has been based not on a distinctive culture or ideology but rather on an instinctive sense of shared interests and experience and it has expressed itself not in songs and symbols but in politics and policies ••• [Therefore] [i]t is only by an examination of the pplicies fashioned by successive Commonwealth 10vernments in defence of the national interest that the enigma of Australian nationalism can be unravelled.I

More recently, it has been argued that there is no real Australia waiting to be uncovered. As Richard White has put it:

A national identity is an invention. There is no point asking whether one version of this essential Australia is truer than another be­ cause they are all intellectual constructs, neat, tidy, comprehensible - and necessarily false. They have all been artificially imposed upon a diverse landscape and population, and a variety of untidy social relationships, attitudes and emotions. When we look at ideas about national identity, we need to ask, not whether they are true or false, but what their function is, whose creation they are, and whose interests they serve.2

Examination of THE LONE HAND per se is certainly not going to unravel the mystery of Australian nationalism. It does however, allow for an analysis of the intellectual processes through which colonial loyalties were transferred to the nation state and the parameters in which they were set. :2~ LONE HAND sought to create a fresh image of Australia that was consistent with the idea of a nation state. A study of THE LONE HAND reveals the essential features of the construction and promotion of that image and provides background to the people and forces that shaped it.

1. N. Meaney, The Searah for Seaurity in The Paaifia, 1901-1914, Sydney, 1976, p. viii. 2. R. White, Inventing Australia, Sydney, 1981, p.viii.

X The aim of this thesis, which concentrates on the first series so as to allow a detailed examination in the limited space available, is to construct a foundation upon which future work can build. Accordingly, the Bibliography is a detailed checklist of primary and secondary material relating to the major contributors to THE LONE HAND, The foundation work has not been easy. There are it seems, only a limited number of complete sets in existence and access to these is heavily restricted. The bound volumes that are to be found' in State and University libraries are inadequate for res~•rch purposes because in most instances the business section (advertisements and editorial announcements) in the front and back of the magazine are incomplete. But perhaps the most significant factor preventing a thorough examination here is that Sir Frank Fox's papers lie for the present out of reach in the British Museum. 1

Owing to the exploratory nature of the exercise this thesis does not purport to be a definitive analysis. However, a number of propcsitions are established and an attempt has been made to place them in an historical context. Chapter One probes the social context from which THE LONE HAND emerged. Whilst attention is focused primarily on Australian society, American society is also briefly examined in order to highlight how events in the former paralleled those in the latter; both countries underwent a 'search for order' in the early l900's and in both cases the search was precipitated by changing socio-economic conditions. 2 Chapter Two explores the apotheosis of THE !:,ONE .=t'AND and examines issues relating to the production and distribution of the magazine. Chapter Three examines editorial policy and the three men who formulated it, while Chapter Four looks at the magazine's major contributors and their work. Chapter Five investigates THE LONE HAND's treatment of social issues. In this T.::·~ :..c:v~ .::l,ND drew heavily from the work of that group of writers and journalists known as the Muckrakers whose exposes of social injustices that appeared in American popular magazines in the early 1900's had significantly boosted circulation. In picking up these developments THE LONE HAND became an important vehicle through which notions of Progressive reform were transmitted to Australia and as such provides an insight into the course and nature of Progressivism in Australia.

l. W. Stone (ed.), Eiblior.ews, XIII, V, May 1960, pp.14-17. The British publishers, A. and C. Black, London, with whom Fox was contracted, also possess information on Fox. 2. R. Wiebe, The Search for Order, London and Melbourne, 1967.

xi o n. e Th e I i n g d o 1 0 f N o t h i n g n e s s 8 e f o r e Th e S t o r ■ as =

THE LONE HAND was launched the same year in which Justice Higgins of the High Court brought down his Harvester judgement that established the principle of a minimum basic wage in Australia. Higgins' decision, a measure designed to bring institutionalised stability to the labour mark~~ was consistent with many other government-initiated reforms of the period which were intended to consolidate the newly inaugurated Federal Colllllonwealth. Whilst it is true that Federation focused public attention on the young Australian nation, it did not result in any immediate change in Australians' perceptions of them­ selves and their place in the world, nor did it bring a fully developed sense of national identity. As Crowley has put it:

In 1901 Australia's political unity was superficial. The dreams of the constitution makers and the slogans of the federalists had not made a nation overnight •••• The politicians and newspaper editors who asserted that a nation had been born on l January 1901 were expressing a hope, not pointing to a fulfilment.l

Unlike their American counterparts, the people's representatives in Australia did not see themselves as custodians of a divine mission to the world. There was little or no attempt to prove the novelty and significance of their endeavours, but rather a concerted effort to consolidate and protect,and above all, to preserve the Anglo-Saxon race. Protectionism, not some vague notion of manifest destiny, is the keyword of the early Commonwealth's 2 political culture.

Between 1901 and 1913 there had been nine administrations at the helm of the Australian Commonwealth. As this high turnover of office suggests, there was

l. F.Crowley (ed.), A New History of AustraZia, Melbourne, 1974, p.260. 2. For general works on the period see C.M.H, Clark, A History of Australia, Vol.5, Melbourne, 1981; J.A. LaNauze, AZfred ~eakin: A Biography. 2 Vols., Melbourne, 1965; H. McQueen, A New Britannia, Penguin, 1976. an undercurrent of instability in these early years; politicians whose concerns had previously focused on colonial affairs now found themselves attending to broader, more far reaching issues concerning the Commonwealth, It was not until 1910, when Labor under Fisher was swept to office, gaining control of 1 both Houses, that political divisions along party lines became clear cut. Not surprisingly, given the different interests and patterns of development amongst the colonies there was little common ground occupied in the Federal arena. There was however almost unanimous agreement ,;a~ongst politicians and lay people alike on the desire to preserve racial homogeneity in Australia. The idea of a White Australia representing the bastion of the Anglo-Saxon race in the Pacific had in fact been considered axiomatic from the beginning of white settlement in the Antipodes. Brought to the fore by the rapid increase in Asian immigration due to the Gold Rushes of the 1850's, (in alone, the number of Chinese rose from 2,000 in 1853 to over 40,000 in 1857) this idea constituted a vital element in Australian life throughout the latter part of the nineteenth century and provided the rationale for two of the earliest pieces of legislation passed by the Federal Commonwealth which together came to be known as the White Australia Policy. 2

Coexistent with fears arising from the supposed dangers of miscegenation was a concern as to what effect the harsh Australian environment would have on the Anglo-Saxon race. Australia became a test case for Europeans who by the mid­ nineteenth century were generally obsessed with ideas of race. One element of this obsession was a fervent belief that the progress of nations depended upon the quality of the national type. Such attitudes were reinforced in 1859 when Charles Darwin published his theory of evolution. Darwin's seminal

l. During the 6 years of the first series of THE LONE HAND there were five administrations: Alfred Deakin (1905-1908), Andrew Fisher (1908-1909), Alfred Deakin (1909-1910), Andrew Fisher (1910-1913), Joseph Cook (1913-1914), 2. D. Cole, The Crimson Thread of Kinship: Ethnia Ideas in Australia 1870-1814, Histol'iaal Studies, 14, 56, April 1971, pp.511-525; A. Curthoys and A. Markus (eds.), Who Are Our Enemies? Raaism and the Working Class in Australia, Sydney, 1978; C.A. Price, The Great White Walls are Built, Canberra, 1974; A.T. Yarwood and M.J. Knowling (eds.), Raae Relations in Australia: A History, Melbourne, 1982.

2 work was interpreted as proof that the spread of the British Empire was not inspired by mere greed, but was the fulfilment of a higher natural law - the survival of the fittest. The British race, it was argued, would only remain the fittest if it sustained its vigour in perpetual contest with lower races. This misinterpretation of Darwin's theory, which came to be known as Social Darwinism, was particularly popular in countries of recent European settlement, 1 such as America and Australia. Frank Fox, editor of THE LONE HAND (190?-1909), was a conspicuous advocate of the doctrine. "A highe~ 'race.'' wrote Fox, "cannot live side by side with a lower race and preserve its national type. 112 Attitudes such as these were able to hold currency in Australia because they gave pseudo-scientific justification to the men and women who benefited from the invasion of Aboriginal lands, and also because of the concern in Australia for the British race. By the end of the nineteenth century claims were being made that the Australian environment had produced a national type worthy of its ancestral roots. When C.E.W. Bean, the man who wrote the story of Anzac, travelled to the outback in the early 1900's to write a series on the wool industry for the SYDNEY MORNING HERALD, he found "the most important product of the wool industry was men." "It was," he wrote, "responsible for creating some of the outstanding national types."3 Similarly, Fox wrote: "Generous to a fault, improvident, honest, fearless, reckless, a little cruel, the back country Australian whose type must in time greatly influence the national life, is good building stuff in a time when the tendency is rather to an anaemic type of civilisation. 114 Like many others of his generation, Fox believed that "Back Country Australians" would not only sustain the race but also defend it. 5 "The Bushman," he wrote, "is the backbone of the resistance which the White Man will make to any Flow of Asia along the Pacific littoral. 116

1. R. White, Inventing AustraZia, Sydney, 1981, ch.4. 2. F. Fox, ProbZems of the Pacific, London, 1912, p.232. 3. The series was later published as a book: On The WooZ Track, Sydney, 1910. 4. F. Fox, AustraZia, London, 1910, p.31. 5. Such views were consistent with those expressed by Rudyard Kipling, amongst others, who believed that the defence of the British Empire rested not on the natural superiority of the educated Englishman, but on the sturdy men of the frontier. White, op.cit., ch,4. 6. F. Fox, ProbZems of the Pacific, London, 1912, p.106.

3 Th• Japan••• victory.over Russia in September 1905 added a new dimension to 1 Australian•' anxiety towards Asia. Whereas in the earlier period when there had been close direct contact with the Chinese in the goldfields and most fears were couched in terms of a passive invasion leading to a moral and racial degeneration, in the early 1900's and particularly after the Russo-Japanese War, fears were most often based on the threat of an open and violent attack. And, wherea• in the 1850's xenophobia focused on the Chinese, in the early I 1900's Japan waa clearly identified as the enemy. Although highly exaggerated and greatly influenced by the military build-up in Europe, Australians' fear and anxiety towards Japan can be explained by the phenomenal growth of Japanese military strength which had been so clearly illustrated by Japan's victory over Russia. Exacerbating the problem was the knowledge in Australia of Japan's burgeoning population and also the inadequacies of Auatralia's own defence forces. Until the early 1900's Australia's defence had rested almost solely on British naval supremacy. But the agreement reached between Britain and Japan in 19022 was interpreted in such a way that it was believed that Australia could no longer rely on Britain's full support if attacked and so, simultaneously, anxieties towards Japan were heightened and the campaign of Australia's own defence forces assumed urgency. 3

Australia stood to gain more than just a false sense of security from the building of an Australian navy, for such a project also provided a vital impetus to the nascent, local secondary industries. By the turn of the present century Australian manufacturing had developed under the protection afforded by high tariffs to such an extent that it was able to at least effectively compete with foreign, mostly British, goods. The success of local manufacturing depended heavily upon the ability to convince Australians that local products were equal to that of imports and it was a favourite ploy of local manufacturers when

l. I.H. Nish, "Australia and the Anglo-Japanese Alliance 1901-1911", A.J.P.H., ix, 2 November 1963, pp.201-12. 2. The agreement is known as the Anglo-Japanese Treaty, as distinct from the Anglo-Japanese Commercial Treaty which had been signed in 1894. 3. L.F. Fitzhardinge, William Morris Hughes: A Political Biography~ VoZ.l, Sydney, 1964; J.A. LaNauze, op.cit.; N. Meaney, op.cit.; R. Norris, The Emergent Co,,.,,,onweaZth, Melbourne, 1974.

4 attempting to sell their products, to appeal to Australians' pride in their o~ country. THE LONE HAND, Australia's 'National Magazine' provided an excellent forum for patriotic advertising and this is indeed, a conspicuous feature of THE LONE HAND. (See Appendix I).

The develop.. nt of local industry also served and indeed fed the interests of the e.. rgent suburban bourgeoisie. According to census figures, in 1901 the I total Australian population stood at 3,773,801; by 1911 that figure had risen to just under 4.5 million. This figure comprised a significant disproportion of urban population - by 1908 Sydney and Melbourne each had more than 500,000 1 people in the city and suburbs.

Unlike other industrialised countries, urbanisation in Australia did not lead to a violent dislocation of the existing social order. 2 Such was particularly the case in America, which experienced rapid socio-economic development during the post-beZZwn period. In 1870 America's total population was just under forty million; by 1910 it was almost one hundred million. Whereas in 1870 only one fifth of the population lived in centres of eight thousand or more, by 1901 one third of the population did so. 3 American society was ill-equipped, both institutionally and psychologically, to come to immediate terms with this urban/industrial expansion and consequently, beneath the farade of prosperity there lay a myriad of social tensions. "Men and women of the time," wrote one commentator in 1895, "under stress of giving up old beliefs and the acceptance of new, are for the moment shaken [and] confused [and) feel them­ ,.4 se 1ves a fl oat in a ru dd er l ess boat on a shore 1 ess sea. Most Americans, particularly the native-born, were slow in making the necessary psychological

1. F. Crowley (ed.), op.ait., p.300. 2. G. Davison, The Rise and FaU of Marvellous Melbourne, Melbourne, 1978; S. Glynn, Urbanisation in Austratian History, 1788-1900, Melbourne, 1970; C.B. Schedrin and J.W. McCarthy (eds.), "Urbanisation in Australia: The Nineteenth Century", Special Issue of Australian Eaonomia History Review, September 1970. 3. Bureau of the Census, Historiaat Statistics of the United States, Vol.l, Washington D.C., 1975, p.224. 4. R. Burton, "The Healthful Tone of American Literature", Forwn, IXI, April 1895, p.251.

5 adjustments to life tn a modern urban/industrial world. Notwithstanding declarations of the closure of the Frontier, which many believed had operated as a safety_ valve for urban America, the appeal of the Frontier persisted. The idealisation of the Frontier society, manifest in the literature of the early 1900's, seemed to provide a convenient escape mechanism for those forced to confront the harsh day to day realities of urban/industrial life.1 In Australia, the escape was provided by Lawson, Paterson, Steele Rudd and~ amongst others, C.E.W. Bean.

The rapid socio-economic change that occurred in America in the closing decades of the nineteenth century ignited a reform impulse just as the rapid socio­ economic developments of the 1820's precipitated widespread reform in the ante-beZZwn period. Reformers of the latter or Progressive period, as it is known, drew heavily from ante-beZZwn and.romantic traditions in their efforts to meet the demands of a new set of social conditions. But, while the new conditions did not necessarily produce significant changes in the assumptions governing reform, they did nevertheless result in changes to the methods of reform. Utopian fantasy is replaced by pragmatic realism as the focus of reform shifts from the Frontier to the city. Professionals take over from philanthropic amateurs and would-be Abrahams leading their followers to the promised land. The state becomes an increasingly important component of reform as a consequence of the growth of the urban/industrial community. Viewed within its immediate social context Progressivism was one expression of the bewilderment and moral restlessness of late nineteenth and early twentieth century America. 2 It represents the efforts of old and new America to come to

1. C. Babcock, The American Frontier, New York, 1965; R.A. Billington, Genesis of the Frontier Thesis, San Marino, 1971; R.A. Billington (ed.), Frontier and Section. SeZected Essays of Frederick Jackson ~urner, New Jersey, 1961; H.N. Smith, Virgin Land. The American West as SymboZ and Myth, New York, 1950. 2. For recent historiographical analyses of Progressivism see: D.M. Kennedy "OveTview: The Progressive Era", Historian, 37, 3, 1975, pp.453-468; K.W. Olson, Biography of a Progressive,FrankZin K. Lane, Westport, 1979; M. Roe, "Efficiency: The Fascist Dynamic in American Progressivism", Teaching History,· 21, 8, August 1974, pp.38-55; J.M. Siracusa, "Progressivism, Imperialism and the Leuchtenburg Thesis, 1952-1974: An HistoriogTaphical Appraisal", A.J.?.P.., 20, 3, December 1974, pp.312-25; R. Thomson, "HistoTians and the Origins of the American PTogressive Movement", R.M.C. HistoricaZ Journa.Z, 2, 1973, pp.43-53.

6 terms with new socio-economic realities. As such, it was an attempt to bring a measure of stability - a sense of order - to a society in a state of flux.

Parallel developments, albeit with lesser moral emphasis took place in Britain. Examining the ideology of National Efficiency in Britain, Serle suggests that it was "an attempt to discredit the habits, beliefs and institutions that put the British at a handicap in their competition with foreigners and to commend instead a social organisation that more closely follcv/ed the German model. 111 In other words, the National Efficiency programme, in its most naked form, involved a major restructuring of British society in an endeavour to bring it in line with recent socio-economic developments. Social or rather Fabian reform in Britain had a variety of manifestations from tariff reform, compulsory military training, physical fitness programmes to Eugenics. All of these arose from the perceived need to make society more efficient, orderly and productive. Views such as these were consistent with, indeed were fuelled by the new vitalise philosophies of Nietzsche, Bergson and William James. As Michael Roe has put it, the essence of these new philosophies was "the belief that mankind, or at least some men, could break through to a new intensity of achievement and power.''2 Such beliefs provided a potent impetus to reform.

Australian society did not undergo such a rapid and traumatic transformation as took place in America and Britain around the turn of the present century. Nevertheless, the shock waves of reform did penetrate Australian society, receiving full expression in THE LONE HAND. As was the case in America, romantic conceptions of rural life played an important role in fin de sieale Australians' efforts in adjusting to new socio-economic conditions. Like America, the conditions under which Australia was settled provided good working material from which local artists and writers could draw, and the convict experience, together with the peculiar characteristics of the Australian environment featured heavily in early creative efforts. 3 Until the late l880's

1. G. Serle, The Quest for National Effiaienay, Oxford, 1971, p.54. 2. M. Roe, op.ait., p.187. 3. H.M. Green, A History of Australian Literature, 2 Vols., Sydney, 1961; G. Dutton (ed.), The Literature of Australia, Melbourne, 1964; E.M. Miller and F.T. Macartney, Australian Literature from its Beginnings to 1950, Sydney, 1956; G. Serle, From Deserts the Prophets Come, Melbourne, 1973; B. Stevens (ed.), An Anthology of Australian Verse, Sydney, 1906.

7 h~wever, such creatiye efforts had always revealed the cultural inheritance th&t the creators had brought with them to Australia. But, during the'long boom.'when the white native-born population rose to ascendancy, there appeared definite signs that an indigenous creative effort was beginning to emerge. Prophets were coming in from the deserts. A clear expression of this development was the 9" x 5" exhibition of the Heidelberg School of painters in 1889. Pinpointing the School's raison d' etre, Streeton wrote to Robert.a:

••• and the great, gold plains and all the beautiful inland Australia, and I love the thought of walking into all this and trying to expand and express it in my way. I fancy large canvases, all glowing and moving in the hot trying winds and the slow, immense summer. It is IMMENSE, and droughts and cracks in the earth and creeks all baked mud .•• 1

Similar developments occurred in literature and in this the Sydney au::.:ET:N, which had been set up in 1880 by two journalists, J.F. Archibald and John Haynes, played a vital role. The BULLETIN not only provided Australian writers with a much needed forum to develop their writing skills and to convey their messages to Australian audiences, but also a me~ns to butter their bread. ~ot­ withstanding the financial and logistical limitations imposed upon creative effort in Australia, it is clear that during the 1880's a relatively large 2 community of professional writers and artists had emerged. The BUI.:..~-::.v fostered and encouraged the growth of this group and its raunchy and provocative style served as inspiration for young writers with the fire in their bellies. Thus, Lawson, on his initiation into a literary career:

I heard Tommy Walker, and Collins, and the rest of 'em and, of course, a host of Yankee free­ thought and socialistic lecturers. I wore the green in fancy, gathered at the rising of the moon, charged for the fair land of Poland, and dreamed of dying on the barricades to the roar the Marseillaise - for the Young Australian

l. A. Streeton to T. Roberts, in Australian Painters of the Heidelberg 5chcoZ, ::he Jack Nanton Collection, Melbourne, 1979, P.86. 2. R. White, op.cit., p.89. The Australian Writers' and Artists' Union was formed in 1910 and was superseded by the Australian Journalists' Association, Ibid., p.108.

8 Repub_lic. Then came the unexpected and inexplicable outburst of popular feeling (or madness) - called then the Republican riots - in '87, when the Sydney crowd carried a disloyal amand•nt on the Queen'• Jubilee, and cheered, at the Town Ball, for an Australian Republic. And I had to write then - or burst. The BULLETIN saved • froa bursting.l The BULLETIN was an instrumental force in the develoa-nt of Auatralian national.ism. Through its radical political coaaent and patronage of local creative talents, the BULLETIN deliberately set out to foster the growth of an Australian spirit, its slogans being 'Australia for the Australians' and 'Australia for the White Man'. By 1891 the BULLETIN claiMd that it was "the only paper which has a consistent and distinct Auatralian National Policy" and it listed this as: The BULLETIN favours - A Republican Form of Government Payment of Members One Person One Vote State Revenue derived directly from the land Complete Seclarisation of State Education Reform of the Criminal Code and Prison Systa

The BULLETIN denounces - Religious Interference in Politics Foreign Titles The Chinese Imperial Federation.2 Throughout the 1890'• in particular, the BULLETIN achieved a good measure of success in its stated mission - by 1907 its reputed profit was &12,000 per annum. In 1905 distinguished British social critic, Richard Jebb, referred to it "a• nothing less than an Imperial institution." 3 And as Mackaness and Stone have noted, the BULLETIN succeeded in shifting "the literary centre of Australia from the Yorrick Club, Melbourne, to the BULLETIN office, Sydney." 4

1. BULLETIN, Red Page, 21 January 1899. 2. BULLETIN, 7 March 1891, and following issues. 3. R. Jebb, Studies in Colonial Nationalism, London, 1905, p.193. 4. G. Mackaness and W. Stone, The Books of the BULLETIN 1880-1952, Angus & Robertson, 1955, p.l.

9 2. A.G. Stephens. L. Cantrell. Op.Cit .• frontpiece. By the time of Federation however, the potency of the BULLETIN had begun to wane. As Sylvia Lawson explains:

It is not remarkable that the circus should have begun to grind down at the time of [Archibald's] exhaustion and collapse, but the reasons lay also in surrounding history. Queen Victoria dies, the Coanonwealth, organised by lawyers, was voted in by every­ one who had a vote, the troops came bac~ from South Africa. All this changed the fi;amework for nationalistic editorials. The BULLETIN's old lively angers, infinitely productive for paragraphs and cartooning, were used up; too many jokes were no longer funny; the magic potion became ineffective formula.l

The editors of the BULLETIN were well aware of the changing circumstances around them. Moreover, by the mid-1890's they had come to recognise the parochial and therefore restrictive nature of the genre of literature the paper had been promoting. In 1895 the editors lamented that "the dying swag­ man poem and the ode to the bushman's grave are the twin curses of Australian 2 literature." "The dying bushman," they complained, "affects this paper like an itch it can't reach."3 By 1897 at least, A.G. Stephens was yearning for the day when "somebody would establish a cosmopolitan bookshop and keep the Southern Cross abreast of the northern lights." 4

Implicit in Stephens' remark is the idea that the development of Australian nationhood could not occur in a vacuum and that Australia must draw from the experiences and resources of the outside world. This was a mature vision and one which was taken up and pursued in the pages of :.~2 :__:.2 : ..:,.:.:,. And in this re­ spect, if the B!./:.:.ETIN represented all that was youthful and rudimentary about Australian nationhood, THE LONE HAND at least attempted to represent a mature Australia that could take its own place amongst the nations of the world. As the BULi.,ETIN itself put it, "[THE Z-ONE i·i/..NDJ represents ... [ the fact] that

1. S. Lawson, The Arahibaid Paradox, Ringwood, 1983, p.xi. 2. BULLETIN, l June 1895, p.7. 3. BULLETIN, 29 June 1895, p.15. 4. L Cantrell (ed.), A.G. Stephens, 5eleated w'ri~in.gs, Angus & Robertson, 1978, p.14.

10 Australians are now adult enough to have their own literary and artistic orpn."1

So this then is the picture of the Kingdom of Nothingness before the holocaust of . A society resilient and proud of its role as the bastion of the white race in the Pacific gradually coming to terms with itself and its place in the outside world. It was a time of necessary adjustment to anew political and socio-economic infra-structure. Stratesfcally and culturally there was still a close nexus with Britain. But imperial ties were weakening as the nation state evolved and the colonial mentality was being replaced by notions of equality not just within the Empire, but amongst the nations of the world.

1. BU:..I.ETnl, 4April 1907, p.15.

11 t V 0 S u n s h i n e , Go o d Co o k i n g a n d R e d UI b r e 1 1 a s

The 1890 1 s witnessed a proliferation of popular magazines, as well as a significant increase in the circulation of daily newspapers in English. speaking countries around the world. In 1870 the total circulation of daily newspapers I in America, where the increase was mo ■ t pronounced, ws 2,800,000; by 1910 it l had soared to 24,200,000. In 1885 there were four general monthly magazines in America with circulations over 100,000 with an aggregate circulation exceeding 600,000. THE ATLANTIC MONTHLY. HARPER'S and THE CENTURI. all sold for thirty­ five cents, while SCRIBNER'S sold for twenty-five cents. These magazines tended to be bland and methodical and catered specifically for literary interests. By 1905, over twenty monthly magazines were available to the American public. All but four of these sold for ten or fifteen cents, signifying that the appeal was now to popular rather than high-brow tastes. The total circulation of these magazines exceeded 5.5 million. 2

The dramatic increase in magazine circulation was due to several factors. The lowering of price made possible by the introduction of glazed paper manufactured from wood pulp instead of the more costly medium of rag paper was obviously instrumental. The introduction of photo-engraving, which had been developed in the 1880's by F.E. Ives, was another cost-cutting measure which made mass circulation a fusible proposition, And the development of the school system in the closing decades of the nineteenth century produced a larger readership. 3

Magazine reading was particularly well-suited to the new patterns of (sub) urban, middle-class culture that were emerging; it was a relatively inexpensive and unrestricted source of leisure which kept readers informed of current issues and events. Competition amongst the popular magazines around the turn of the

l. R. Hofstader, of Reform, New York, 1955, p.188. 2. F.L. Mott, A History of American Magazines 1885-1905, Cambridge, 1957, p.8. 3. Ibid, p.5.

12 c_entury was fierce with each publication striving for elusive scoops and/or the contracted services of well-known artists and writers such as Maxfield Parish, Rudyard Kipling, Conrad, Crane and Brete Harte. Despite the fierce competition most magazines kept to a standard formula; a monthly issue of octavo size containing a mixture of art, photography, fiction, and articles of general interest.

The first popular magazine produced in Australia was XfrE MELBOURNE PUNCH which 1 appeared in 1855. From its beginning and for some decades later THE MELBOURNE PUNCH was a close copy of its London model. During the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries most of the magazines read in Australia were British. There were a few exceptions such as THE AUSTRALIAN JOURNAL (1865-1962) and a number of lesser publications run by distinguished writers, such as Marcus Clarke's HUMBUG (1869-1870) and 's THE CLARION (1897-1909). The most provocative publication was a weekly newspaper, the Sydney BULLETIN which through "its robust faith in Australia and everything Australian" had convincingly shown that there was a receptive market in Australia for publications written by and for Australians. 2

Commonly referred to as "The Bushman's Bible", the BULLETIN spoke specifically to native-born Australians and was predominantly aimed at the working classes. As Archibald put it:

The BULLETIN was THE LO~E HAND in truth and

1. V. Lindesay, The Way We Were. Australian Popular Magazines 1856-1969, Melbourne 1983; L. Stuart, Nineteenth Century Australian Periodicals, MA, Monash, 1977; R.G. Howarth, "Australian Literary Magazines", Southerly, 12, 3, 1951, pp.159-162; M.V. Tucker, The Emergence and Character of Women's Magazines in Australia 1880-1914, Phd., Melbourne, 1976. 2. F. Fox, "Genesis of the BULLETIN", L.H., December 1907, p.142. The passage reads: "[T]he two great forces contributing to raise [the BULLETIN] to its present position have been its robust faith in Australia and everything Australian, and the complete independence of its editorial staff from any interference on the business side. Time and again, because of the fearless expression of an unpopular opinion, 'boycotts' have been declared against the BULLETIN by advertisers and sections of subscribers." Ironically, Fox himself appears to have personally suffered from such 'boycotts' levied against THE LONE HAND. Evidence suggests that one such boycott was instrumental to Fox's resignation as editor. See Chapter III, p.27 for further details.

13 in fact, fighting at all odds wherever it could for the worker side, shouting discords that were heard above the droning chorus of the influential and respectable and ever cheering for the little dog that had its feet in the bif dog's mouth.l

THE LONE HAND, which was the name Archibald originally intended for the BULLETIN, was the first Australian-made, high quality, illustrated popular magaztne that could effectively compete with British imports. "THE LONE HAND", declared an w early advertisement in the BULLETIN, "represents the BULLETIN's attempt to give to Australian readers something which will fill the place of, without blindly copying the British and American magazines

The first advertisement to appear in the BULLETIN for THE LONE HAND, which was titled: "Do You Believe in Australia?", declared:

Since Federation, the responsibility of speaking for the Australian view, as opposed to the parochial or State view in public affairs, has placed an ever increasing burden on [the BULLETIN's] columns; something of the artistic and sentimental side of the Co11D11onwealth had to yield precedence. THE LONE HAND, a monthly illustrated magazine of art and letters, of sentiment and romance, is now put forward to bridge the gap.

The BULLETIN was based on Australian literary alluvial. THE LONE HAND will be the cyanide vat of Australian art and letters. It will have no policy except the cultivation of an Australian sentiment. It will be a joyous organ abounding in melody and colour and will prefer to the stodgy debates of parliament the cheerful and desultory chat of the land of Bohemia ..•

Its politics will be sunshine and good cooking, open air music and red umbrellas; its religion the conservation of public health and the adornment of the homes of the people. It will teach Australians how to live in accordance with the

l. J.F. Archibald, "Genesis of the BULLETIN'', L.H., May 1907, p.54. 2. BULLETIN, 2 Hay 1907, p.24.

14 conditions of their own sunny clime and not according to the dour and depressing customs illogically imported from chilly distant regions to our warm and radiant fatherland.!

Following issues of the BULLETIN contained further advertisements which gave a more specific indication of what readers could expect. THE LONE HAND "would strive to show the bright side of Australia, with the usual number containing something more than six bright stories •••• much fin~ ~erse, several special articles, a section exposing public frauds and scores of good pictures."2 Throughout the advertisements the BULLETIN emphasised the cheerfulness of THE

LONE HAND. 3 A full page advertisement in the May 1 1 1907 1 issue declared:

The endeavour has been made in THE LONE HAND to strike a keynote of cheerfulness. There is a good too much wail in Australian literature - too much ghostly drought story, too much insistence on the melancholy of the bush, too much timidity as to this great Commonwealth's future. THE LONE HAND stands from the first for a sturdy optimism. It will see the sun­ light of Australia, and not the occasional shadows; wonder at the marvellous prolificness of the seasons rather than shudder at the grave losses of a rare drought, think of what Austral­ ians can do rather than what they fail to do.4

In calling for a "sturdy optimism" and a move away from "ghostly drought story" ':'l-iE LONE l-iAND was clearly advocating a departure from the tradition of Austral- ian literature that had been nurtured by the au:.:.::-:::; - away from the bush and into the city. Implicit in this call for a new direction is the recognition that an essentially pessimistic and introspective outlook was an insufficient and restrictive basis on which to build a national culture. Significantly, optimism and cosmopolitanism were the keywords of HA.VD' s

1. BULLETIN, 7 February 1907, p.9. 2. BULLETIN, 18 April 1907, p.9. 3. q.v., 'E.U.C.', June 1908, p.vii: "THE LCNE HAND had this much of definite purpose at the outset - to be 'the official organ of Australian optimism', the expression of the non-political life of the Commonwealth." 4. BULLETIN, 2 May 1907, p.24.

15 platform. "Let it be made an article of faith," declared an early editorial, "that there is nothing which the Australian - who is a selected Britisher invigorated. by transplating - cannot do."1 "The Australian citizen," declared another editorial, "should be as well versed in the refinements of civilisation as the Londoner and the Parisian. THE LONE HAND will do its little best to see that he is so. In matters of politics the Australian does not need to ;_ook beyond his own Coaaonwealth and the allied Dominions under the Mother Flag. I In matters of art and letters, he should be cosmopoli~an in culture. THE LONE HAND will continue to be an Australian dish with a little foreign sauce. 112 THE LONE HAND secured the services of two Parisian correspondents who contributed material on a regular basis, and in this way, the old enthusiasm for France exhibited by Archibald in his personal life and in the pages of the BULLETIN was maintained.

The above platform represents a mature vision and one which was clearly intended as a declaration that the Australian nation had come of age. The cosmopolitan policy of THE LONE HAND seems to have encountered some opposition from readers and evoked criticism that "it is hard to see how certain things in THE LCNE .:'/,.VD can interest Australia."3 In responding to such criticism, Frank Fox defended THE LONE HAND's position by rejecting "the inference that Australia has no right to claim any part in the common fund of the world's knowledge of art and poetry - that Australians should sternly confine their minds to the little bit of original inspiration that is native to their soil." Fox went on to state:

No view could be more enervating to the national mind. The great past of the earth, on which its great present is built, belongs to Australia, equally with the rest of civilisation. To Australia, Homer, Sophocles, Euripides, ..• and a score other founders of the University of Letters, are as important as they are to Europe or to America •••• All the great poets, painters,

l. 'E.U.C.', October 1907, p.xxi. 2. 'E.U.C.', August 1907, p.xxi; qv., 3ULLETi.V, 18 April 1907, p.9: "The idea of bringing Australian readers into close direct touch with the thought of Europe is now with TH'E: ::.CNE HA,'ID." 3. 'E.U.C.', February 1908, p.xvii: "Why this stuff from Paris and London? Stick to Australia." ('E.U.C.', August 1907, p.xxi); qv. 'E.U.C.', October 1907, p.xxi.

16 lav-1ivera, soldiers, musicians of the white rac• coae to Australasia aa part of the heritage of our white blood. They are ours by innate right.

If we scorn this great heritage our future 1• hopele••· Nothing can be built on nothing. If we scorn any part of it by ao much do we leaaen our national atrength and our chance of development. The poet 1• aa iaportant aa the philosopher, the aoldier aa the atatea•n• the muaician aa the aechanic. Nation butiding ia not only a utter of growing coru and ukin1 ships and oars, it is a utter of cultivating minds.l

Thi• idea of cultivating the minds of Australians in such a way that they would become proud, healthy, optimistic citizens of the (white) world constitutes the apotheosis of THE LONE HAND. The implicit objective was to resolve the paradox of colonial nationalism. Australians were being encouraged to rejoice in their own nationality at the same time aa seeing theuelves aa something better, more important, than mere colonials.

In order for THE LONE HAND to be able to achieve its objective it was essential that it had considerable financial backing and resources. In this the BULLET:N connection played an important, if not indispensable role. The BULLETIN Co. invested a considerable sum in THE ~ONE HAND. 2 This was probably due to the influence of Archibald who was able to overcome the reservations of the BUi.:..~:i.V proprietor, t,;illiam McCleod. 3 McCleod was not the only one at the E~':.:.~-::.\' who expressed concern over the amount of money the au:..:..~:-:::1 Co. invested in the new venture. A.G. Stephens was a conspicuous critic and he could not resist the following swipe upon the BULLETIN's eventual sale of :.!.f= :..c::= r.AND in 1914: A cheerful workman was heard whistling lately as he scraped the words 'Lone Hand' from the Sydney BULLETIN windows. Little did he realise that every letter had cost the BU!.L=T:.v Co. i:ilOOO in cash and credit. Yes, we should estimate that

l. 'E.U.C.', L.H., February 190 , p.xvii. 2. W. Fitzhenry, op.ait., p.197. 3. Ibid.

17 ..w. --~-::-· - ~ .....,.l

·.: .

3. THE LONE HAND on sale. Bulletin, 27 June 1907, p.9.

• ~ • ~ • .. J ..._. the BllLLETIN's magazine, one way or another, coat the value of el0,000 in real money and hard-earned kudoa.l

Stephens went on to complain that the magazine waa run "without the essential editorial brains its enterprise demanded." Other• within the BULLETIN fold felt uneasy about the manner in which THE LONE HA.ND was promoted. "THE LONE HAND," wrote to A.G. Stephens in May 1907, "1■ a creditable imitation of the [N.Z.] RED FUNNEL. It is!!!!· The whole busines,'of its heralding and pre­ birth is an evil note of the introduction of soap selling bluff into the [illegible] things of life in Australia. 112

THE LONE HAND also greatly benefited from being able to tap into the network of advertisers that the BULLETIN had built up. AdvertiseMnts in THE LONE HAND, which appeared in both front and back business sections, originally accounted for an average of fifty-five pages per issue.It was with SOM justification that the BULLETIN declared: "Never before in Australian newspaper history - probably never before in any other country - has the call to help a new enterprise met with a more generous response. 113 The majority, albeit not all. of the companies/individuals who advertised in THE LONE HAND also advertised in the BULLETIN; William HcCleod was advertising manager for both publications. There were two editions of each issue printed; a New South Wales and 4 edition, and a Southern States edition. (The text of the two editions were identical, the only difference between the two editions being the list of advertisers). 5 Those who advertised in THE LONE HAND ranged from large corporate entities, such as A.H.P. and DUNLOP, to small local enterprises, with the latter becoming dominant in later years. The New South Wales, Queensland, Tasmanian, Victorian and New Zealand Tourist Bureaus were regular advertisers. The major

1. A.G. Stephens, 'The BULLETIN Relinquishes Its LONE HAND', The BookfeZZow, 15 November 1914, p.251. 2. W. Dyson to A.G. Stephens, Hay 1907, A.G. Stephens PAPERS, Vol.3, Mitchell Library (M.L.), qv. the Book.feZZow, 2 Hay 1907, p.6: "THE LONE HAND has been the subject of a good deal of what humbler people call "skite", in the shape .:,f preliminary puffs •••• " 3. BULLETIN, 27 June 1907, p.9. 4. Research for this thesis has been based exclusively on the N.S.W. and Queensland edition. 5. The Mutual Store, a large Melbourne-based department store was one conspicuous advertiser in the Southern States edition who did not advertise in the N.S.W. and Queensland edition.

18 advertiser was clearly Anthony Horderns, who was also a major backer of the !ULLETIN. Anthony Horderns often ran multiple page advertisements - the largest appearing in the February 1911 issue which consisted of eight pages. They acquired the coveted back cover for successive issues to November 1908 and like other major backers such as Peale and Co. and Hugh McKay made good use of full­ page colour. (See Appendix 1)

THE LONE HAND seems to have been closely modelled on t;,he London STRAND which was of identical size, format and advertising placement and ran similar regular features. It was however, significantly different in tone and spirit. Carrying on the tradition of the BULLETIN~ THE LONE HAND was aimed specifically at an Australian audience; its successive slogana being: 'A Magazine of Imagination' (Prospectus, February 1907), 'An Illustrated Monthly' (May 1907-September 1907), 'The Australian Monthly' (October 1907-August 1911), 'The National Australian Monthly' (September 1911-November 1912), and 'The National Australian Magazine' (1917-1918). Appealing to a national as opposed to a specific regional market made good business sense, especially at a time when public attention was focused on the nation. But the profit motive was not the only consideration. National­ ism was a key element of fin de siecie Western ideology and in highlighting the achievements and potential of the young Australian nation, THE LONE HAND was simply transmitting such thoug~t to the Antipodes.

Unfortunately, it is not possible to make a satisfactory analysis of THE LONE HAND readership as subscription lists no longer exist. However, given the fact that THE LONE HAND originally sold for 1 shilling (the BULLETIN which appeared weekly had sold for sixpence), it seems fair to conclude that it was intended for the broad middle-class market. 1 The list of foundation subscribers to THE LONE HAND which was printed in the March 7, 1907 issue of the BULLETIN. reveals a strong representation of professional people; the list includes a doctor,

1. Average weekly earnings for a male starch factory worker were 30 shillings per week. (L.B., July 1907, p.314). Significantly, THE LONE HAND ran a regular financial column written by S.H. Prior, which was intended to be "of great value to the investing public." ('E.U.C.', November 1908, p.vii).

19 M. .. ',,;.', h.t ~ · ... -.. . ;.

4. Advertisement, Champion's Vinegar. -THE LONE HAND , May 1907, p.xxv. a~countant, solicito~, teacher, surveyor and an inspector of Police. 1 In gea.ral, THE LONE HAND advertised non-essential middle to upper market goods. (Humphrey McQueen's observation concerning the prevalence of pianos in finds siecZe Australian homes is certainly attested by the number of advertisements 2 for pianos in THE LONE HAND). Although as previously mentioned, the majority of advertisers used both the BULLETIN and THE LONE HAND, there were noticeably more advertisements for women's cosmetics, toiletries, and designer label dresses in THE LONE HAND. Furthermore, whereas the BULLETIN had always emphasised the divisive nature of Australian society - Labour versus Capital, the Bush against the city and even Sydney/Melbourne rivalry, in contrast, THE LONE HAND stressed unity and cohesiveness. Eschewing political discussion THE LONE HAND presented a united Australia with all of its citizens working together for the common good. THE LONE HAND retained its optimism even in the face of adversity. "The metal markets have fallen, fallen, fallen," declared the January 1909 editorial. "The rains," it continued, "have been frugal, and in many agricultural places there will be a poor crop, in a few places no crop at all. Yet withal Australia sails on an even keel. The community as a whole is prosperous; and there is no talk of any serious failures. Australia, in fact, begins to feel the benefit of a wider range of productivity."3 This was precisely what propertied interests and local manufacturers wanted to hear.

In fact, the outlook was identical to that promoted by the Australian Natives Association, a lobby group formed in the early 1870's, representing the interests of the predominantly Victorian manufacturing industry in the lead up to Feder­ ation. As Blackton has noted the aims of the ANA included the cultivation of a national consciousness (it supported for example, the teaching of Australian history), the Federation of Australia, compulsory military training, a preference for Australian men and products in the market place, a white Australia, better education and health, and conservation programmes. 4 Clearly, there is little

1. The list referred to only those subscribers living outside N.S.W. Of the thirty-nine, eleven were from Victoria, seven "Maoriland", one Port Moresby, six Queensland, five , four "Westralia", three Tasmania and two on 'H.M.S.'. 2. H. McQueen, A New Britannia, Penguin, 1907, ch.9. 3. 'The Month', January 1909, p.352. 4. C.S. Blackton, "Australian Nationality and Nativism: The Australian Natives Association, 1885-1901", JournaZ of Modern History, XXX, 1, March 1958, pp.37-47.

20 to distinguish the ANA'• platform from the platform of THE LONE HAND.

While it is true that THE LONE HAND was aimed at Australian audiences, it was also desipied to improve Australia's position in the world. "To give 'a correct impression' of the Commonwealth to the British beyond our seas and to foreigners." declared an early editorial, "is one of the serious purposes THE LONE HAND allows itself outside of its main business which is to be a full shilling's worth of amusement."1 Archibald's original intentio~was to have the magazine ,: "spread over the earth" and in the early years at least, copies of the magazine were sent to London, South Africa, Canada, U.S.A., Egypt, Bong Kong, Ceylon and Singapore. To be sure, the majority of copies that were sent abroad were intended for Australian readers, but that was not the only purpose.

The records of the Commonwealth Parliamentary Debates contain an enlightening exchange between Alfred Deakin and a Mr. Kelly. 2 The exchange, which appears in the records under the heading 'Advertising Australia', reveals that Deakin, as Prime Minister, effectively underwrote the first issue of THE LONE HAND. The first issue had contained an article entitled 'Prolific Australia' which was written by Frank Fox under the nom de pLume 'F.R.' The article made heavy use of diagrams, figures and pamphlets, all of which, together with the text, served to illustrate the point that Australia was rich in both human and natural resources. In effect, the article was simply a glowing advertisement for the young Australian nation. The Commonwealth Government, under the direction of Deakin bought 10,000 copies of the issue and arranged for its circulation "throughout the Mother country" and "to every leading newspaper in the U.S.A."3 When pressed by Mr. Kelly as to whether the article had been circulated as a separate document, Deakin unconvincingly and seemingly trying to avoid the issue, replied that the Government had "obtained the free publication of the article in the 50,000 copies of the first issue ••• in addition to the 10,000 copies which were circulated as a separate pamphlet."4 And so it was that the first issue of THE LONE HAND was government guaranteed, and "spread over the earth" - at reduced cost to the publishers. Distribution of THE LONE HAND within Australia was conducted by Gordon and Gotch. 5

1. 'E.U.C.', September 1907, p.xxi. 2. Cormionwaith ParLiamentary Debates, 19 April 1908, 10652, 1 May 1908, 10753-5. 3. Ibid, 29 April 1908, 10652; 1 May 1908, 10753-5. 4. Ibid. 5. Gordon and Gotch do not appear to have maintained the relevant documents.

21 i .s,. .

,; ·~ . . \ 'Aj·~-~.,. .. ~

~ r·. .• . } {; ..· .. ~ . .

•✓• -----

5. J.F. Archibald, THE LONE HAND, May 1907, frontpiece.

• • ;' I i. • - • • • I t h r e e The Editor' s Uneasy Chair • - -

According to Norman Lindsay THE LONE HAND came into being as a result of discussions between himself and Frank Fox during one of their regular Sunday horse riding outings through Sydney's North Shore. Li~dsay has related that he and Fox took the idea to Archibald who was greatly enthused by the proposition. 1 Fox's own account of THE LONE HAND's inception differs markedly from Lindsay's. In private correspondence with Fitzhenry and Walter Stone, Fox wrote:

In the early days of this century a group of Sydney citizens impressed by the fact that the BULLETIN had taken the lead in journalism under the new Federation, considered that 'there was gold in them there hills' of the daily press if the BULLETIN took charge as prospector. They planned an evening paper, to be published in Sydney and Melbourne simultaneously, with the BULLETIN outlook on social, political, financial and defence problems. They were willing to provide all the new capital required, the BULLETIN providing its prestige and the experience of its staff and sharing SO-SO in the profits.

The youngest of the BULLETIN staff (myself) was approached to be intermediary and was enthusiastic about the prospect. McCleod was cautious. Archibald at the time was under doctor's orders to go slow. Finally McCleod, professing some doubt as to whether the BULLE'::N's influence was so certainly sure to be victorious, agreed to a compromise. The BULLETIN from its own resources, would launch a monthly to test the position. This was heartily welcomed by Archibald who had apparently improved his health; and, though not returning to the BULLETI.'i gave his heart and soul to planning the new venture.2

Despite the obvious disparity between these two accounts, both Lindsay and Fox acknowledge the vital role played by Archibald in THE LONE HAND's inception. Indeed, when referring to his own efforts as editor of THE LONE HAND Fox

l. Taylor, op.ait., p.13. 2. BibZionews, 13, S, May 1960, pp.14ff.

22 described hiuelf as."Man Friday to Archibald's Crusoe. 111 So, while the idea of -an illustrated monthly magazine of art and letters does not appear to have been originJlly conceived by Archibald, there is little doubt that it was Archibald who assumed guardianship of the project. It is also apparent, that in spite of his evident ill health, Archibald launched into the venture with tremendous enthusiasm, and confidence. "I have," he wrote to his father in November 1906, "become rich and money is pouring in from all sides. And the magazine on top of the paper will make our family name- famous ••• :• "THE LONE HAND", he added, "will be the prettiest and one of the most successful magazines in all the world. 112 A.G. Stephens has related how Archibald:

suddenly threw himself into the project heart and soul. His enthusiasm was tremendous. He enlisted all kinds of contributors, began to write himself the history of the BULLETIN, gave dinner parties at his own house to which the most miscellaneous guests were invited (whereas formally he had rarely or never issued an invitation to his house) and generally displayed wonderful energy.3

Archibald co-edited the first issue with Frank Fox but was prevented from further involvement by the effects of the (syphillis induced?) mental breakdown he had been suffering from the end of 1906. The feature article of the first issue of THE LONE HAND was Archibald's memoirs - The Genesis of the BULLETIN - which was accompanied by a photograph of Archibald. Archibald had always shunned publicity

l. Biblionews, XIII, V, May 1960, p.16. 2. J.F. Archibald to J.P. Archibald, 3.11.1906, Archibald Family Papers. (Archibald also stated that his share in THE LONE HAND and the BULLETIN was one third); q.v. J.F. Archibald to A. Jose: "I want to talk with you about a magazine which the BULLETIN Co. is bringing out. It will be edited jointly by myself and that alert young man,Frank Fox, will be called THE LONE HAND ... and I tell you it is going to be a howling success. It will first appear early in the New Year, and by the end of 1907 it will be well known for it is meant to spread over the earth. Its only policy will be to provide nine penworth of reading and pictures that are well worth a shilling and to glorify everything Australian that seems worth glorifying. Will print 30,000 to 40,000 copies of the first issue and it will be gee from the word go." (A. Jose, The Romantic Nineties, Sydney, 1933, p.73). 3. A.G. Stephens, [A Recollection of J.F. Archibald], Cantrell, op.cit., p.423.

23 and there ia no doubt that hia memoirs were a significant attraction. 1 The Mi•chell Library possesses Archibald's personal copy of the first issue of THE LONE HAND • . It is heavily annotated. The fact that Archibald was institutionalised at Callan Park at the time, perhaps accounts for the poor and often illegible handwriting, but the fact that Archibald saw fit to make so many criticisu strongly suggests that he was far from completely satisfied with the fi~st issue. Norman Lindsay, who remained a principal contributor, was alao uuhappy with the early issues, telling Stephens in 1907 that "THE LONB' HAND was worse than rotten - it is badly printed."2 To what extent THE LONE HAND would have been different had Archibald retained an active role is a matter of conjecture.3

Fox was a peculiar choice as Archibald's successor. 4 Several coanentators, including William McCleod's wife, have remarked that Archibald and Fox made strange bedfellows, and at least one member of the BULLETIN staff, namely A.G. Stephens, seems to have deeply resented Fox's appointMnt. 5 Stephen's resentment may well have stemmed from his belief that he was the logical choice as editor and felt affronted by Fox's appointment. Som in Toowoomba on 27 August 1865, Stephens had accepted Archibald's invitation to join the BULLETIN as junior sub-editor in 1894. 6 His contribution to the BU:LETIN, in particular his work

l, Fox initially declared that Archibald's memoirs were "without question, ... the most remarkable human document yet published in Australia." ('E.U.C.', ~ay 1907, p.xxi). In fact however, they were something of a disappointment, lacking clarity and order - a product no doubt, of Archibald's mental disposition. Acknowledging the shortcomings of the series, Fox interrupted it by running W.H. Traill's Memoirs, with an apparent view to bringing sense and chronological order to the early history of the BULLETIN, and indeed, ended up writing the final chapter of Archibald's memoirs himself. (Fitzhenry, op.ait., p.196.). 2. N. Lindsay to A.G. Stephens, 1907, R.G. Howarth and A.W. Baker (eds.), ~etters of Nozrman Lindsay, Angus and Robertson, 1979. 3. A.G. Stephens, when writing of the BULLETIN's sale of THE LONE HAND, noted, "Perhaps if Archibald hadn't fallen ill, there might be another tale to tell'' - one cannot help but feel that Stephens believed that there would have been "another tale to tell", had Archibald retained an active interest. ?he 5cok­ fellow, 15 November 1914, p.251. 4. Fox's opening remark to the August 1907 edition of 'The Editor's Uneasy Chair': "But really the objective should be dropped, the Australian public have been so kind!", suggests that Fox felt slightly insecure in his position - perhaps it was a sign that Archibald intended to return, once mentally stable. 5. A. McCleod, McCleod of 'THE BULLETIN', Sydney, 1931, p.32. 6. Cantrell, op.cit., p.9.

24 as editor of the Red Page, was an outstanding achievement not just to the BULLETIN, but to Australian literature in general. As Cantrell has put it: [Stephens'] purple ink and blue pencil became legendary. Though marginal annotations, letters and hurried notes on manuscripts and in hundreds of published essays, the stream of critical appraisal guided our literature away from its nineteenth century colonial inheritance to a new maturity.!

Because of his work on the Red Page. Stephens appeared to be the obvious choice as editor of THE LONE HAND. Indeed, as early as 1885, Stephens himself had planned a literary magazine that would allow more detailed treatment of issues that could only be touched on in the confined space of the Red Page. The venture materialised in the form of the BookfeZZow in January 1899, and thereafter in the face of financial difficulties and apparent lack of public interest, it was published sporadically, the last issue appearing in 1925. It was through the pages of the BookfeZZow that Stephens became one of THE LONE BAND's fiercest critics. A good deal of conjecture and uncertainty surrounds Stephens' departure from the BULLETIN in 1906. Cantrell notes that "BULLETIN legend has it that McCleod dismissed him when he refused to assist with work outside his literary sphere. 112 Fitzhenry's remark, that Stephens left the BULLETIN "in a huff and hurry" lends support to this view. 3 It is true that McCleod and Stephens were never on amicable terms and it is also true that by 1906 the Red Page was no longer the dynamic force it had been in the late 1890's. It is certainly plausible to suggest that Archibald's decision to appoint Fox as editor of THE LONE HAND instead of Stephens was a contributing factor behind Stephens' depart­ ure and perhaps also explains Stephens' ill-feeling towards THE LONE HAND and its editors. Whatever the case, the fact remains that Stephens had no direct involvement with the magazine.

Like Stephens, the three men who did serve as editors of THE LONE HAND desired to lead Australia away from its colonial moorings. They saw THE LONE HAND

1. Ibid, p.3. 2. Ibid, p.21. 3. W.E. Fitzhenry, op.cit., p.230A.

25 6. Frank. Fox. AustraZian Worker, ll February 1909, p.27 . u tbe •••••l tbat would broach the cyramiy of diacance, and Chey were ica ·, captaiu. Each of:che three 1ucce1aive editor, adopted a different editorial # 1tyle. Th• difference in 1tyle1 were aa auch a product of the different circua- 1tece1 1tl wbicb THE LONE HAND vu placed, a1 they were a reflection of cbe different bacqround1 and ideolo1ical c01Wiccion1 of tbe cbree •a. Frank Fox, wbo edited tbe u1aziae at a tiM wbea aubacriptiou were hi1b aad aoaey readily available, vu a career jouraaliat wbo, a1 editor, replarly coaunic•~ed with b1• reader• throu1h four 1eparace colua111. Arthur~• a writer &114 poet, who 1ucceeded Fox aad who, ia the wake of falliDI 1ub1cliptiou halved tbe price of the u1az1De, 1iaply pre1eated a cvo pas• 1pread of forthcoailla attraction• with occuioaal aaaounceMata of coapetitiou. Bertr• St•••••• vbo 1aitiaud the Secoad Seri•• aad wbo waa certaillly the beat qualified of tbe three, did not directly coauaicate aa editor vitb bia reader,.

Frek Fox, who va1 to be lmt1bted "for 1ervic•• to couervative jounalin" in 1926, became 1ole edicor of THE LONE HAND upoa Archibald'• retir••nt after the f1rst i11ue. While w may di•lli•• Fox'• boa1t to licbard Jebb that "che building up of THE LONE BAND in every detail, ·•ditorial and budDHI, va• (his] job," as a reflection of hi• noted egotin (and also the face chat be vu hopina to use Jebb'• influence to further hi• own intere•t1), it 1• clear that Fox was the tol.U' de foree of the formative years of THE LONE HAND. 1 Th• influence he exercised over the magazine wa• boch significant and considerable.

The son of a journalist, Frank Ignatius Fox was born on 12 August 1874 in Kensington, Adelaide and educated at Christ college, , Tasmania. 2 He began his career in jouraali•• ac the tender age of ten, writing an article for tbe TASMANIAN NAIL which hi• father then edited. Between the l880's and early 1890 1 1 Fox held a succe11ion of editorships, including the AUSTRALIAN WORKMAN and the NAXIONA!J ADVOCATE. Havina married Helen Clint in 1894, iu 1901 Fox moved from Melbourne, where he had been working a1 a political reporter for David Syme, to Sydney to work a1 sub-editor on the BULLETIN. Apparently, Fox, like Stephens

l. F. Fox to R. Jebb, 2.8.1907, Jebb F:.pers, (,T.:.J, l/75. 2. SH p. 109 for references.

26 Tllr. Jt;DIC IOl.:S TIIIEF.

S O\I EO'\E .hkL"rl \f.1"< \ ,1rd.1u to d c rin1· the J-..; c r11i 1: 1<-111. ◄ > Ill! cannn l I,..: t,,n pn,111,1..•. ~ 1..· ~.1• di fft· r,·11 t.:1..· l,d ,, n· 11 j.!L"lllUS .u1d llb,111 11~·- ·· \\'1..·ll , ·• u,·l.' c rit1 ·1 ,111 die -. w1 t lt wll.lt it ,l.1, .... I )ne n1 t1c :),wl tli 1..· .11nl 1"r ,.f /),·.;,· 11 ,·,,1/1,,11 , " tl1t: lu n...1.l1 c h, n~·~Y 111 .1k c .1g:1•:: J l1.,t1k ; 1,u, tifly ;-,mn,it kil l it. - al il.'. l -.t, ,u rc , d hi,; h,1. ud .u1d cl,,thc ..... ·· ludrnrd l.e f,u,.1c,·11 11t.

\'t-:K\' fl.!w nh.:11 ,He wi-.1.! by thei r o wn c11u 1t-.1.: I, l u (,1 r turH' nl.'ver c ru-.hL"d that man who m g,)od or lc:irncd hv thei fon11111.: d1..·cc1,L'd n 11 t. - Ro1_/011 stlJ1. r nwn lt:,lcl11ng. F" r he !tut wa, only taught 1,y him,clfha

11 LIFE at helit i,; but a glno my µ ri-;n n,'· ~..1.iJ A:', OLD tht! morali..,ing h1clu: lor. c o,1PLAI:-.T. ·• :-5o murh I he worse fo r men who deltberatdv N OVELS , witness every m o nth';; re\·iew, chnt>se ..,q!ita r\' c, inhnenil.!nt," re m.irked the g:1~1 Rdie their names and o ffer nothini; new. Y. '11) ha

A Cl I RI Snl..\S STORY. TIit,; GOOIJ A:-.GEL A'.'

7. 'A Christmas Story'. -THE LONE HAND , February 1909, p.xlvi. before him, joined the BULLETIN on the direct invitation of Archibald. Fox certainly impressed Archibald who chose him as his personal assistant and the two seem to have established a good working relationship, with Fox being "made to feel an associate rather than a pupil and to be one of the 'team' with a full l share of responsibility ••• ". Acutely aware of his obsession with his work, Fox saw journalism as "an impoverishing, enslaving, but enchanting occupati~n, truly comparable with a drug habit."2 And if journalism was a drug, Fox's cravings for it were insatiable. As one writer in the BULLETIN put it: "Fox has written enough books about war, politics, social issues and out of the way places, to stack a small library. 113 Fox, like THE LONE HAND, has escaped the attention of historians. 4

Fox left THE LONE HAND in early 1909, apparently amidst considerable controvers~ Taylor has related how McCleod was far from impressed with Fox's decision to reproduce in the April 1909 issue the infamous cartoon depicting the dog and the Saint, and has suggested that this was the reason behind :fox's departure. 5 This may well have been the case, but there may be more to it. For at least two years prior to his editorship of THE LONE HAND, Fox yearned to go to London - "the centre" as he referred to it. 6 In one of his early letters to Jebb, Fox declared that he was "resolved to seek a chance to work in Great Britain for a couple of years at least." "I'm not," he told Jebb, "very greedy for money and would make some sacrifice in that regard. 117 This statement does not rest easy with other evidence about Fox's financial affairs. Fox was a bon vivant who tended to live beyond his means. Before joining the BU:.:.::-::,': he had been declared bankrupt,

1. W. Stone (ed.), BibZionews, XIII, V, May 1960, p.15. 2. F. Fox, Our EngZish Land MuddZe, London, 1913, p.11; q.v. L.W. Matters, AustraZasians Who Count In London, London, 1913, p.49. 3. BULLETIN, 17 April 1935, p.14. 4. N.K. Meaney, The Search for Security in the Pacific, 1908-14, Sydney, 1976, has a two page footnote dealing with Fox (n. 4, pp.159-161). 5. Taylor, op.cit., p.60. The cartoon, titled 'A Christmas Story', appeared in the Judicous Thief section which, as its name implies was a page of select reprints from contemporary magazines. Archibald had run two similar, albeit short-lived columns in the BULLETIN. The Discriminating Scisso't's (1889) and Verses We Have Read (1890-1). 6. F. Fox to R. Jebb, 17 August 1907, J.P., 1/37. 7. F. Fox to R. Jebb, 29 August 1905, J.P., 1/7.

27 and as sub-editor of the BULL'ETIN and editor of THE LONE BAND he regularly received advances on his salary. Contrary to what Fox would have Jebb believe, it would appear that Great Britain presented Fox with an opportunity to win the fame and fortune he craved. The captain was seeking his own white whale.

Fox's 'big scheme' was to establish his own daily newspaper in London. The paper was to have a three point platform: national defence; "the reitoration of the Ocean to the Union Jack", and a tariff refo~ with "an-industrial arm 1 and patriotic aim." In February 1909 - two months before his departure from THE LONE BAND - Fox told his close friend, Alfred Deakin, that he had been promised e65,000 in capital. 2 Writing from London eight months later, he told Deakin that "The Big Scheme is now certain unless my Australian friends make a quite ridiculous response to the financial appeal to put in al and make it earn e5 within a year. 113 What happened after that remains a mystery. In October 1910 he confided to Deakin: "I still look upon life here as an exile but must stick it out until my big plan is achieved." 4 In January 1911 he told Deakin that "the big venture will be put to the test next year. 115 And that, unfortunately, is where the story must end until access is gained to Fox's papers in the British Museum.

The three point platform proposed by Fox for his daily newspaper mirrored his socio-political philosophy, the lynchpin of which was a fierce determination to preserve racial homogeneity in Australia. But if racism was the lynchpin, it · was certainly not the only component. Fox was also deeply concerned with community health, living and working conditions within the urban environment, education, and especially national productivity. Fox's philosophy is in fact, a clear expression of the broad reform impulse evident in Western industrialised countries around the turn of the present century. In a recently published work,

1. F. Fox to J. Jebb, 1 August 1900 (?), J.P., 1/75. 2. F. Fox to A. Deakin, 11 February 1909, D.P., 22/94. 3. F. Fox to A. Deakin, 11 October 1909, D.P., 24/26. 4. F. Fox to A. Deakin, 28 October 1909, D.P., 24/63. 5. F. Fox to A. Deakin, 24 January 1911, D.P., 27/13.

28 8. Cover, THE LONE HAND, February 1909. ll TI Michael Roe exaaines·the lives and works of nine Australian Progressives, who felt the onslaught of vitalism, enhanced it and transmitted it to the Antipodes. 1 Roe's subjects include doctors, lawyers and academics but do not include anyone directly involved in the print media. If the need bad been felt to include such a figure, Sir Frank Fox would certainly have fitted the bill.

As editor of THE LONE HAND Fox unashamedly and successfplly imposed his 1NQ socio­ political philosophy upon the magazine itself. Aa a result THE LONE HAND became an effective channel through which notions of national efficiency were filtered to Australia. The most obvious instance of Fox imposing his own concerns and beliefs upon THE LONE HAND was the issue of defence. Fox was obsessed with national defence and actually practiced what he preached. C0111Dissioned in the Australian Field Artillery on l September 1905, Fox was an early member of the Australian National Defence League, whose quarterly journal, THE CALL, he co­ edited with G.R. Campbell. Fox apparently presented quite a colourful sight in THE LONE HAND offices on Saturday afternoons, being dressed in full military unifol'111, which he had donned for morning drill; From at least 1909, Fox was convinced of the inevitability of a European conflict. When it came, he wasted little time in signing up, being commissioned in the Royal Field Artillery on 13 December 1914. Twice wounded in the Battle of the Somme, he had been mentioned in Despatches, appointed to the Belgian Order of the Crown, and was awarded an O.B.E. (1919). He spent the last years of the war at the General Head Quarters in France and at the War Office in London. 3

The pages of THE LONE HAND during Fox's editorship and beyond are full of warnings of the 'inevitable' Asian invasion. This idea received perhaps its most vivid expression in the February 1909 issue, the cover of which depicted a coloured map of Australia with the Northern Territory left blank, superimposed over the heading.The Unfinished CommonweaZth: AustraZia's Danger. In his editorial Fox warned his readers of "the seething of five hundred millions of possible, nay probable, enemies on their borders," and stated:

1. M. Roe, Nine AustraZian Progressives, VitaZism in Bourgeois Sociai Thought 1890-1960, University of Queensland Press, 1984. 2. Taylor, op.cit., p.59. 3. AustraZian Dictionary of Biography, Vol.8, Melbourne, 1981, pp.568ff.

29 It ia Australia's fate to be pushed into the van of the certainly coming conflict. We are territorially Austral-Asia, the southern part of Asia, its natural overflow for surplus population. We have, with a true instinct of race preservation, set up legal barriers against the entry of the Asiatic outflow. But those barriers are purely artificial. They are parapets on paper only. They mount no guns.l

Fox was alarmed by the potential consequences for Australia, of the Anglo-Japanese treaty. The upshot of that treaty, according to Fox, was that Australia could no longer rely on naval support from the mother country in order to preserve and protect racial homogeneity in the Antipodes. The message was clear: Australia had to build and maintain its own defence forces. From June 1907 to November 1913 THE LONE HAND ran twelve articles on the army, sixteen on the navy and ten on air defence - in every instance the same message was conveyed. As well as this, THE LONE HAND ran nine fiction stories with an invasion theme, ten articles on general defence in the Pacific, and a series of articles exploring the "Asiatic Menace". This latter group of articles was written by Louis Esson, who 2 had been commissioned by Fox to travel to Asia and write the series. It is a matter of interest that Esson contributed a total of eighteen pieces to THE ~ONE HAND and every one of these was run by Fox. It is also interesting, albeit not surprising, that Esson's series on Asia which included articles on China and India contained three articles on Japan, Japan's Jiu-Jitsu ~ip!omaay, Japan the ;~~ester and Japanese Imperialism. As the titles suggest, the implication that is intended to be drawn from the articles, is that it was essential that Australia took the necessary steps to defend itself from a Japanese invasion.

THE LONE HAND 's treatment of the defence issue was based on the assumption that a Japanese invasion of Australia was imminent. In the wake of the Dreadnought Crisis, Germany was seen as a potential enemy, but the strong impression created was that Germany, in spite of hP.r imperial designs in the Pacific, particularly

l. The Month, February 1909, pp.469, 470. 2. For full listing see Bibliography,p:102.Fox had also commissioned artist Alfred Vincent to travel through Asia "and picture its humorous features." ('E.U.C.', May 1907, p.xxi).

30 :1Jl New Guinea and was not of immediate concern to Australia:

The Bogey of a Gerun inva■ ioa i• no bogey to Australia. Australia, if illvaded by Germany, would beco• a republic or remain as much a republic as it is now, but a conquest by Japan is a conquest unspeakable and Japan is nearer than Germany - so Australia's knowledge that it must defend itself principally against the yellow and the brown is dictated by the logic of fear - the fear that is the prudence or strong men.l

An article in the Hay 1911 issue put the case even more forcefully: There is one nation, and only one, with whom we have a standing possible causus beZZi on account of the exclusion of her subjects, who is earth hungry owing to overpopulation of her own territory, and who could easily strike at Australia. That nation is Japan. Japan, therefore, is the enemy. If Japan is not the enemy, then there is no enemy.2

The vital premis on which THE LONE HAND's campaign against the Japanese was based was that the Japanese posed a threat not just to Australia but to the white race. As Fox put it:

If there is one clear principle amidst the welter of wrongs and reprisals and deceits called "international politics" it is that the supremacy of white man must be maintained •••• Asiatic dynasties have at various times risen to great magnificence and to splendid material prosperity, but have never yet induced stable and democratic power, have never produced that type of civilisation which has human liberty and human right as its pillars. The interests of the world are bound up with the White Race which stands in the vanguard of evolution •••• [T]he White Race as a race, has taken up the white man's burden of struggling on towards "the upward path" of striving at a higher

1. R. Bedford, White YeZZow or Bror.,m, July 1911, p.225. 2. L.H. • May 1911, p.2.

31 dear•• of evolution. It would certainly be aore pleaaant for the White lace if it took to the lotua-eatin1 life of the ICaDaka, or the aubaiaaive, paaaive life of tb• Aaiatic. But the choice baa bea ud• by Nature rather than by UD. Tbe caucaaion, vitb bia puaion for liberty, for individuality, bear• tbe banner in the van of huunity.l so, a• far a• Foz vaa concerned, Auatralia bad a lliaaiOD to tbe vorld, hot divinely iaapired aa the Americana believed their lliaatn to be, but one decreed by Nature.

In aaaeaa1DI THE LONE HAND'• treatMnt of defence, aeveral point• m11at be borne in Iliad. Firatly, it waa a aeaaatioul iaaue vbicb could be uaed effectively to sell the magazine. Secondly, Auatralia'• defence fore•• were indeed woefully inadequate. Thirdly, the develop.at of Auatraliaa naval and llilitary forces was consiatent with THE LONE HARD'• noted encourag■-nt of local industries. Fourthly, defence waa a peraoul pre-occupation of Foz, vbo like ao many others, believed that "the existence of a ution depend• upon ita ability to put up a winning fight."2 If Auatralia was to take up her r11btful place among the nation ■ of the world, if indeed she waa to fulfil her mission, she had to prove capable of defending herself. Thus the Japanese in the early 1900'• offered what the Turks provided in 1915. A final explanation for THE LONE HAND's extensive treatment of defence may lie in Fox's close personal friendship with Alfred Deakin. Like Fox, Deakin held the defence issue close to his heart. As Prime Minister and also as de facto leader of the opposition, Deakin undertook a conscious effort to place the issue at the forefront of public attention.

Deakin first met Fox in 1904 and thereafter the two maintained a close friendship. (The Deakin Paper• alone contain thirty-five letters to and from Fox). When Fox left for London in 1909 h• took with him references from Deakin and eventually found a poaition on the MORNING POST, where Deakin was a valued correspondent. (It may well be that Fox waa one of the few people who knew the true identity of the MORNING POST'• Australian correspondent). 3 Deakin was impressed with the

l. L.H., August 1908, p.352. 2. L.E., April 1911, p.445. 3. J.A. LaNauze, op.~!: .• pp.199-201.

32 9. Cover, THE LONE HAND, August 1908. early issues of THE LONE HAND, telling Fox that he was "genuinely surprised at 1 thrir variety and general excellence.". And he did in fact answer Fox's repeated calls to produce copy for the magazine, most notably the biography of David Syme. 2 Given the close friendship that existed between Fox and Deakin and also the fact that Deakin a• Prime Minister underwrote the first issue of THE LONE HAND, it seems plausible to suggest that in highlighting tbe defence issue, Fox was deliberately a•eieting Deakin in hi• effort• to focu• public attention on defence. Significantly, when in 1908 Deakin played a master stroke by having the American Fleet visit Australia - an event calculated to call the British bluff - THE LONE HAND reeponded with a special defence issue, the front cover of which displayed the Great White Fleet beneath the white hand of friendship. 3

Like so many Australians of the period, Fox believed that a vital element in Australia's defence against the Japanese was the quality of her soldiers - the hardy men of the frontier. 4 But even the commonly held belief that Australia had produced a national type,worthy of its ancestral roots was not sufficfent to allay Fox's fears of Australia being able to meet a Japanese invasion. Not only did the "back country" Australians need to be disciplined and trained as efficient soldiers, but also, there was a need to raise the general health standards of the community - particularly within the urban environment so that those who had not been exposed to frontier life could themselves be relied upon in Australia's baptism of nationality.

Fox himself led a healthy, robust life and took an active role in community health. In 1927 for example, he organised the British Empire Cancer Campaign and from 1936 to 1946 was a member of the Empire Rheumatism Council; And, as editor of THE LONE HAND tried to make community health a matter for public discus•ion. In December 1908 he declared: With good quarantine, good drainage, good ventilation, good food, and careful education

1. A. Deakin to Fox, 11 February 1909, D.P., 22/97. 2. L.B., June 1907, pp.117-120. 3. L.B., August 1908. 4. Thus Fox: "By its manhood alone a nation lives in its ultimate trial," December 1907, p.117. And also: "[The Bushman] is the backbone of his country and the real power to be reckoned with when an enemy knocks at our door." (June 1909, p.215).

33 011 the subject of excesses, diseases would almost vanish, and such as survived would be so directly traceable to the sufferer's own ill-doing as to need but little sympathy. The economic advantage to a comaunity of freedom from the inroads of phthisis, cancer, typhoid and other such taxes on its life and labour is almost uncalculable.l

A third instance in which THE LONE HAND reflected Fox', personal convictions was the matter of Australia's developMnt of her primary.and secondary industries. Fox did take an active interest in Australia's cultural development but for him, unlike most of his BULLETIN associates, notably Archibald, Australia's cultural development assumed secondary significance to the developMnt of local industries. Through his various writings in Australian newspapers around the turn of the century, Fox appears to have been one of the most vocal supporters of "a protective tariff which protects and which secures that all the essential resources of civilisation shall be available from Australian factories. 112 During Fox's editorship THE LONE HAND was laced with articles similar to the one in the first issue which had been distributed throughout the world by the CoDDDonwealth Government, highlighting the growth of Australian industries. 3 Fox clearly welcomed and encouraged that growth. In an editorial in January 1909, for example, he stated:

The national sentiment which is the motive power of national progress grows definitely in strength. In the realm of trade exhibitions Australian goods become popular. Local manufacturers no longer conceal their products under false ":-tade in " labels; retailers make it a matter of boast that they handle Australian lines. In all that comes under the name of Australia there is a quickening of the national feeling and recognition ••. that in every department of civilised life this little group of people on the "white continent" is making a brave show. We are learning to "think Australian" and that involves in time to "act Australian."4

1. 'Editorial', L.H., December 1908, p.224. 2. BULLETIN, 19 May, p.6. 3. See esp. December 1907, pp.ll7ff. 4, L.H., January 1909, p.352.

34 In London, after leaving THE LONE HAND, Fox seemed to have taken upon himself tbe,ta•k of adverti•ing Auatralia. "Do do not think the official efforts being made to adverti•e the Coaonvealth are of much value," he wrote to Deakin in

1910. 1 So, whilst working for THE MORNING POST1 THE TIHES1 THE DAILY MAIL and "a avarm of other papers," he waa all the time "grooming Au•tralia. 112 The same can indeed be aaid of hi• efforts whilst editor of THE LONE HAND. 3

Tb• fir•t of Fox'• editorials waa titled 'Tb• Editor'• Uneaay Chair.' This column, which ran in unbroken sequence during Fox'• editor•bip appeared in the front buaines• section. Fox introduced the colmm by declaring that THE LONE HAND would not "devote preciou• page• to glowing announc••nt• of what it is goina to do in the future."4 The declaration waa •hortlived - in the second instalment Fox told readers what to expect 1n the coming iaaue. The September 1907 issue contained an admission that the declaration had not been adhered to. Fox used 'The Editor's Uneasy Chair' to advertiae the 'For the Public Good' section - a regular feature, drawing attention to •ocial injuatices. Fox con­ stantly appealed to his readers to contribute material and 'leads' to the section and in the October 1907 issue lamented that "there has not been so far the expected volume of replies to the invitation to citizens to correspond on food and drug frauds."5 Fox hinted at legal problems and the reference can only have been to the articles on Wren and Harper which are examined in Chapter V. In what amounted to his farewell address, Fox declared that his job "has been, on the whole, a very grateful task," then, after noting that -:.=:·E ::.CiiE h'AND had been "very fortunate in respect of its contributors,'' he once again praised the 'For 6 the Public Good' section and gave account of its successes. The fact that Fox chose to conclude in this manner further suggests that he had a personal interest in this section.

1. F. Fox to A. Deakin, 28 October 1910, D.P., 26/63. 2. F. Fox to A. Deakin, 11 October 1909, D.P., 24/26. 3. eg., 'E.U.C.', September 1907, p.xxi: "A very good advertisement of Australia to send to friends abroad will be a bound volume of ':HE ::.ONE HAND." 4. 'E.U.C.', May 1907, p.xxi. S. 'E.U.C.', October 1907, p.xxi; 'E.U.C., May 1907, p.xxi. 6. 'E.U.C.', April 1909, p.vii.

35 THERE'S MONEY IN IT !

'J'Ke~r.ftAN• aims at typographi,·al perfe,·tion. That is an iLkal but seldom realised. It is rare for a book or new,paper to he pul,Ii,hl'd without at least one typograph:cal blunder. By way of self-puni,hmun for carelessness THE Lo:,;i,: H.,:-.ll will pay a fine of £10 cash to the reader fin/ sending in the most complete list of printer·, errors. To the reader first calling attention to any additional error not mentioned in that list a fine of£1 ca:,h will be paid. Suppose there are 20 errors in the first i"ue (in a typical daily there are usually 40 or 5r; errors in each issue). One reader detects seven of these and collects the big fine ; for the other 13 errors, if detected, a fine of.£ 1 each will be paid to the person first calling attention to the error . .i#I Ille same "7'0r will not be paid for tw,~·e. Elaborate precautions will be taken to giYe the remote Australian reader, and the nearest, equal opportunities of collecting the fines. Errors in the ad,·ertising pages will be counted equally with errors in the reading matter. It is lo )'Our interest lo read " TIie Lone Hand" IArrnlgl, from tOfKr lo ,OfJtr I You must cut out the coupon below and forward it with your list of erron.

f.______(UML)

(ru,,..,._-.) "'1M /M fo/""'11;,g pn·nter's errors in "Tire Lone Hand" {Wll4 May, I<)07 ).

Page. ___ Page. Page. _____

Pap--- Pa.i:e .. __ Page

Tbe Pap u,d the eninc word must be clearly specitied, and the envelope (stamped with flll1 lecter ,-aacel addttSRd :- PR I sTER 's ERROR, c/o Editor THE I..os& HAND, 214 George-s1reet, S~·dney. Litten mut be posted on or before the last day of the month of current publication. Tbe Edit--'• decision on all points to he final. :No employee ol THI\ Loss HAJIID will be eligible to receiYe any of the finet.

xxiv.

10. Printer's Error, Competition. - THE LONE HAND, June 1907, p.xxi. Fox alao uaad 'Th• Editor's Uneasy Chair' to encourage literary and artistic coQtributiou froa readers. The general impression is that Fox intended THE LONE 1 HAND to be highly responsive to its readership. In both the August 1907 and September 1908 issu••• Fox gave notice of an increase in "factual articles" because this supposedly was what readers had indicated they wanted more of. Further evidence of Fox's intention to make the magazine responsive to its readership is the decision to run serials. In the November 1907 issue Fox spoke of "a very common demand for a serial story" and notJ.lied readers that following issues would contain Ambrose Pratt's serial,'The Big Five•. 2 Fox pursued this further by running a serial competition which was won by Charles H. Kirmess, whose 'The co-onvealth Crisis' •~was so daring, so novel, so absorbingly interesting, that it easily put the others out of the field. 113 A full page advertisement for the serial in the Septemer 1908 issue vent so far as to declare that it was "the Australian work of this_century. 114 'The Coaaonvealth Crisis' ran in unbroken sequence from October 1908 to Auguat 1909 and occupied an average of twelve unillustrated pages each issue. In March 1909, replying to a suggestion that 'The Commonwealth Crisis' be dramatised, Fox argued that the work would not make for successful drama for "not a women smiles through any of its chapters as it stands." "The idea of the author," Fox went on to say, "was to interest to arouse, to instruct, rather than to amuse. 115 It is most unlikely that Archibald would have approved of such intentions, as they were a direct contra­ diction of his original vision of THE LONE HAND - even Fox himself had declared, II THE LONE HAND will always try to be amusing; to be a shilling's worth of pleasure to the reader. No 'mission' can be allowed to interfere with that:16

The Preface of the initial instalment of 'The Commonwealth Crisis' clearly stated the author's intentions which were "to write a magazine article dealing with the

1. See esp. 'E.U.C.', June 1907, p.xxi; July 1907, p.xxi. 2. Fox had earlier co-written a serial, 'The Emperor and the Double', with Pratt which was published in THE DAILY TELEGRAPH. 3. 'E.U.C.', August 1908, p.vii. The serial was published in book form under the title, "The Australian Crisis", Melbourne, 1909. 4. Advertisement, September 1908, p.viii. 5. 'E.U,C.', March 1909, p.vii. Further to the intention to "instruct" the story was set in 1912. 6. 'E.U.C.', August 1907, p.xii.

36 dangers to which the neighbourhood of overcrowded Asia exposes the thinly . . 1 populated Commonwealth of Australia." The story ran along the lines of:

A peaceful invasion of the Northern Territory by Japan [which] results in the establishment of a large colony of armed immigrants, which repulse the unofficial White Guard of Backblock Australians sent to exterminate them. The consequences of such an invasion with Great Britain unable owing to fear of international complications, to act on behalf of a White Australia, are social and financial disorganisation, which culminates in a civil war in West Australia.2

'The Commonwealth Crisis' is not only a fascinating piece of literature but also an important, albeit almost unknown historical document which represents a clear expression of the fears and anxieties of the age. It is also written with considerable foresight: The White Guard is an obvious precursor to the Anzac Corp. That Fox chose to run 'The Commonwealth Crisis' is not surprising for three reasons. Firstly, it was a serial and readers had indicated a preference for this type of writing. Secondly, 'The Commonwealth Crisis' was, in effect, a reiteration of the fears and anxieties of the age. Thirdly, Charles H. Kirmess was none other than Frank Fox. 3

One final piece of evidence pointing to Fox's desire to be responsive to his readers' wishes is the plebiscite announced in June 1908. The plebiscite asked five questions:

What is the best feature of :.':E :,~::£ .:-i;..f:Z? What do you suggest as the most obvious improvement? Should there be more stories? Is the serial story a good idea? Are there enough pictures?4

Fair enough. It is interesting to note however, that readers were offered a rebate in subscriptions in return for answering the questions. This move tends

l. C.H. Kirmess, "The Commonwealth Crisis", :..H., October 1909, p.683. 2. C.H. Kirmess, o.ait., L.H .• July 1909, p.321. 3. N.K. Meaney, op.ait. • n.4, pp,159-161. Meaney notes that "the evidence for Fox's authorship, though circumstantial, is overwhelming ... " [and) "is most completely demonstrated by comparing his novel,"Beneath An Ardent Sun" (London, 1923) which was published under his own name with The Australian Crisis, p.160. 4. L.H., June 1908, p.viii.

37 to suggest that sales were declining and also lends support to A.G. Stephens' reurk that "in the second year, we imagine that the [BULLETIN] Co. began to 1 have doubt ■, in the third year, qualms." Perhaps there were even so• members of the Company, who began to associate (if they hadn't already) the Red Parasols ideal with Archibald's mental condition.

The second of Fox's editorial columns, 'Editorial', ran to an average length of three pages per issue and appeared in every issue dur'lng Fox's term, except for October 1907, July 1908 and January 1909. (No explanation for these omissions was ever offered). It appears that Fox did not write everything that appeared in this column, although he seems to have written the greater part of it.2 The column itself was a strange mixture of short literary pieces and philosophical aphorisms. It is difficult to find justification for this column in a magazine in which space was supposedly so precious.

In the third of Fox's editorial columns, 'To Would-Be Contributors', which was usually the last page before the back business section, Fox addressed himself in a much abbreviated manner to would-be contributors. 3 This was a common practice among contemporary publications, including the BULLETIN. Responses in THE LONE HAND were not always kindly expressed thus "P" was told: "Apparently your poem beginning 'Lay in my arms my darling', is addressed to a hen" and 4 L.H. Kennedy: "'Sorrow, depart!', you began, but it didn't." Perhaps the only two things worthy of note in respect of 'To Would-be Contributors' is, firstly, that each month there appeared over fifty responses. This is an impressive number, and it may indeed be that the purpose of the column was to impress as well as to instruct. Secondly, through Fox's advice to would-be contributors, we are offered a glimpse of THE LONE HAND formula. In August 1907 for example, it was stated that "it wouldn't be a good idea to imitate the BULLET.IN'•

l. The BookfeZZ()f,), 15 November 1914, p,251. 2. 'E.U.C.', June 1908, p.vii: "Edward Dyson was responsible for some unsigned editorial matter." 3. The title of this column was changed to 'The Bear and the Basket' in December 1907. 4. Ibid, June 1908, p.231.

38 'Aboriginalities' in.THE LONE HAND. Our bush friends must reconcile themselves to ·the fact that THE LONE HAND strikes out on new lines."1 Fox repeatedly told his readers that there was no room for 'lonely grave' stories in the new magazine whose overriding aim was to be "cheerful". 2 One would-be contributor was told: "Don't want cannibal stories - difficult to make them bright and romantic. 113 Fox also emphasised throughout this column that "THE LONE HAND knows no politics except to be Australian." "We want to be Australian without being political," 4 he wrote in January 1908. He might just as well have said, we want to indulge in bourgeois self-adulation, not proletarian malcontent.

Fox's fourth column, 'The Month', which ran to an average length of 4-5 pages, appeared in the first issue (1 page) then broke off, recommencing supposedly as a response to the plebiscite in September 1908, and continued in unbroken sequence to the end of Fox's term. The column was intended to be "a review of current events of what may be called 'race politics', as affecting the Common­ wealth."5 It strove to be "Australian without being partisan." In order to secure "a better outlook," the column was to be written from the four corners of the Empire - via a link-up with correspondents from Australia, England, Canada and Hong Kong. 6 In effect, it was little more than a vehicle for Fox to express his obsession with "race politics," The text of 'The Month' was unillustrated and printed in small type and it is unlikely that it was a widely read column. It is important nonetheless. and clearly requires close examination, for it is in the pages of 'The Month' that Fox attempted to define Australia's position in the world, Moreover, it is here that Fox allowed himself something he constantly denied would-be contributors, namely the opportunity to discuss politics. In the January 1909 instalment Fox took two and a half pages to discuss "the queer

1. 'To Would-Be Contributors', August 1907, p.444. 2, Ibid, q.v. 'Bear and the Basket', March 1909, p.xxxiv: "Yes, very nearly but its dismalness finally turned the scale against;" ibid, October 1908, p,731: "C.M.F,: Much too gruesome for a publication that tries to be cheerful." 3, 'To Would-Be Contributors', October 1907, p.688. 4, 'The Bear and the Basket', January 1908, p.279; q.v. 'E.U.C,', September 1908,. p.vii: "There will be no writing in a partisan spirit, no entering into the quarrels of parties .•• " 5. 'The Month', October 1908, p.643. 6. Ibid, p.643.

39 cr1•1• which ao suddenly precipitated Hr. Deakin out of office " Fox was obvioualy fruatrated by the existence of 'three elevens' in the field and the faoc that thua far Australia bad only "a seriH of stop-gap Cabinets." He deeply laaented a situation whereby a Prime Minister "can bold office and do little more." "Th• Auatralian situation," he wrote, "still demand• in vain a strong Government, such as the late Hr. Bollance foraed in Maoriland, capable of holdina office for a term of years, and completina the work of setting the Federal machinery aoina. " 1 Fox ht..elf had tbua found hov difficult it' was to "be Australian without being political."

In assesaing the life and career of Sir Frank Fox the first thin& that must be said is that Fox deserves closer and more detailed attention than is possible here. In a recent article, David Bowman has identified Brian Toohey as belonginr to an almost forgotten tradition of writing editors; Fox vaa clearly very much a part of that tradition. 2 A journalist of prolific, even outstanding output, Fox began his career working for the Labour press but in mid-life and thereafter became an apologist and stout defender of conservatism. Aa editor of THE LONE HAND Fox exerted considerable personal influence over the magazine and in doing so reformulated Archibald's original vision of THE LONE HAND. Obsessed with militarism and 'race politics' Fox used THE LONE HAND to convey his deep-felt convictions to Australian audiences. Consequently, under Fox, THE LONE HA,':D became something far removed from "the joyous organ abounding in melody and colour" that it was originally intended to be. 3 Further examination of Fox not only affords a closer appraisal of THE :.JNE HA!ID but also offers a revealing insight into the paradox of colonial nationalism. Fox saw himself as "first and foremost an Australian nationalist."4 He sought to define for his fellow Australians, Australia's place in the world, and what it actually meant to be an Australian. But he could never define this as something in itself - there

l. 'The Month, January 1909, p.352. 2. D. Bowman, "Can Editors be Saved?", Australian Soaie:y, 4, 2, February 1985, p.28. 3. A.G. Stephens apparently took great delight in relating the story of how Archibald was seen jumping on a copy of ':.':.:.'E :..:;::E .':.:.'.4.i'JD in front of the sc:..:..E-::.v office and spoke of turning the pages of ':.':.:.'E :..:;::E ::'A.::D to 'the odour of damp galoshes'. :he Eookfellow, 15 ~ovember 1914, p.251. 4. F. Fox to R. Jebb, l August 1900 (?), ..:.:-., 1/75.

40 11. Arthur H. Adams. THE LONE HAND, January 1909, p.111. - - ...... ,,. always had to be broader contingencies, be it the Empire or the White Race. Moreover, whilst consciously cultivating an Australian 'national sentiment' Fox yearned to escape the narrow confines of the Antipodes and move to London. Once there he returned to Australia only once - on an official visit - before his death in 1960.

Fox was succeeded as editor by Arthur Henry Adalu, who was born on 6 June 1872 at Lawrence, New Zealand, the second son of a Crown Luds Co-1.ssioner. 1 On graduating from the University of Otago (BA 1894), Adams worked as a journalist on the Wellington EVENING POST, of which his uncle was editor. In 1898 he came to Sydney and was engaged as J.C. Williauon's literary secretary. In 1900 he travelled to China as war correspondent of the Boxer Rebellion for the SYDNEY MORNING HERALD and a group of New Zealand newspapers. Between 1902-1905 he worked as a journalist in London and whilst there published his first novel, TUSSOCK LAND (1904). From London Adams went back to New Zealand but soon after returned to Sydney to work on the BULLETIN and in October 1906 he replaced A.G. Stephens as editor of the 'Red Page'.

Once referred to by the BULLETIN as the "best writer of verse ••• Maoriland has yet produced," Adams enjoyed a prolific literary output writing poems, novels, 2 articles, short stories and plays. Whilst in London he became particularly attracted to the work of Ibsen - an admiration he shared with Fox. Adams subsequently adopted the new modernist techniques espoused by Ibsen et al and actively encouraged others to follow. As H.M. Green put it:

Both by example and his efforts as editor of the BULLETIN 'Red Page' and of THE LCNE n/..N:: [Adams] influenced the younger writers of the day for good and towards modernity in methods and craftsmanship ••• as a conscientious crafts­ man, aware of developments overseas, he helped towards the awakening of Australians to the wider aspects of the world and of literature.3

A.G. Stephens, who was sufficiently impressed with Adams' early work to publish l. See p.89 for references. 2. Nesbit, Aspects of Litemry NationaZism IJ'ith Reference to the BULLETIN, Phd., ANU, 1968, p.197. 3. H.M. Green, Histor-y of AustraZian Literature, Sydney, 1961, p.421.

41 From a Cremorne Balcony

FROM A CREMORNE BALCONY.

By AR'l;lfUR H. AD.\~IS

Decoration by .f. / . Iii/du·.

THE m- that drifta the world around Two pleaaauncea of peace hu found Where ahe her atepa ia fain to atay : Once when abe dreama an hour away ha the lqoona of Venice drowned ; Once when ahe traila in c:hildiah play Her W'Hr robea in Moaman'a Bay.

And then the bay ia made anew. ,_.. Upoa the buah-a blur of blue- The slad m- waita with widened eyea To watch where liahted Muasra•e triea Tbe amooth floor with a jewelled aboe. There may be beauty put the akiea 1 My balcony ia Paradiae.

12. 'From A Cremorne Balcony'. - THE LONE HAND , July 1910, p.246. bi• fir•t book of verse, MAORILAND AND OTHER VERSES (1899), does not appear to'have approved of the new influences on Adams' work. In 1901 Stephens des­ cribed MAORILAND as "clever and somewhat artificial, at its best, it is better than mere cleverness can achieve; and occasionally it phrases true instincts forcibly and memorably."1 In 1903, during Adama' sojourn in London and long before he had cause for resentment over editorial appointments, A.G. Stephens unkindly commented:

Adams is too fond of stwming words and of garish rhetoric limelit by exclamation points. Occasionally the method is effective but his taste does not tell hia when it is not. Hi• sentiment is often good and true but it rarely rises to even a weak position and it frequently falls to weak sentimentality.2

Like Fox, Adams was ambitious, self-conscious and, according to Rose Lindsay, conceited. "He walked in a mincing manner," wrote Lindsay, "with head thrown back, sniffing disdainfully at the air with little backward jerks of his head as if the smells were a bit too much."3 Like Fox also, Adams wrote quite extensively for THE LONE HAND whilst editor. But unlike his predecessor, Adams did not indulge in polemics. Most of his contributions consisted of modernist verse of the type which A.G. Stephens deplored. Adams' verse is conspicuously cosmopolitan. Occasionally the setting is distinctly Australian but the tone and flavour always retain a wider vision. 'From a Cremorne Balcony' is a good example:

The lapping waves soft secrets tell; Even an anchored steamer's bell Comes liquid, hushed, as in a swoon So still it is, that surely soon, From the bush, to break the spell, Will sneak, as down a blue lagoon, A gondola beneath the moon!4

Adams contributed two serials to THE LONE h"AND, 'Experiences of Clarence' run by Fox from October 1907 to April 1908, and 'Galahad Jones' which he himself

l. A.G. Stephens, in G. Mackaness and W. Stone (eds.), The Books of the BULLETIN 1880-1952. An Annotated BibZiography, Angus and Robertson, 1955, p.13. 2. A.G. Stephens, cited in Taylor, op.ait, p.65. 3. R. Lindsay, ModeZ wtfe, Sydney, 1967, p.161. 4. A. Adams, "Fror:i a Cremorne Balcony", :..H., July 1910, pp.246-7.

42 ran fr011 August 1909 to March 1910. He was slightly more modest than Fox in advertising hi• own ··aerial although he did find the occasion to mention that it 1 was "winning new friends every month." Still, this was a far cry from declaring that one's own work was 'The Australian work of thi• century'. Adams appears to have been somewh~ hesistant in taking over the editorship of THE LONE HAND; he detel'11lined that a condition of his contract be to allow him to return to the 'Red Page' if things didn't work out.2 He exercised that right in the closing months of 1911.

Adams' hesitation could have sprung from a fear that the new job would impede his own creative effort. More likely however, he was aware that THE LONE HAND was not realising the returns its proprietors hoped it would and was losing advertising revenue. Adams almost certainly understood that changes were necessary if THE LONE HAND was to remain viable. It is also probable that Adams was mindful of the need for a major scoop - an attraction that would bring back the readers, and the advertisers.

As editor, Adams pursued a deliberate policy of acquainting Australians with modern literary techniques and generally familiarising his readers with the outside world. "THE LONE HAND," declared the 1910 prospectus, "will publish a series of striking, informative articles of wider interest." Adams went on to say: THE LONE HAND for 1910 will contain articles with strange co~ntries, strange peoples and strange events that will give our readers a broader outlook. We have commissioned one expert to investigate the Japanese question in the Pacific and America, another is at work for us in Java, and a third is exploring the ruins of ancient civilisations in Central and South America. And our correspondents in London and Paris can be relied upon to keep our readers fully informed of the latest developments in aerial and naval matters. The art and drama of the Old World too, will not be neglected.3

1. L.B., January 1910, p.xii. 2. Taylor, op.cit., p.66. 3. L.B., January 1910, p.xii.

43 African Game Trails T he thi rd in stal ment of T heodore R oosevelt's grJ pbic Jnd exetting nJrra• ti ve of bis Big G .i mt' Hunting Expedi­ ti on in Africa prom ises to be even more sensJtional than his article in this iss ue. T he interest with which the world is foll owing thi s s eries can be gauged by the fact that t' xcerpts from the fi rst Jrticle were cabled to AustrJlia on its appe ar­ ance in the London "Daily T degraph." " T he Lone Hand " holds the sole Australasian rig hts of this series.

lltusfrariol'\ by IN I ,g- ., 1. .;;,

The Art of Opiurn­ Smuggung. A aenaalion,d ezposure of the methods of opium~muggling, with which our Customa offlcers seem unable, or only parlia11y 1.bk, to cope, will be made in the December issue. The writer la 1. ahlp's officer, who bas not only done bi, little bit of smuggling for the prosperous Chinese syndicate which so admirably manages this business, but bas suffered imprisonment for bis one mistake. With the inform.itioo that we possess of the ingenious methods employed in this fl ourishing tr.idt', opium~mugglers would be we11 advised to desist from t heir little games before the first of December. Otherwise, there wi11 be some stnsational captures by our astute Customs officers. Stand Up, Australians! It is said that the Australian does not think well enough of himself, though this modesty is a trait that bas so far esc aped our personal no tice. But the article by J. D. Fitzgerald, entitled "What the W orld Owes to Australia," gives w worthy cause lo remove our bacb from the national verandah post. This article reveals an astonishing list of Australasian., who b1.ve done grut and widely recognised service to the w orld.

Vtll.

13 . Editorial Announcement THE LONE HAND , Nov ember 1909, p. viii. ..._& TI LG s ·-- Ad&lll8 illllediately withdrew much of the factual content that Fox had emphasised. in doing so, Adams was moving closer to Archibald's original vision. Adams also phased out the quarterly prize competitions for verse and articles and replaced the 'Judicious Thief' section with a women's section. Re substituted the 'Editor's Uneasy Chair' with a double page spread announcing forthcoming attractions similar to a theatre bill - perhaps a throw-back to his early days with J.C. Williamson. The layout of the magazine was also redesigned vith a greater view to artistic presentation especially as i~ applied to verse. As Adams himself noted this was "a feature found elsewhere only in the high-class American magazine and seldom in the English magazine."1

The most significant change brought by Adams however, was the decision to halve the price of the magazine to sixpence. Announcing the price reduction in May 1910, Adams declared:

We are not going to abandon either the high standard of our literary and artistic matter nor the high-class mechanical production that has made THE LONE BAND unique in Australia. All the important features that have made the success of THE LONE BAND as a shilling production will be retained, and new features added. The sixpenny LONE HAND will be the same LONE HAND. The announcement concluded with the salient observation:

It must be admitted that THE LONE HAND in its three years of existence has not been all its creators meant it to be - few things are. Mistakes have been made but the reader can now rest assured that we have now gained the experience necessary to avoid such pitfalls in the future.2

ln spite of these claims, the ,price decrease did bring a number of significant changes. The magazine was almost twenty pages shorter, full colour was with­ drawn and paper quality was poorer. The covers lacked the vibrancy of previous issues with the disappearance of original artwork and the use of a different logo.

1. Ibid, p.xii. 2. L.B., April 1910, p.v.

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I According to Adams. the price reduction had long been contemplated. "but before •ucb a revolutionary step could be taken THE LONE HAND had to establish beyond 'cavil' its position as the Australian Monthly. and to have behind it a body of readers that would enable us to give for sixpence what bas previously coat a sbilling. 111 The truth of the matter was that drastic steps had now become necessary in order to combat the marked decline in advertising revenue. For Adams. the 'Red Page' must have seemed increasingly enticing. But be persisted. Despite the trying circU111Stances in which be was plactJ(I. Adams. or at least the advertising manager, made a concerted effort to salvage the venture. The price reduction was by no means the only measure initiated with a view to raising revenue.

The price reduction in May 1910 came exactly twelve months after Adams assumed the editorship. In September 1910, the first non-full page advertisement appeared. In March 1911, the first advertisement on the front cover appeared and the front business page was taken up by an appeal to advertisers highlighting THE LONE HAND's national distribution. In October 1911, the words 'Please Mention THE LONE HAND' were placed at the bottom of advertisements. Changes were also introduced in regard to the placement of advertisements. Whereas under Fox advertisements had appeared in two clearly defined sections in the front and back of the magazine, under Adams, advertisements in the back section were 'sandwiched' between other reading material. The move which was apparently instigated on the insistence of advertisers brought strong criticism from readers and in the August 1911 issue Adams took a full page to defend the new approach. Having stressed a magazine's dependency on advertising revenue, Adams explained that the reason why advertisements were sandwiched between reading matter was simply because advertisers paid more for it that way. 2 Aesthetics were being sacrificed to economic considerations. But that was not all. The first sixpence issue of THE LONE HAND contained the initial instalment of a series of articles by C.A. Jeffries entitled 'Great Australian Industries'. Jeffries (1869-1931) was the long-serving Sports Editor of the BULLETIN. He contributed a considerable amount of credited material to THE LONE HAND - some

1. Ibid. 2. L.H., August 1911, p.x.

45 MAY~t9to

A SHILLING MAGAZINE FOR SIXPENC

15. Cover, THE LONE HAND, May 1910. ______.,,. .. _____ l!l!lll ___ am twenty-five articles and eight fiction pieces between August 1908 and February i912. So it would appear that THE LONE BARD provided Jeffries the opportunity to unleash bis creative talent, and to suppleMnt bis income. The 'Great Australian Industries' series consisted of nine articles on different Australian companies. 1 In every instance the respective c0111panies received high praise. All nine companies were regular advertisers in THE LONE 1lAJID. Jeffries' series was yet another element of THE LONE HAND'• attempt to increase advertising revenue.

The unavailability of complete circulation figures unfortunately prevents a precise analysis of actual sales decline. We know, or at least are told, that 50,000 copies of the first issue were sold. In the February 1911 issue, an accountant testified to a circulation of 35,490, albeit this was claimed to represent an actual readership of over 100,000.2 (Stevens later claimed that the testified circulation of 35,000 represented the equivalent of 200,000 readers). 3 It is nevertheless apparent that Adams never really succeeded in stopping the decline in sales. In fact, be hastened it. His decision to serialise Theodore Roosevelt's 'African Game.Trails'- a major attraction which Adams obviously hoped would be his trump card - proved imprudent and highly damaging. Adams had secured the exclusive Australian rights to Roosevelt's adventures on paying "the largest price ever paid in Australasian journalism" (world rights were purportedly $1 per word). 4 The serial, which ran for ten months, filling 22 to 10 pages each issue, commenced in November 1909 - six months before the price reduction - and finished in September 1910, when the first non-full page advertisement appeared. Adams' decision to replace three series of direct Australian interest with Roosevelt's morbid adventures was a strange decision but one which must be seen in the context of the world wide attraction of Roosevelt and also, Adams' intention of "bringing readers in touch with the world outside Australia." Adams must surely have regretted his

1. See p.112 for full details of series. 2. L.B., February 1911, p.vi. 3. L.B., May 1912, p.x; June 1912, p.viii. 4. L.B., January 1910, p.xii; Taylor, op.cit., p.30. Adams' decision to pay such a high price for a series was not unprecedented - Fox had paid a handsome price for Mme. Melba's biography which ran from March to October 1909.

46 - 16. Bertram Stevens. K. Taylor, Op.Cit., p.36. decision to buy into the series without having sighted the text. Indeed, in October 1911, Adams referred to Roosevelt as "that harsh gramophone of useful commonplaces." 1 The text itself was unimaginative, poorly written and lacked appeal - except to those who enjoy looking at pictures of dead animals. The text was overladen with such photographs which had been taken by Roosevelt's son, Kirmet. Not surprisingly, the series does not appear to have been well received by LONE HAND readers. Adams acknowledged protests, similar ta those received by Fox, stating a lack of enthusiasm for material that was considered irrelevant to Australia, favouring instead "more about Wade, Deakin and those blokes."2 Even Fox did not wholeheartedly approve of Adams' cosmopolitanism. " Adams," wrote Fox, long after the final demise of the magazine, "did not maintain fully the Australian spirit which was the 'marrow' of [THE LONE HAND)." 3 Seeking to resolve the colonial paradox, Adams fell victim to that paradox and in the process had only succeeded in alienating his audience. Frustrated and undoubtedly regretful, Adams returned to the BULLETIN at the end of his second year as editor of THE LONE HAND.

Adams was succeeded by Bertram Stevens, who was the best credentialed and longest serving editor of THE LONE HAND. 4 Born in 1872 at Inverell, New South Wales, Stevens.like Adams.contemplated studying law before deciding to pursue a literary career. Stevens' first job was as a clerk in the legal firm of Allen and Allen - a position which gave rise to Henry Lawson's scoff that Stevens' writings were all "Allen and Allen jobs. 115 As Lawson's comment suggests, Stevens was not a writer of original brilliance, however he did display considerable accumen as a critic, anthologist and editor. Stevens possessed a vast and intimate knowledge of art and literature and was thus eminently qualified to assume the editorship of THE LONE HAND. By all accounts modest, unselfish and benevolent towards others, Stevens was undoubtedly one of the most well-liked and respected of all BULLETIN personalities. 6

1. L.H •• October 1911, p.508. 2. Taylor, op.ait. • p.31. 3. BibZionews, p.17. 4. See p.129 for references. 5. Taylor, op.ait., p.70. 6. Art in AustraZia, February 1922, p.9; BULLETIN, 5 August 1953; The Home, 3, March 1922, p.67.

47 During his seven years as editor of THE LONE HAND Stevens was involved in many pther projects - most notably his collaboration with to produce ART IN AUSTRALIA which he continued to edit until his death in 1922. In the few years between his departure from THE LONE HAND and his death. Stevens was engaged as literary critic for THE SYDNEY MAIL and was also directly involved in setting up a new magazine. THE HOME. Throughout the early 1900's he suiplemented 1 his income by occasionally acting as Norman Lindsay's agent.

Stevens had joined the staff of the BULLETIN in 1907 and in 1909 replaced Adams as editor of the 'Red Page'. Before joining the BULLETIN he had edited a number of works. including AN ANTHOLOGY OF AUSTRALIAN VERSE complete with biographical notes and notes on the poems. In his Introduction to the Anthology. Stevens makes some pertinent observations which reveal him to be not only attuned to the Zeitgeist but also very much in tune with the stated objectives of THE LONE HAND. Stevens drew attention to the lack in Australia of "a leisured class of cultured people to provide an atmosphere in which literature is best developed as an art," and noted that the significant works that had been produced in Australia had come from immigrants who, for all intents and purposes, had retained their cultural baggage. Stevens went on to say:

We have not yet had time to settle down and form any decided racial characteristics, nor has any great crisis occurred to fuse our common sympathies and create a national sentiment. Australia has produced no great poet, nor has any remarkable innovation in verse form been successfully attempted. But the old terms have been so coloured by the strange conditions of a new country, and so changed with the thoughts and feelings of a vigorous, restless democracy now just at its adolescence that they have a value beyond that of perhaps technically minor poetry produced under English skies.2

In referring to what effect 'the strange conditions of a new country' would have on English literature. Stevens had simply transcribed the mid-late nine-

1. Stevens was apparently a close personal friend of Lindsay being 'a constant visitor to Springwood' between 1918 and 1925. (R. Lindsay, ModeZ Wife, Sydney, 1967, p.202.) (Stevens died in 1922). 2. B. Stevens, An AnthoZogy of AustraZian Verse, Sydney, 1907. pp.xx-xxi.

48 t~entb century concern of how the harsh Australian environment would affect the,Anglo-Saxon race.

In concluding bis Introduction, Stevens lamented the fact that Australian magazines had been unable to compete with iaported English periodicals. He did however, praise the BULLETIN for fostering local literary talent which in turn allowed him to finish on a note of confidence and expectancy: Australia has now come of age, and is becolling conscious of its strength and its possibilities. Its writers today are, as a rule, self-reliant and hopeful. They have faith in their country; they write of it as they see it, and of their wants and their joys and fears in simple, direct language. It may be that more of it is poetry in the grand manner, and that some of it is lacking of technical finish; but it is a vivid and faithful portrayal of Australia, and its ruggedness is in character. It is hoped that this selection from the verse that has been with us to the present time will be found a not unworthy contribution to the great literature of the English-speaking peoples.l

Having joined the BULLETIN the same year that THE LONE HAND was launched, Stevens must surely have welcomed the emergence of the new magazine. The fact that he remained its editor for seven years suggests that he believed it to be a worthy project. Such a view is certainly consistent with his statements in the Introduction to his Anthology. It is certainly plausible that he, like Archibald and others, saw the magazine as a means of bringing 'technical finish' to Australian literature.

Reminding Stevens of the importance of his position, E.J. Banfield wrote:

Your present office is important to every Australian who is patriotic and who has the love of literature in his heart. I anticipate that you will make THE LONE HAND thoroughly typical of all that is best while striving to raise the standard of thought and style that other peoples may learn of the rare distinction of being an Australian. We have much to be

l. Ibid, p.xxix.

49 proud of in this country. THE LONE HAND hae amission. That mission is to make us prouder still. What a gratifying feeling yours must be when you contemplate the importance of your office. for you cannot but realize that it is in your hands to educate as well as entertain.I

As editor of THE LONE HAND. Stevens placed considerable emphasis on inf9rmative articles. in particular. as might be expected. he conc~ntrated on literary and book information. As well as significantly increasing the number of book reviews. Stevens supplied an extensive dossier of Australian writers up to 1913 and began 'An Australian Calendar' which listed principal people and events in 2 Australian history. Stevens also re-introduced competitions for verse. prose and photographs and. like Fox, recognised the appeal of serials - running amongst others. E. Dyson's 'Billy Bluegum' which was illustrated by Norman Lindsay, and 3 Louis Stone's 'Betty Wayside'.

Perhaps in recognition of his own shortcomings as a writer, perhaps even mind­ ful of the excesses to which Fox had gone. Stevens did not make many original contributions to THE LONE HAND and, as previously noted. he did not communicate with his readers as editor. One significant exception however, was in the November 1913 issue, when Stevens announced that the following issue would appear in a changed format, the size of the magazine being doubled to Quarto. This announcement marked the end of the first series. Stevens told readers:

The dead weight of custom seems to have kept each kind of journal - the daily, the weekly, and the monthly - to a fixed size, even though the small size of the monthly magazine was manifestly not suitable for illustrations. Photographs and drawings often have to be reduced so much that they lose a good deal of their pictorial value, and. at the best. it is not possible to display them so effectively as on the larger page of the weekly journals. The proprietors of THE LONE HAND have decided to break away from a tradition fast wearing out and enlarge the size of the magazine. They believe

1. E.J. Banfield to B. Stevens, 22 April 1912, Stevens Papers, Vol.2. 2. L.H .• January-November 1913. 3. E. Dyson. "Billy Bluegum", L.H. • April-September 1912; L. Stone "Betty Wayside", L.H .• July 1913 - August 1914.

50 that the change in shape will give the reader a better looking magazine, one which can be illustrated more effectively, and on account of the new style of binding, one that can be more easily opened and read.I

Stevens went on to say that "the National Australian magazine will retain the distinctive features which have made it the only outlet of Australian art and literature, and the sole expression of national sentiment among the monthly journals of the world." He informed readers that the D'ew series would continue its coverage of important people and events within the Co11DOnwealth, would be "better and brighter than ever, and would not neglect matters of interest in other parts of the world." He concluded by saying that THE LONE HAND "will be indispensible to every Australian home." 2

The first issue of the new series contained the initial instalment of "Hop's" autobiography. "Hop", the nom de pZW11B of Livingston Hopkins, had been the BULLETIN's principal artist since his migration to Australia from the United States of America in 1883. A political cartoonist of distinction, Hop's favoured medium was ill-suited to a magazine which was supposedly apolitical. He did however, produce two covers for THE Z-ONE HAND, one for the first series and the first issue of the second series. The first issue of the second series also contained an article on Australian sharks by David G. Stead, Supervisor of Fisheries, New South Wales, and another by A.A. Carmichael, Minister for Public Instruction, examining education in ~ew South Wales. 3 In running such articles, Stevens upheld T.::E :.:;NE .=:.:..::::'s policy of having articles of interest that were written by qualified experts.

Given Stevens' vested interest in art it seems fair to accept his arguments that the size increase was inititated because of the desire to display pictorial material more effectively. (Significantly, ART IN ~~3TRALIA appeared in the larger format). Nevertheless, it is highly unlikely that this was the only reason prompting the change. (Stevens would clearly not have been creating

1. L.H., November 1913, p.356. 2. Ibid. 3. D.G. Stead, "Some Australian Sharks", :..H., December 1913, pp.31-35, 68-69; A.A. Carmichael, "Education in New South Wales", L.H., December 1913, pp. 9-14, 70.

51 an editorial precedent by not telling his readers the whole truth). A larger format certainly made sense at the point of sale, on the news-stand. The question that remains however, is why change a supposedly winning formula? Why indeed did the BULLETIN Co. officially relinquish its control of THE LONE HAND some months after the commencement of the new series? It would appear that the change in format represented the last ditch attempt by the praprietors to realise expected returns. When it was clear that results were not to be forthcoming, the proprietorship split and a new syndicate assumed control. With the outbreak of war and the BULLETIN's sale of the magazine, THE LONE HAND became, as might be expected, overladen with war articles.

Upon Stevens' departure in June 1919, Walter Jago became editor. It was Jago who had the misfortune of announcing the closure of THE LONE HAND and it was with obvious regret and disappointment that he stated:

Socrates dies contentedly in his 70th year and accepted death with the scientific cheerfulness of a philosopher, Jesus dies temporarily, to suit the purposes of God, but - I say it in all reverence - THE LONE HAND dies in the 14th year of its existence, slaughtered on the altar of Charlie Chaplinism.l

So, in the eyes of Jago at least, the Red Parasol ideal had been defeated by the onslaught of American cultural imperialism. The inhabitants of the Kingdom of Nothingness had opted for movie houses rather than street cafes. The vessel that had been designed to take Australia onwards towards a 'mightier, more varied world' was lost at sea.

1. "Obituary", February 1921, centrespread.

52 four The Men Nho Made It

Notwithstanding the considerable personal influence exercised by Fox, Adams and Stevens, THE LONE HAND, like any magazine of its genre was heavily dependent on l . the work of its contributors. Hannaford's index contains well over 1,500 different author entries and this, together with the repeated claiu of the editors that they received over five hundred manuscripts each month suggests that there was never any problem in terms of the quantity of material available for 2 print. Despite the fact THE LONE HAND did not have its own staff per se, there was however a coterie of writers who, through their work for the BULLETIN were familiar with each other and their respective editors, who came to represent the de facto staff of THE LONE HAND. The purpose of this chapter is to identify this group and to delineate common characteristics in their contributions.

Including the three editors, twenty-two writers contributed more than ten pieces to the First Series. Their work included free-lance material and work obviously submitted by consignment. Only two of the twenty-two did not have their first contributions printed by the end of 1907 - the two being J.H. Abbott, who was working in London between 1902 and late 1909, and C.A. Jeffries, the BUL~ETiN's, sports editor. Max Harris' observation in the first issue of ERN MALLEYS JOVRNAL that "the first issue of a new journal is nearly always something of a family affair" certainly rings true for THE LONE HANJ.

l. An article in the June 1911 issue entitled, 'The Making of a Magazine - How THE LONE HAND is Produced', stated: "A magazine is built up out of ideas. It is the editor's business to find some of them, but the contributor is the main source. In the brains of our contributors lie the gems of all the issues of the future. The editor's dependence on his contributors is a very real one." The article also stated that since its inception THE LONE HAND had paid e9,500 for articles, verse and illustrations; q.v. 'E.U.C.', April 1909, p.vii: "To the contributors of poems, of prose, of pictures, an editor must always owe gratitude, and should, in fairness acknowledge the debt. They are, in truth, the makers of a paper." 2. 'TO WOULD-BE CONTRIBUTORS', October 1907, p.688; In May 1908 Fox boasted that "Stocks of copy now in hand would, without a single new item, make possible a very good 12 months yet there is no pause in purchasing •••• " ('E.U.C.', May 1908, p.vii). 3. Editorial, Em MaZZey's JoumaZ, l, 3, October 1953, p.2.

53

IN IN

1907 1907

1907 1907

1907 1907

1908 1908

1907 1907

HAND" HAND"

1907 1907

1907 1907

1907 1907

1907 1907

1907 1907

1907 1907

1910 1910

1907 1907

1907 1907 1907 1907

1907 1907

1907 1907

1907 1907

1907 1907

1907 1907

-1907 -1907

FIRST FIRST

May May

June June

June June

May May

July July

Hay Hay

May May

October October December December

May May

May May

October October June June

November November

May May

Mayl907 Mayl907

June June

June June

Novellber Novellber

"LONI "LONI

May May

May May

June June

CONTRIBUTION CONTRIBUTION

(if) (if)

1907 1907

-

, ,

JS JS

33 33

JS JS 38 38

33 33

4S 4S

31 31

38 38 28 28 39 39 SS SS

39 39

42 42

38 38

37 37

28 28

40 40

26 26

35 35

26 26

40 40

.._ .._

· ·

AGE AGE

Wales Wales

BIRTH BIRTH

Wales Wales

Wales Wales

Wales Wales

Wales Wales

Hand Hand

OF OF

Zealand Zealand

South South

South South

South South

South South

South South

Lone Lone

7 7

. .

PLACE PLACE

Ireland Ireland

England England

Edinburgh Edinburgh

Victoria Victoria

New New

England England

Sydney Sydney New New

Victoria Victoria New New

New New

New New Sydney Sydney

Scotland Scotland

Queensland Queensland

New New

Adelaide Adelaide

Melbourne Melbourne

Melbourne Melbourne

Melbourne Melbourne Melbourne Melbourne

The The

To To

l l

TABLE TABLE

GENRE GENRE

Contributors Contributors

ion/Verse ion/Verse

ion ion

t t

t t

Literary Literary

Fie Fie

Fiction/Verse Fiction/Verse

Fil:tion Fil:tion

Fie Fie

Fiction Fiction

Vt!rse Vt!rse

Fiction/Verse Fiction/Verse

Vt!rse Vt!rse

Editor Editor

Non-Fiction/Fiction Non-Fiction/Fiction

Editor Editor Editor Editor

Non-Fiction/Fiction Non-Fiction/Fiction Non-Fiction/Verse Non-Fiction/Verse Non-Fict./Fiction/Verse Non-Fict./Fiction/Verse

Non-Fict./Fiction/Verse Non-Fict./Fiction/Verse

Non-Fiction Non-Fiction

History/Fiction History/Fiction

Verse Verse

Non-Fiction/Fiction Non-Fiction/Fiction

Non-Fiction/Fiction Non-Fiction/Fiction

Verse Verse

Major Major

., .,

., .,

LIFESPAN LIFESPAN

1881-

1869-1953 1869-1953

1870-1943 1870-1943

1869-1923 1869-1923

1872-1935 1872-1935 1876-1958 1876-1958 1867-1949 1867-1949

1879-1969 1879-1969

1867-1922 1867-1922

l874-l9S3 l874-l9S3

1869-1931 1869-1931 1881-1942 1881-1942

1874-1960 1874-1960

1872-1922 1872-1922

1858-1905 1858-1905

1868-1930 1868-1930 1862-1922 1862-1922

1868-1941 1868-1941 1879-1943 1879-1943

1872-1936 1872-1936

1865-1931 1865-1931

AUTHOR AUTHOR

Abbott Abbott

Fitzgt!rald Fitzgt!rald

Adams Adams

Jt!ffrit!s Jt!ffrit!s

Bedford Bedford

Dalt!y Dalt!y

Crawford Crawford

Emt!nwn Emt!nwn

Fox Fox

Forrest Forrest

Lindsay Lindsay

Lawson Lawson

l::sson l::sson

HcCrae HcCrae

Stevens Stevens

HacGrt!gor HacGrt!gor

Ogilvie Ogilvie Horton Horton

Quinn Quinn

O'Fcrrall O'Fcrrall Wilmot Wilmot

J.H.H. J.H.H.

R. R.

F. F. E.Dyson E.Dyson V. V.

R. R.

A.H. A.H.

E. E.

F. F.

F. F. N. N.

H. H.

I::. I::.

H. H. L. L.

B. B. k. k.

W. W.

H. H.

J.D. J.D.

C.A. C.A. M. M. table• 1, 2, 3 and 4 present some relevant data concerning the twenty-two major contributor• and their work. The majority were native-born and most were aged ,,. between 30 and 40 years when the firat issue of THE LONE HAND was launched. All of the twenty-two had material published in the BUUETIN as well as THE LONE HAND.

Early proapectu• for THE LONE HAND stated that the magazine intended to move away fro■ "ghostly drought story" toward• bein& "a joyous organ abounding in melody and colour." It was to be a celebration of present an~ifuture prosperity, not a voice of grievance and a harbinger of doo■• The guidelin••• or rather formula for contributions was stated on nwuroua occasions but nowhere more clearly than in the August 1909 issue when Adau offered the following advice to: Fiction Writers - While we do not disdain the conventional love story, provided it is Vel'7/ wll written, we prefer stories of romance, hwaour, brilliance and originality. We do not crave for funerals, or horrors, or sex-shrieks; but if you feel you must be grim, be grim in an artistic way. Stories should range from 2,000 to 5,000 words. We also want quick Snapshots of Life - theae storiettes or impressions perfectly painted within 1,000 words. We do not want true stories, we want artistically true stories •••• [E]liminate every word, every sentence that is not essential to your story. Article Writers - We want original, timely, out-of­ the-way articles on subjects that will interest Australians. Anecdoters - We want good anecdotes, briskly and brightly written, that will shed new light upon the personalities of the men who have made Australia. Poets - We have no use for the ordinary conventional verse-verse about last year's rose or the girl you loved in 1893 - no matter how prettily done. But we do want verse that has thought, feeling and an original personal view-point in it.l

Apart from Fox's polemics, in the main, most of the material in THE ~-·:;~ ~ ..:,:::; confonud to this formula. But, whereas the non-fiction, which was predominantly

l. L.H., August 1909, p.xii.

54 .,. TABLE 2

Contributions Under Editors (Authors)

AUTHOR FOX ADAMS STEVENS TOTAL

12 8 I 20 1. ABBOTT - ·~ 2. BEDFORD 6 7 3 16 3. CRAWFORD 14 1 - 15 4. DALEY 11 4 1 16 5. DYSON 5 6 2 13 6. EMMERSON 5 17 - 22 7. ESSON 18 - - 18 8. FITZGERALD 8 2 1 11 9. FORREST 5 13 17 35 10. JEFFRIES 6 23 4 33 11. LAWSON 6 2 4 12 12. LINDSAY 5 6 4 15 13. McCRAE 18 11 - 29 14. MORTON 17 6 - 23 15. MACGREGOR 6 4 4 14 16. O'FERRALL 14 10 11 35 17 . OGILVIE l 8 6 15 18. QUINN 17 20 4 41 19. WILMOT 9 4 1 15 WTitten by qualified experts who employed thorough research methods and was coa,equently of high.quality, fiction material was generally unexciting and of uneven, if not poor quality. Sylvia Lawson has commented that "the verse (in THE LONE HAND] was pretty and fragile, the stories engaging middle-brow escape. 111 However disappointing, this is an accurate assessment and one which supports A.A. Phillips' contention that Australian literature suffered from "a regressive timidity in the early years of the twentieth century. 112

In the June 1908 issue Fox informed his readers which writers had received the biggest dividend for their contributions. Edward Dyson, who apart from his "Three Battlers and a Bear" series and other credited material was responsible for some unsigned editorial matter and some contributions under a pen-name, headed the list. Dyson, who was born on 4 March 1865 at Morrison, near , and who died on 22 August 1931, enjoyed a prolific writing career. 3 He was one of the very few writers in Australia around the turu of the century, who was able to live comfortably from his earnings as a writer, He was a true professional who took his writing seriously - Davison has noted that Dyson maintained an elaborate system of literary book-keeping whereby he jotted down ideas in note­ books and upon completion of stories and articles entered the titles and proceeds in a ledger. 4 A close friend of the Lindsays and one who shared Norman's enthusiasm for Nietzsche and Ibsen, Dyson was a founding member of the Bohemian Ishmael Club which, like other so-called clubs such as the 'Dawn and Dusk Club', provided a forum for select literati to develop their literary/artistic skills and drinking habits. s Dyson's first real success as a writer came in 1889 when his short-story A GOLDEN SHANTY was used as the title piece for the BULi.ETIN' s Christmas anthology, This, along with BEJW AND ON TOP (1898) and THE GO::.D­ STEALERS (1901) was largely a product of his childhood experiences on the Victorian goldfields.

Common to most of Dyson's early stories was a glorification of the sturdy, inde-

1. S. Lawson, op.cit., p,234, 2. A.A. Phillips, The Australian Tradition, 2nd Ed., Melbourne, 1966, pp.83ff. 3. See p,98 for references. 4. Australian Dictionary of Biography, Vol.8, Melbourne, 1981, p.396. 5. A, Keel, Homespun Exotic: Australian Literature 1880-1910, Phd,, Sydney, 1976.

SS TABLE 3 TABLE 4 Age As Of 1907 (Authors) Place of Birth ~Authors)

SYDNEY 2 UNDER 20 NEW SOUTH WALES 5 20 - 25 MELBOURNE 3 25 - 30 4

VICTORIA 2 30 - 35 I 3 SOUTH AUSTRALIA l 35 - 40 ... 9 QUEENSLAND l OVER 40 5 NEW ZEALAND 1 UNKNOWN l ENGLAND 3 SCOTLAND 2 IRELAND l UNKNOWN l TOTAL NATIVE-BORN 14 22

TABLE 5 TABLE 6

Place Of Birth (Artists) Age As Of 1907 (Artists)

N.S.W. 2 UNDER 20 1 VICTORIA 5 20 - 25 3 OTHER STATES 2 25 - 30 2 U.K. 5 30 - 35 5 NEW ZEALAND 1 35 - 40 3 OTHER 3 OVER 40 4 UNKNOWN 2 UNKNOWN 2 pendent miner - the 'Lone Hand'. In 1906, Dyson published FACT'RI 'ANDS which, along with BENNO AND SOME OF THE PUSH (1911) and SPORTS FACT'RI (1914) re­ presents a clear departure, in both content and style from the earlier mining stories. "Excellent as both series are," remarked Norman Lindsay, "they are so distinctive in style, form and outlook that they might have been written by two different men. 111 The conspicuous features of the Second Series are their humour, vitality and focus on urban slums. To be sure, in focusing attention on city-life, Dyson was simply keeping abreast of literary trends in.America and Britain, but significantly, unlike Ray Stannard Baker's work in America and Arthur Morrison's 2 in Britain amongst others, Dyson's work was, as Norman Lindsay put it, "filled with a spirit of pure humour [and] pitched up to a key of gusto that never flaga. 113 All of Dyson's signed work for THE LONE HAND (which was usually illustrated by either Norman or Lionel Lindsay) is written in a humorous spirit.

Along with Dyson, Randolph 'The Reckless' Bedford,"sixteen stone, florid-faced, generous, spendthrift, greedy for whiskey and excitement" was another principal contributor to THE LONE HAND. 4 Bedford was one of the BULLETIN's most boisterous and colourful characters. "The attractive thing about Bedford," wrote Vance Palmer, "was that he was a writer and a man of action. 115 (This was apparently true in both a literal and figurative sense - writing of Bedford in 1898 A.G. Stephens noted that he "likes reciting his own poems when on top of a girl, and judges of the worth of the girl by the bumps in the metre." 6 ) As well as being a writer and journalist, Bedford was a mining speculator and engineer and according to his biographer became a familiar figure in booming mining fields throughout Australia. 7 In his later life he became a Queensland politician.

1. N. Lindsay, Bohemians at the BULLETIN, Angus and Robertson, 1977, p.157. 2. Baker wrote two books, under the pen-name David Grayson - Adventures in Under­ standing, London, n.d.; Adventures in Friendship, London, n.d., dealing with urban life. A. Morrison, Tales of Mean Streets, London, 1895; V. Broome, Four Realist Novelists: Arthur Morrison, EdJJin Hugh, Richard Whitering, William Pett Ridge, London 1965, 3. Ibid, p.159. 4. G. Blainey, Mines in the Spinifex, Angus and Robertson, 1960, p.93. 5. V. Palmer, Overland, 26 April 1963, p.21. 6. Ibid, p. 22 • 7. G. Blainey, op.cit., p.93.

56 TABLE 7

Major Artistic Contributors

FIRST ARTIST LIFE-SPAN PLACE OF BIRTH AGE 1907 LONE BAND COVERS CONTRIBUTION

l. w. DYSON 1880-1938 BALLA.RAT, VIC. 27 OCT. 1907 - 2. D. FRY 1872-1911 ENGLAND 35 AUG. 1907 3 3. H. HEYSON 1877-1968 GERMANY 30 Aug. 1907 - 4. L. HOPKINS 1846-1927 OHIO, U.S.A. 61 May 1907 2(1) 5. w. JARDINE - - - Oct. 1910 5(3) 6. H. JULIUS 1885-1939 SYDNEY, N. S. W, 22 Feb. 1910 - 7. G.W. LAMBERT 1873-1930 ST. PETERSBURG 34 May 1907 - 8. L. LINDSAY 1874-1961 VICTORIA 33 May 1907 - 9. N. LINDSAY 1879-1969 VICTORIA 28 May 1907 11(23) 10. P. LINDSAY 1870-1952 VICTORIA 37 June 1919 10(10) VICTORIA I 11. R. LINDSAY 1887-1919 l " Nov. 1907 - 12. D. LOW 1892-1963 NEW ZEALAND 15 ~rch 1912 2(2) 13. B.E. MINNS 1864-l93i N.S.W. 43 ~y 1907 I 14. M. PAUL - - - June 1907 6 ( 5) IS. A, SASS 1870- U.K. Ji I ~ay 1907 I 16. s. SMI!H 1887-1949 LONDON 20 I Aug. 1908 3(2) ' 17. D. SOUTER 1862-1935 SCOTLA.',D -5 '.'-!ay 1907 2 18. A, VINCENT 1874-1915 TASMANIA J) ; ~ay 1907 - 19. H. WESTON 1874- TASMANIA J) .:une 1907 9(5) 20. B. YOUNG 1862-1935 ENGLAND .:. 5 i June 1907 l

Parenthesis indicated Frontpieces. Bedford wrote both fiction and non-fiction for THE LONE HAND. In both instances th•~attractiveness of his work was aided by illustrations from Lionel Lindsay, who was a close personal friend. Bedford's non-fiction which included articles on transport in Australia, and the Kosciousko region,drew attention to the need to develop Australia's natural resources. His views on the utter were identical to those of Fox and it is puzzling why Bedford did not have any credited non­ fiction material published during Fox's editorship. He did however, hai,e six fictional pieces presented by Fox. Th•••• along with O'thers run by Adams and Stevens were not of any great literary Mrit. A.G. Stephens is reputed to have once said that Bedford has told his best stories so often that he seems to resent the labour necessary to perfect them when he wrote them down, and nothing in 1 THE LONE HAND undermines this remark. The conspicuous feature of Bedford's fiction in THE LONE HAND was that they were both humorous and adventurous and usually involve making large sums of money quickly.

In July 1910, Adams ran a special Fiction Number which one would expect to include the best writing that was on offer. The issue was disappointing. It consisted of five humorous stories; a story of the future showing how a submarine saved Australia from the Japanese; and a tragedy dealing with the marriage of an English officer to a Hindu girl in Fiji. Ironically, the tragedy, which was titled 'The Garden of Eden - and Out Again' and written by G.B. Lancaster was used as the feature. G.B. Lancaster was the pen-name of Edith Joan Lyttleton (1873-1945) who was born in Tasmania but spent most of her life in New Zealand. 2 A prolific author, Lyttleton had been a regular contributor to the 5:~:~~:1. In the course of her writing career she published a score of novels, the most successful oi which was iA.~EA..'IT (London, 1933) which enjoyed five months on the American best­ seller list. Consistently praised in posthumous tributes, 3 for her fierce race

l. V. Palmer, op.cit., p.22. 2. Lancaster's other contributions to THE LONE H;.:i'D were: 'For the Land of the Dishonoured', June 1910, pp.112-118; 'His Boy Jim', May 1907, pp.6-9; 'Job for the Parson', June 1907, pp.151-154; 'Kisses That Shall Last', September 1907, pp.529-532; 'Man Who Went Under', November 1908, p.56-59; 'Orme's Scotch Marriage', January 1912, pp.207-216; 'South of the Law', December 1911, pp. 108-118; 'Weatherley's Abtion', October 1908, pp.650-657; 'Why Mollie Wouldn't', June 1909, pp.185-191. 3. F.A. de la Mare, "G.B. Lancaster, 1873-1945. A Tribute", M.L.M.S.(reprinted from Waikato Times 1~45).

57 TABLE 8

Contributions Under Editors {Artists)

SECOND AllTIST FOX ADAMS STEVENS I SD.IES

1. w. DYSON 8 l l - 2. D. FRY 9 3 - - 3. H. HEYSON 8 3 - 7 4. L. HOPKINS 12 - 3 7 5. w. JAllDINE - 8 8 9 6. H. JULIUS - 2 7 12 7. G.W, LAMBERT 11 l - l 8. L. LINDSAY 20 22 21 8 9. N. LINDSAY 22 26 22 22 10. P. LINDSAY - - - 14 11. a. LINDSAY 11 13 4 - 12. D. LOW - - 14 19 13. B,E. MINNS 19 2 - 2 14. M. PAUL 3 - s 14 15. A. SASS 21 17 5 - 16. s. SMITH l 6 10 3 17. D. SOUTER 22 17 12 4 18. A. VINCENT 8 3 l 2 19. H. WESTON 10 14 9 6 20. B. YOUNG 4 7 -- loyalty, Lyttleton permeated her work with notions of race preservation explicitly varlliq of the evils and dangers of miscegenation. Despite the obvious dramatic stfength of 'Tb• Garden of Eden - and Out Again', its racist overtones, and the standing and popularity of the author, it is a sad reflection on the state of Australian literature that Adau, bi••lf a Nev Zealander, chose this story as the feature of the special fiction issue. And that is not to say tbat other pieces in the issue were better. 'Tb• Deliverer' by Alridge Evelyn bore a striking resemb­ lance to an earlier story tbat had appeared during Fox'• term - both stories told of the bravery of individuals in saving Australia fr.oa a Japanue illvasion. 1 If nothing el••• the decision to run this story underscores the preoccupation with the the• of invasion froa 'the yellow hordes'. 'Cupid and the Cow' by w. Sabel­ bert2 was a light humorous tale concerning a bungling country roaance which, together with two snapshot stories, 'Tb• Triumph of Virtue' by May Siede and 'The Policeman Who Was Kissed' by Kodak, 3 further suggests that the eaphasis on cheer- fulness overrode the concern for quality. 'How We Saved The ciarion caii• by Francis Kenna, 4 who had edited the Brisbane Worker from 1899 to 1902 and who was a member of the Queensland Legislative .usembly, was perhaps the best of the humorous pieces in the Fiction issue-. The story told of the ingenuous and mis­ chievous efforts of the editor of the CLARION CALL to save the paper by cleverly manipulating the ambitions of a political aspirant. Although a satiric piece, one cannot help but think, particularly given Kenna's background, that the author drew from real life experience. The final story in the Fiction issue was Henry Lawson's 'Wanted by the Police•. 5 Lawson had composed this piece and had had it accepted by Fox in 1907. Adams apparently stumbled upon it on rummaging thro~gh . 6 the material Fox had left behind. 'Wanted by the Police', which as Roderick has noted, is animated by sympathy forth~ aberrations of Lawson's brother Charlie, is by no means one of the master story-teller's better works. 7 Fox, who Lawson

1. C.A. Jeffries, 'A Hero of Babylon', L.H., Hay 1907, pp. 61-65. 2. Sabelberg' s other contributions to TEE LONE h·;.:;= were: 'Business Proposition', February 1908, pp.438-441; 'Contest', November 1910, pp.73-79; 'Egotist', December 1907, pp.181-187; 'Etella of the Pangurangs', January 1912, pp.330-334; 'Judgement', April 1911, pp.486-489; 'Waster', December 1909, pp.174-179. 3. Siede's other contributions were: 'Dawn of Art', August 1909, pp.451-452; 'As It Was', June 1910, pp.142-143; 'Grandad's Xmas', December 1911, pp.148-150. Seep. 122 for Kodak's other contributions. 4. Kenna's other contributions were: 'First Stage', July 1909, pp.336-338; 'A New Australian Industry: Cigar Leaf Tobacco', March 1910, pp.569-571; 'His Luck', August 1910, p.301. 5. Seep. 114 for references. 6. C. Roderick, Henr~ .:.:Zwson. :he Master Story ~;Zler, Angus and Robertson, 1985, p.362. 7. Ibid. 58 .Varda !. 1rn ~ fHE LONE HAND [ii\ I

AAAAy JUl.ltJ~ AND 'f>YD ~tw111H

,1,11:1I.!\\ \11:liTI:, \\I• 11:11, 1, - 17. Low Caricatures. THE LONE HAND, March 1914, p.249. comtatly ad bitterly criticiaed for adulterating his work, obviously thought 1 -•o ..even tbou1b be •ccepted it for publication. Tbe fact that Adams only stumbled aero•• the •tory by ruaagin1 through old material au11e•t• that Adams may well have been.de•perate for uterial dee•d •uitable for a repre•entative fiction i••ue. Perhap•• Adama felt the need for a piece froa Lawaon to uke the issue more attractive. Whatever the caae, the fact reMiDa tbat the contents of the special Fiction issue of the magazine which purported to be the "vat ol Australian art ud letters" 1• a sad reflection of the •tau of &uatraU.an literature at the u. ...

While it 1• fair to say tbat the literary contributiom to THE LONE HAND were generally not of high standard, the artwork reproduced in the ma1azine was on the whole, excellent. Th• covers 1D particular were superb and Fox 1D fact informed readers that "the artistic covers will be printed so that the picture may be framed without any defacement of date line."2 Aa wu the case with the literary contributors, THE LONE HAND wa• extremely fortunate in teraa of the artists who submitted work. 3 Tables, 5, 6, 7, 8 present some relevant data concerning the major artists and their work. As can be seen from the tables, like the writers, most of the artists were aged between thirty and forty years when THE 'LONE .:£AND was launched. The statistics relating to place of birth are slightly distorted due to the fact that four members of the Lindsay family contributed to -:.:.:.·~ :.:;NE HAND, furthermore even though only two of the twenty were born in New South Wales, the majority were residing there whilst contributing to :-.~E :.c:rE ::".~.'.':. ~ever- theless, it is clear that the number of native-born cajor literary contributors to :r.E LONE HAND was significantly greater than the number of native-born major artistic con~ributors.

It is difficult to underestimate the overall influence exerted by the Lindsay family on THE LONE HAND. 4 While it is possible, albeit unlikely, that -- :.CNE

l. Ibid. 2. 'E.U.C.', November 1907, p.xxi. 3. An advertisement for Tr.E LONE HAND in the au:.:.~-::::1 had boasted: "No magazine in the world has such a wide range of first-rank artists as TEE LCN~ _:.;.,:._:;:." (16 May 1907, p.ll). 4. See p. 115 for references.

59 Jl•!I ,. If//!, THE LONE HAND 411 ~ /J c:. A, JE~•es --,I -, r ~

'_,/~--

WRITEl!S .\~() .-\RTli!T8 OP :\l'.i!Tll:\T.IA • ('ffri€'flftfrr4 h Dn44 Le•-

- 18. Low Caricatures. THE LONE HAND, May 1914, p.411. HAND waa originally conceived by Norman Lindsay and Frank Fox who together subse­ quently took the idea to Archibald, it is irrefutable that Lindsay along with his two brothers Lionel and Percy and sister Ruby were mostly responsible for giving THE LONE HAND its artistic vitality and vigour. Norman Lindsay was both the principal artistic contributor as well as being one of the major literary con­ tributors. Lindsay's artwork for THE LONE HAND was predominantly black and white pencil etching ■, as well as this however, he did eleven cover ■ for the-•first series (oddly he did not do any covers for the second aeries)- Lindsay was also respons­ ible for the mast-head adopted by Adams commensurate with the price reduction in May 1910, and contributed twenty-three frontpieces, this being the page opposite the first page of the text. Under Fox the frontpiece had been reproduced in full colour but this practice ceased with the price reduction, being replaced with mono-tone reproductions.

Despite the high quality and obvious attention given to art in THE LONE HAND, editorial policy towards it is inconsistent and confusing. In the August 1907 issue there appeared interrelated articles under the general heading 'The Art of the Year'. The first article, which was written by B.E. Minns who was a major artistic contributor to THE LONE HAND, and subtitled, 'The Royal Academy 1907', was simply Minns'account of the Royal Academy annual exhibition, highlight­ ing in particular the work of the Australian exhibitors. This article was immediately followed by another by Minns which was a highly favourable account of the Independent Artists exhibition in Paris. This article was followed by yet another by Minns on the Paris Salons which was in turn followed by another on the same subject by Henri Verne, THE LONE HAND's Parisian correspondent. Clearly, the old enthusiasm for France, so loved by Archibald, had not yet waned. In October 1907, THE LONE HAND ran an article titled 'Australian Art 1907: The Victorian Artists Exhibition'. Herein the author criticised both the management of the Victorian Artists Society itself and the exhibited work, concluding:

Considering the whole exhibition one cannot but regret that a much higher standard was not in­ sisted upon by the hanging committee. Many of the pictures - it is safe to say 50 percent - could not possibly be purchased by any sane person. Why, therefore, hang them?l

1. L.B., October 1907, p.586.

60 I

An Energising Cordial for ...... Men

Wh>' WOLFE'S SCHNAPPS In•

eteatl of ot"d 1Aar1' ■ Umulant• '?

B•cau ■• it l ■ a pure. b1"aclnS t onic that a

Bow el-. aa4 Kldln.•1' ■ Uke a >Cecllclne. .. BUY WHOLE. . ' BOTTLE.!. , ......

L9 . Adver t isement, Wolfe ' s Schnapps . -- ~.-.::... __ , ::.. .-. .-._,_ , ~lay L907 , p . xxxii . This article was illllllediately followed by one dealing with the Sydney Society of •Artists, which was ·a progressive splinter group from the Royal Art Society. The article praised the new group, which was not at all surprising given that all of its principal members, including Livingstone Hopkins, Julian Ashton, Will Dyson, Lionel and Norman Lindsay and D.H. Souter, were contributors to THE LONE HAND. Significantly the article commended the new group for introducing to Australia the Independents of Paris system of grouping each artists work in an individual panel. This article was followed by a 110st uncompliDJentary review of the Royal Art Society 1907 exhibition. Having given rather lengthy treatment to Australian art in 1907 and in the process creating the impression that this would become a feature of the magazine, THE LONE HAND discontinued this coverage. In April 1910, Adams ran an article titled 'The Art of Australia' which was a review of three exhibitions and stated that "each year THE LONE HAND will, from its art-corres­ pondents endeavout to give a comprehensive criticism of the art of the Common­ wealth.111 This promise, like so many others made by THE LONE HAND editors, was not fulfilled. Under Stevens, as might be expected, THE LONE BAND featured a number of articles about Australian artists and their work, but these tended to 2 be short informative pieces and not reviews of exhibitions.

A significant number of the contributing artists either were or later became commercial artists. 3 Prominent amongst this group was Tasmanian-born Harry Weston. Weston, whose work is highly distinctive in style produced a total of nine covers for THE LONE HAND and was one of the regular text illustrators. As well as this however, he did the artwork for several of the major advertisers including Wolfe's Schnapps and Vice-Regal Tobacco. Weston ran a Commercial Art Agency, specialising in magazine advertising which was located in Martin Place. Not surprisingly, Messrs. Burke and Weston advertised their services in THE LONE HAND. 4

1. L.H., April 1910, p.663. 2. See for example: H. Julius, "Artist's Models", May 1914, p.423; "Alek Sass", April 1914; p.336. 3. D.H. Souter, "Commercial Art", September 1911, p.428, q.v. C. Caban, A Fine Line., Sydney, 1983. 4. L.B., June 1909, n.p.

61 THE

THE AUSTRALIAN MONTHL~

APRIL 1ST 1 9 9 0 Price 1;-

20. Cover, THE LONE HAND, April 1909. - . . . .,: - . . , ...... Weston obviously profited in both a financial and creative sense from THE LONE BAND. Be was not the only one to do so. Exactly how many young Australian writer• and artists had their first work published in THE LONE HAND is impossible to ascertain. It would appear however, that it was a significant number - the list certainly including May Gibbs - the cover of the January 1914 issue being the first time the Gumnut Babies design received wide public exposure. Moreover, aa we have seen, THE LONE HAND also gave established journalists and ~iters the opportunity to supplement their incoae and to unl,ash their creative talents. "THE LONE HAND," wrote Norman Lindsay, "caae out the right time for both Hugh [Mccrae] and myself. It gave us a chance to have our worb produced in a decent format and that has a great deal to do with inspiring vorks. 111

The Mitchell Library Manuscripts Department houses considerable correspondence between the respec~ive editors of THE LONE HAND and its contributors. Only some of this uncollated material was consulted, much of it seemed to be of little value per se. It is clear however that closer examination of this material would lead to a better understanding of how each respective editor influenced the magazine and also shed light on the broader issue of the relationship between editor and writer in Australia in the early twentieth century. The Mitchell Library also contains correspondence between contributors to THE LONE HAND. Again, not all of the available material has been consulted nor has the value of the material matched expectations. It is certainly plausible that the Lindsay Family Papers, which have heavily restricted access, contain valuable information from which future research can draw. Notwithstanding the difficulties in uncovering and collating material, preliminary investigations have shown that the Mitchell Library material would be useful to future work addressing such questions as to what extent contributors to THE LONE HAND were conscious of themselves as a group and the role they played in forging Australian literary traditions? How did they see themselves? To what extent did they consider themselves stranded in a colonial outpost?

1. I. Lindsay, "What Hugh Mccrae Means to Me", Souther1.y, 17, 3, 1956, p.126.

62 JANUARY 1914

- 21. Cover, THE LONE HAND, January 1914. f i V e F o r Th e P u b 1 i c Go o d

An early advertisement for THE LONE HAND in the BULLETIN declared that a feature of the new magazine was to be "a frank, honest but nonsensational expoaure of public abuses." "We're not," the advertisement wnt OQ,, to say, "going Muck­ raking, as President Roosevelt calla it, but w're going to be very serious in spots and make so• frauds feel very serious."1 A following advertisement declared: "With a policy of cheerfulness and careful avoidance of dull discus­ sions THE LONE HAND will only seek to justify its militant name when it comes to deal with frauds on the public health and the public pocket •••• A white, cheerful and healthy Australia - that's THE LONE HAND's platform:•2 Nothwith­ standing the declaration to eschew Muckraking, the Muckraking phenomenon is of central importance to THE LONE HAND's treatment of social issues. In confronting social injustices, municipal mal-administration, food adulteration and fraudulent medical practices, THE LONE HAND drew heavily on prevailing trends in American journalism and in doing so acted as an important vehicle through which notions of Progressive reform reached Australia. Before looking at THE LONE HAND's treatment of social issues then, it is necessary to examine the prevailing trends in American journalism and the broad reforming impulse that is known as Progressivism.

On 14 April 1906 Theodore Roosevelt attacked a group of journalists who had recently been investigating and exposing socio-political injustices in the popular magazines of the early 1900's. 3 The ostensible reason for the President's

1. BULLETIN, 4 April 1907, p.15. 2. BULLETIN, 2 May 1907, p.24; q.v., BULLETIN, 28 March 1907, p.15: "THE LONE HAND, besides its mission to arouse, will have a serious purpose in guarding the public against frauds and cheats." 3, Roosevelt originally attacked the Muckrakers in a speech delivered to a group of Washington correspondents at the Gridiron Club. He repeated the speech on 14 April 1906, in front of a public audience which had gathered to witness the laying of the cornerstone of the new House of Representative office building in Washington D.C. (T. Roosevelt, "The Man with the Muckrake", Works, XVI, Herman Hagedorn (ed.), New York, 1925, pp.571-581).

63 attack was that the journalists, whom Roosevelt, referring to a passage in Bunyan's PiZgroim's Progress conveniently labelled 'Muckrakers', were taking their investigations too far. Roosevelt spoke with characteristic bravado - indeed, the speech was typical of the man who, six years later, would declare that he and his supporters stood at Armageddon and battled for the Lord. "The men with the Muckrakes," he declared, "are often indispensible to the w~ll-being of society, but only if they know when to stop raking the muck, and to look upward to the celestial crown above them, to the crown of worthy endeavour." Roosevelt added,"[T]he man who never does anything, who never thinks or speaks or writes, save of his feats with the muckrake, speedily becomes, not a help to society, not an incitement to good, but one of the most potent forces for evil. 111 The morning after Roosevelt delivered his tirade against the Muckrakers, Lincoln Steffens, himself a Muckraker and a close friend of the President, accused Roosevelt of "putting an end to the journalistic investigations that had made [him]. 112 The President replied that he had had no such intention and that he was not referring to Steffens. Steffens has related that Roosevelt explained to him that "he had been aroused to wrath by an article on 'poor old Chauncey Depew,' by David Graham Phillips. 113 Steffens failed to mentioned that Phillips' 'The Treason of the Senate' series, which appeared in the Hearst-owned CosmopoZitan, attacked eighteen Republican Senators, and only three Democrats. 4

Whatever his intentions may have been, Roosevelt had coined a term which subsequently became the label applied to a particular genre of journalism. 5 l. Ibid, pp.572, 574. 2. L. Steffens, Autobiography, Vol.11, New York, 1931, p.581. 3. Ibid. 4. D.G. Phillips, "The Treason of the Senate", Cosmopolitan, 1906. 5. Muckraking has been the subject of a good deal of historical debate. The best secondary references are: E. Cassidy, "Muckraking in the Gilded Age", Ameriaan Literature, XIII, June 1941, pp.131-141; L. Geiger, "Muckrakers - Then and Now", Journalism Quarterly, LIII, Autumn 1966, pp.469-476; J.Grenier, "Muck­ raking and Muckrakers: An Historical Definition", Journalism Quarterly, XXXVII, Autumn 1960, pp.552-558; R. Reynolds, "The 1906 Campaign to Sway Muckraking Periodicals", Journalism Quarterly, LVI, Autumn 1979, pp.512-520; S. Schultz, "The Morality of Politics: The Muckraker's Vision of Democracy", Journal of Amel"iaan History, LII, December 1965, PP,·527-547; H. Stein, "Muckrakers and Muckraking: The Fifty Year Scholarship', Journalism Quarterly, LVI, Spring 1959, pp.265-270; F. Cook, The Muakrakers, New York, 1972; L. Filler, Crusaders · For Ameriaan Liberalism, New York, 1961; L. Filler, Appointment at Armageddon. Muakraking and Progressivism in the Amel"iaan Tradition, Westport, 1976: J. Harrison and H. Stein (eds.), Muakraking: Past, Present and Future, The Pennsylvannia State University Press, 1973; C. Reiger, The Ero of the Muak­ rokers, Gloucester, 1957; H. Shapiro (ed.), The Muakrakers and Ameriaan Soaiety, Boston, 1968: A. Weinberg and L. Weinberg (eds.), The Muakrakers, New York, 1964.

64 Muckraking ie intrinsically linked with Progressivism; the Muckrackers' revel­ ation• helped to arouse the moral fervour of Progressive reformers and to define their goale. Aa Kazin has noted, "the apotheosis of the Muckrakers was a vision of small quiet lives, humbly and usefully led, a transcription of Jeffersonian small-village ideals for a generation bound to megalopolis, yet persistently 1 nostalgic for the old fashioned ideal." Viewed within its iaaediate social context, Muckraking was one expression of the bewilderment and moral restlessness of late nineteenth century America. It was part of the drive for honest govern- , ment and of the corresponding desire to impose a moral purity upon the body politic.

The Muckrakers made a naive attempt to apply old, traditional values to a new social environment, and their message was one which many Americana wanted to hear. Muckraking and indeed Progressivism were in essence a response to the social and economic changes that were occuring in America in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. In their responses to these changes, the Muck­ rakers drew on ideas which were central to the national myth, namely, the notion that America was the home of freedom and liberty and as such, a shining example to the rest of the world. 2 These were old ideas, which nevertheless still had l. Cited in H.H. Stein, "American Muckrakers and Muckraking: The Fifty Year Scholarship", Journalism Quarterly, LVI, Spring 1959, pp.265-270. 2. The American national self-image revolves around those ideas and sentiments that are contained in the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution. Thus we find a continuing tradition of national spokespeople referring to their country as the home of freedom and the bastion of liberty. "Fourscore and seven years ago," declared Lincoln, "our fathers brought forth upon this con­ tinent a new nation, conceived in liberty and dedicated to the proposition that all men are equal." "The great task remaining before us," added Lincoln "[is to perpetuate) a new birth of freedom, [and to ensure) that government of the people, br, the people, and for the people shall not perish from the earth." In his 'State of the Union Address" (1950) Truman stated: "At every point in our history these ideals [freedom and liberty] have served to correct our failures and shortcomings, to spur us on to greater efforts, and to keep clearly before us the primary purpose of our existence as a nation •.•• These principles give meaning to all that we do." Similarly, in his "l.naugural Address" 1961) J.F. Kennedy proclaimed: "Let the word go forth from this time and place •.. [that we are) proud of our ancient heritage - and unwilling to per mit the slow undoing of these human rights to which this nation has always been committed .•• Let every nation know ••• that we shall pay any price ••. in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty." A. Lincoln, "Gettysburg Address" (1863, Works VII, R.P. Basler (ed), New Jersey, 1953, pp.22ff; H.S. Truman, "State of the Union Address" (1950), A. Schlesinger, The American as Reformer, Cambridge, 1950, p.17; J.F. Kennedy "Inaugural Address (1961), J.E. Pomfret (ed.), Great Americans Speak, Ward Ritchie Press, 1968, p.191.

65 1 eoapelling power and· indeed continue to hold currency in America today.

The Muckrakers rationalised their world in terms of a broad and humane vision of American society which ante-bettum reformers had helped to develop. The Muck­ rakers' solutions to urban problems harked back to the ante-bettum belief that the refor11 of the individual would perfect society. Steffens, for instance, maintained that "the literal adoption of good conduct ~n the individual, simple honesty, courage, and efficiency would automatically cure existing social ills."2 Similarly, Ray Stannard Baker declared that a man has to be more than "hard working, thrifty, energetic, a good husband and father, he must develop also a social conscience."3 Writing of the Labor boss in 1903, Baker asserted that "the problems of the nation would not be solved by such nostrums as municipal socialism and the single tax but through individual responsibility and obeying the laws."4 Significantly, Roosevelt had concluded his Muckrake speech as a man of the cloth might close his sermon. "Spiritually and ethically," he pro­ claimed, "we must strive to bring about clean living and right thinking. We appreciate that the things of the body are important, but we appreciate also that the things of the soul are immeasurably more important. The foundation stone of national life is, and ever must b~, th~ high individual character of the average citizen." 5 Thus we have the ironic situation whereby Roosevelt concluded his tirade against the Muckrakers by espousing the very principles which were the cornerstone of the Muckrakers' creed. The Muckrakers sought, as earlier urban reformers had done, to create in the cities the orderly moral environment of the small town, where individual morality could be controlled. The tragedy was of course, that these ideals ran against new economic and social

1. Thus in his "Republican Presidential Nomination Acceptance Speech", Ronald Reagan stated: "Isn't it time once again to renew our compact of freedom; to pledge to each other all that is best in our lives, all that gives meaning to them for the sake of this, our beloved and blessed land?" (R. Reagan, "Repub­ lican Presidential Nomination Acceptance Speech", Vital Speeches of the Day, XLVI, 21 August 1980, p.643. 2. L. Steffens, Shame of the Cities, New York, 1904, p.6. 3. R.S. Baker, cited in D. Chalmers, "Ray Stannard Baker's Search for Reform", Journal of the History of Ideas, XIX, June 1958, p.426. 4. R.S. Baker, "Trusts New Tool - The Labor Boss", McClure's, XXII, November 1903, p.43. 5. T. Roosevelt, op.cit., p.581.

66 realities. Recognising the near-sightedness of Muckraking, Lincoln Steffens lamented in his autobiography: "The ideals of America, for example, the ideals that came to Ohio probably from New England and from Old England, are antiquated, dried up, contradictory; honesty and wealth, morality and success, individual achievement and respectability, privileges and democracy - these won't take us very far." "There was something wrong in our ends," added Steffens, "a~ well as in our beginnings, in what we were after as well as in what is after us, in American ideals as well as in American conduct and its causes."1 Despite the fact that the Muckrakers harked back to earlier reform traditions, at the same time however, they increasingly looked forward to a more scientific, professional­ ised and government-oriented approach to reform. Upton Sinclair's investigation of the unsanitary conditions of the Chicago meat works for example,is regarded 2 as the instigating force behind the Pure Food and Drug Act (1906).

The January 1903 issue of McClure's is generally accepted as the starting point of the Muckraking movement. The issue contained three articles: "The Shame of Minneapolis," by Lincoln Steffens, "History of Standard Oil", by Ida Tarbell and Ray Stannard Baker's "The Right to Work", which, according to owner-editor S.S. McClure, were all "on the one subject." "The American Contempt of Law," declared McClure, "was an appropriate title for each of the three articles." McClure denied that any ulterior motive had produced three articles in the one issue with a common theme. "It is a coincidence," he explained, "that the January McClure's is such an arraignment of American character. 113 Thus, in McClure's view, the Muckraking movement came about largely by accident. This impression was shared by Steffens: "Those were innocent days," he wrote, "we were all innocent folk, but," he added, "no doubt all movements, whether for good or for evil, are as innocent of intention as ours." 4

The three articles that appeared in the January 1903 issue of McClure's elicited a tremendous response from the magazine's readers. McClure's was inundated with

l. L. Steffens, Autobiography, Val.II, p.357. 2. Another Muckraking expose, C.E. Russell's,"The Tenements of Trinity Church", Everybody's, July 1908, was directly responsible for the destruction of the Trinity tenements in New York. 3. 'Editorial', McClure's, XXII, January 1903, p.336. 4. L. Steffens, Autobiography, Val.II, p.357.

67 letters praising the brave efforts of Steffens, Tarbell and Baker. Steffens himaelf received hundreds of invitations from alarmed citizens throughout the country to "come and show us up". 1 Clearly, McCZure's had uncovered something that had excited its readers. Not surprisingly, the magazine pursued the idea and in the following issues there appeared a spate of articles dealing with "the American contempt of law."2 Circulation soared. Whereas in August 1895 McClures's was selling around 120,000 copies a month, during the 1906-1907 period - the high-Ude of Muckraking - McClure's was ,elling over 500,000 copies a month. 3 Recognising the appeal of this type of writing, other popular magazines quickly responded with their own Muckraking articles and subsequently the literature of exposure came to dominate the mass magazines. As was the case with McClure's, sales of other magazines increased significantly. "Never in its history," boasted the Cosmopolitan during the time when it was running Phillips' "The Treason of the Senate" series, "has the Cosmopolitan been so eagerly bought and sold." The monthly sales of the Cosmopolitan for the issue immediately following Roosevelt's attack on the Muckrakers were in excess of 450,000. 4 The circulation of Everybody's during the publication of Thomas Lawson's "Frenzied Finance" series (1903-1905) jumped from 197,000 to 735,000. 5 In all, the total circulation of the Muckraking magazines during the peak season has been estimated at over three million copies. 6

By 1906 only a few magazines continued to Muckrake in the demure style that had been inaugurated by McClure's . Sensationalism had come to dominate the move­ ment. In his autobiography St~ffens has related that after the publication of his first two articles, his mind was on his theory, "but Mr. McClure's was on our business." "We [had to] increase the sensationalism of o'.lr articles," wrote

1. L. Steffens, Shame of the Cities, p.18. 2. L. Steffens, "The Shamelessness of St. Louis", McCZure's, March 1903, "Pitts­ burgh: A City Ashamed", McCZure's, May 1903, "Philadelphia Corrupt and Con­ tented", McClure's, July 1903; R.S. Baker, "Capital and Labor Hunt Together", McCZure's, September 1903, "The Trusts New Tool - The Labor Boss", McCZure's, November 1903, "Organised Capital Challenges Organised Labor", McCZure's, July 1904; Ida Tarbell, series on The Standard Oil Company ran until October 1904. - 3. S.S. McClure, My Autobiography, London, 1914, p.220. 4. L. Filler, Cl"Usaders for American LiberaZism, New York, 1961, p.239. 5. H.V. Faulkner, The Quest for SociaZ Justice, New York, 1931, p.115. 6. C.C. Reiger, The Era of the Muckrakers, Gloucester, 1957, p.196.

68 Steffen,, "if we were to hold and reap our advantage. We [had to] find some l city ••• that was worse than St. Louil and Minneapolis." Similarly, Ida Tarbell lamented: "[Muckraking] lo1t the passion for facts in a passion for subscriptions. 112 And in 1909 even Mr. Dooley was moved to protest:

Time was whin the'magazines were very ca'ming to th' mind. Th' idea yet got fr'm these publications was that life was wan glad, sweet song •••• But uov, when I pick up me fav'rit magazines, what do I find? Iv'rything has gone wrong. Th'~wurruld is little better than a convict's camp •••• 3

Despite the emergence of sensationalism the Muckrakers, particularly those within the staid McClu:re's/American strand, treated their subjects in a quasi scholarly fashion. Tarbell for example spent five years researching the Standard Oil Company and relied heavily on primary material. Similarly, Steffens rambled from city to city in search of empirical evidence of municipal corruption. This type of journalism had been made possible by McClure's decision to pay his writers for time devoted to research, rather than by the amount of copy produced. It was Muckraking's essential ingredient of thorough­ ness that made it particularly suited to the popular magazines which appeared monthly, and ill-suited to newspapers and dailies which were far more restrict­ ed in space and format. Thoroughness was also the distinguishing feature between Muckraking and the exposes of earlier periods. "There is nothing quite like [the Muckraking magazines) in the literature of the world," declared English critic William Archer in 1910. "There are," Archer added, "no other periodicals which combine such seriousness of aim and thoroughness of work­ manship.114 Unlike those expose writers who had preceded them, the Muckrakers were moralists who specified. Indeed as Steinfels has noted, "Muckraking 5 combines the detective story with the morality play." Consequently the threat of a libel suit was always pending. But a good indication of the thoroughness and accuracy of the Muckraking articles is the fact that only two successful

1. L. Steffens, Autobiography, p.392. 2. I.M. Tarbell, All in the Day's Work, New York, 1939, p.298. 3. Cited in Mott, op.cit .• p.209. 4. W. Archer, "The American Cheap Magazine", Fortnightly Review, LXXXVII, May 1910, p.922. 5. P. Steinfels, The Neo-Conservatives, New York, 1979, p.71.

69 law suits were ever brought against the Muckrakers and even then, it was decided that there had been no deliberate falsification by the author.

The Muckrakers aimed their exposes at a national audience. Thus Steffens: "I was not writing about Chicago for Chicago, but for other cities, so I picked out what light each had for the instruction of the others. 111 McClure's even went so far as to say that their own Muckraking was "the first attempt in this country at National journalism" and saw itself as "the foremost of magazines that aim to be national in character, that is, to mirror forth our American life. 112 This declaration bears close resemblance to statements made by THE LONE HAND in Australia some three years later.

The first issue of THE LONE HAND contained an article which traced the career of John Wren, 'the Cock of Collingwood', from his humble beginnings as a small­ time S.P. bookmaker to one of the most powerful and influential men in Victorian business and politics. 3 The article bears a striking parallel to Ida Tarbell's investigations of J.D. Rockefeller's rise to fame and fortune in America, which had been run by McClure's.

That THE LONE HAND adopted this style of investigative journalism is not surprising given that Muckraking had proven to be such a powerful market force in America. But, in attempting to adopt the prevailing trends of American journalism in Australia, THE LONE HAND was threatened with legal action, which apparently did not materialise. 4 The third issue contained a similar article on Melbourne starch manufacturer, Robert Harper who also threatened legal action. 5 The article contrasted the magnificent opulence of Harper to the abject poverty

l. L Steffens, Shame of the Cities, p.ll. 2. McClure's, XXII, December 1903, p.4; McClure's, XXIV, November 1904, p.3. 3. "Wren and his Ruffians", L.H., May 1907, pp.82-89. 4. In an interesting reference to the episode Fox, in a letter to Deakin dated 2.4.1908, complained to Deakin: "Having two absences this year of four days each they managed to get into two libel actions, one silly attack on Parliament· in the BULLETIN and botch of a cover." Despite Fox's obvious attempt to exonerate himself it is most unlikely that he was unaware of proceedings. 5. "Sweater and Society: Robert Harper and his Starch Workers", L.H., July 1907, pp.313-320.

70 qf his factory worke_rs, highlighting the hypocrisy of his generous donations to charity. It was indeed an open and scathing attack:

Harper and Co.'s starch factory represents a deep disgrace to a civilized community. It is a disgrace which touches Robert Harper, his family and his business associates; it stains the church which shelters him, the charities which take his support, the friends who accept his hospitality. The public conscience1 should not wait for legislative Acts or judic~al decisions to cure such evils. Let us show unmistakenly its opinion of a man living in magnificence; posing in public as a philanthropist, and yet sweating many of his workers; and such miseries would soon end in Australia.l

In the following issue there appeared what was, for all intents and purposes, a retraction. "The article," it was stated, "gave in one particular instance an unjust impression. It was regretted that in some quarters the article was 2 taken as a personal attack." Explaining the retraction/apology, Fox, in "The Editor's Uneasy Chair", said that THE LONE HAND was concerned with principles not personalities. 3 Be that as it may, it was the last time an article of this type appeared in the magazine. It was not however, the last that was heard of Harper - the sixth issue contained an advertisement for Harper's starch, which was unique in being the only advertisement to appear only once in the magazine. It seems fair to conclude it was part of the out-of-court settlement reached between Harper and THE LONE HAND. By dropping this type of investigative journalism THE LONE HAND incurred the wrath of many readers. In subsequent issues Fox saw fit to defend the magazine against accusations of backing down and attempted to re-direct attention to the good work the magazine was doing in regard to fraudulent medical practices. But even i~ this, the material that appeared lacked the bite and thoroughness of the Muckrakers' articles. In respect of THE LONE HAND's volte face and the decision to recast its treatment of exposure, it is interesting to note its investigations of insurance companies.

l. Ibid, p. 320. 2. L.H., August 1907, p.443. 3. 'E.U.C.', November 1907, p.xxi.

71 Thomas Lawson'• series,"Frenzied Finance", a scathing attack on the major American insurance companies, was one of the outstanding commercial successes of Muckracking. 1 THE LONE HAND's articles on insurance companies read like 2 enticing advertisements for the respective companies. It is feasible that the proprietors of THE LONE HAND had learnt the lesson which some American proprietors had learnt the hard way, namely exposure of corrupt business practices ran the very real threat of loss of advertising revenue. But it appears that the salient reason why THE LONE HAND did-not pursue the Muckraking formula was the restrictions imposed by tough Australian libel laws which were, and still are, far more punitive than American libel laws. It is a matter of conjecture whether THE LONE HAND would have given a more provocative and sustained treatment of corruption and social injustices had Archibald retained an active interest in the magazine.

Despite dropping the Muckraking formula THE LONE HAND did continue to expose social injustices and in this, at least abided by the proclamation in the first issue, that the magazine's platform would be "an Honest Clean White Australia it will not worry about the people's politics, but will take a militant interest in people's health." The programme was pursued in a regular section entitled, 'For the Public Good'. In this section THE LONE HAND exposed a plethora of frauds and malpractices. Supposed cure-all tonics such as Peruna and Liquozone came in for particularly heavy treatment. The magazine would obtain samples of such substances and send them to one Arthur Tighe F.C.S., who would analyse their contents then send a writ ten report to THE LONE HA:iD, which would in turn print Tighe's findings. In this manner the magazine would expose such substances for what they were: simple frauds which more often than not were quite harmful to constant users. THE LONE HAND also attacked the meat industry, the manufacturers of dangerous headache powders which quite often contained illicit and habit-forming substances and, amongst a score of others, the manufacturers of electric belts, supposedly designed to alleviate nervous

l. T. Lawson, "Frenzied Finance: The Story of Amalgamated", Everybody's, August 1904. 2. "Modern Life Insurance", L.H., May 1907, p.111-115; "Shylock and Life Insurance", September 1908, p.605-614; F.S. Spender, "The Cheapening of Life Insurance", September 1910, p.443-448.

72 debility. This latter case is of interest, given that such devices were advertised in the BULLETIN. 1 No such advertisements ever appeared in THE LONE HAND.

Given THE LONE HAND's fighting platform to safeguard public health, it is not at all surprising that it drew attention to Octavius Beale's "Report of the Royal Commission on Secret Drugs, Cures and Foods." 2 Although critical of the style and presentation of the work, THE LONE HAND concluded that in recognition of this "remarkable publication" which was "a work of great patriotism and of magnificent service to Australia", Beale deserved "the best of gratitude that the Co111nonwealth can give him." 3 This was high praise, but not totally unexpected given that Beale's piano manufacturing company was one of THE LONE 4 HAND's major advertisers.

In attacking fraudulent medical practices, THE LONE HAND was obviously drawing on the example that had been set by the Muckrakers in America. As previously stated, the Muckrakers exposes were an instrumental force in the introduction of Government legislation against fraud and unhygienic methods of food preparation. THE LONE HAND repeatedly advocated the need for government legislation in order to prevent social injustices and to safeguard the public health. The first issue had in fact declared that "it should be part of the constitution of a civilised state to guard the constitutions of its citizens against quackery. 115 Far from being an enemy of the people, the state was to be the great protector, indispensable to order and progress. It appears that one of the key figures in THE LONE HAND's campaign to safeguard the public health was J.S.C. Elkington, who along with J.H.C. Cumpston, was largely responsible for the establishment of the Australian Department of Health in 1920.

1. BULLETIN, 11 July 1907, p.31. 2. Beale, who from 1902-04 was President of the N.S.W. Chamber of Manufacturers, was convinced that the root cause of all social problems confronting Australia was the general disregard of moral codes. His concerns echoed those of the Muckrakers. 3. L.H., November 1907, pp.60, 63. 4. Advertisements for Beale and Co. Pianos in THE LONE HAND ran from May 1907 to October 1909. 5. L.H., May 1907, p.93, qv., September 1908, p.538, October 1910, pp.502ff.

73 Elltington's sister-in-law married Norman Lindsay; Elkington himself was Lin4say's patron and it was he who introduced Lindsay to Archibald and A.G. Stephens. Although only contributing one signed article to THE LONE HAND, which called for "the establishment of a definite national [health] policy, 111 Elkington's insistence of the need for the state to play a vital role in health matters permeates THE LONE HAND's health campaign.

The need for government-initiated social reform was also an underlying theme of a series of articles by Beatrice Tracey investigating the position of women in the workforce. 2 Tracey spent twelve months researching and writing the series which covered domestic service, factory conditions, the theatre, waitressing, nursing and retailing. For the purposes of writing the series, Tracey had been instructed by Fox to gain first hand experience and to gather empirical evidence - a trademark of Muckraking. 3 Tracey's investigations led her to the inescapable conclusion that legislation was urgently required to establish "a living wage 4 for all adult women workers and the prohibition of girl-labor." [sic] She called for the establishment of state-run training colleges for domestic service and even suggested that all hospitals in Australia should be government administrated. 5

As well as highlighting the need for government-initiated reform, Tracey's series also reiterated the widely held concern in Australia of the need to preserve the stamina of the race. Indeed, the approach of the series makes it clear that the investigations were not on women pep se but rather on the role women played in the reproduction of a healthy Australian populace. Thus, Tracey argued: "The servant-girl problem batters at the walls of the Australian home, attacks even the future of our race," and elsewhere stated: "No system should be preserved which forces humanity to buy more existence at the cost of race deterioration. 116

1. J.S.C. Elkington, "Tuberculosis and Australia", L.H., May 1909, p.90ff. 2. B. Tracey, "Explorations in Industry", L.H., May-October 1908; qv. J. Barr, "The Hidden Shame: An Exposure of the Sweaters of Sydney", March-June 1911. 3. 'Domestic Service', L.H., May 1908, p.474. 4. 'Factory Girl', L.H., July 1908, p.124. 5. 'Nurse', L.H., September 1908, p.124. 6. L.H., May 1908, p.475; 'Factory Girl', L.H., July 1908, p.600.

74 The eapbaai• 1iven to the idea of race preservation 1D Tracey'• aeries and indeed 1D THE LONE BAND throu1bout, rai••• a'aipificant iaaue 1D term■ of the" 1M1• of Auatralia tbat THE LONE BAND aought to preaent. In their exposes of social injustices 1D America, the Muckrakers bad coutantly appealed to ele•nt• of the Aaerican national myth - reader• were alwaya le1D1 called upon to uphold the principles of free govenmant for thi• vu auppoaedly their civic responaibility u Aaericana. While expo•• articles 1D THE LORE HAND -.cl• occasional reference to civic duty, far 1reater attant;.on waa 1iven anc!"much stronger appeals were made to the idea of race preaervatioa. Sipificantly, whereaa McCLURE'S had preaented itself aa the national American u1azine and in doing so had cbaapioned the cause of liberty and fr•• and boneat governunt, the national Auatralian magazine, THE LONE HAND, saw itself u a defender of a "White, cheerful and healthy Australia" - the empbaaia alvaya bein1 on a White

Australia. The difference between these two outlook■ reflect• the subtle but salient differences between the peculiar set of ideu which repreaented the cornerstones of the respective national self-images of the early 1900's. America was the ho• of freedom and liberty; Australia, the baation of the White Race in the Antipodes.

In keeping with the focus on the health and stamina of the race THE LONE HAND was particularly concerned with the health and general well-being of the Australian youth. The Hay 1908 issue contained an article which stressed the importance of physical fitness, with the writer (Fox) concluding that: "The highest type of man will always be, in the first place a healthy animal." 1 Similar sentiments were expressed in an article in the ~ay 1910 issue, which attacked the existing education system in Australia. Therein it was stated that the entire system of education needed overhauling. Not only should there be introduced "an effective system of medical inspection of schools, but there should be no fol'11Al learning until the child is ten years of age, ·the early 2 years to be devoted solely to physical exercise."

THE LONE HAND also addressed itself to living conditions within the urban

l. :.a.,. .. May 1908, p.112. 2. ""'. :: .. Hay 1910, pp.36-44.

75 , by Li. a ne 1 Lindsay . ~ ' Circular _Q~,~y ' 1907 p 56 . 2 -" ...... ,:..:.. J,...JV_ ,-~ i;).uu , Ma y -- 'LIC l ' · environment. Most of these articles were written by J.D. Fitzgerald. Born in 1862 at Shellharbour, Fitzgerald was President of the Typographical Association in 1887-1888 and was its delegate on the Trades and Labour Council. 1 He was a member of the Socialist League and the founder of a republican league. In 1891 he was a foundation councillor of the Womanhood Suffrage League. He had taken an active role in the Maritime Strike of 1890 and was one of the first elected members of the N.S.W. Labor Party. A keen student of municipal° socialism and urban renewal, Fitzgerald was obviously well suit~d to expose the squalor of the cities. His articles were lively and informative. His "Sydney, the Cinderella of Cities" was subtitled "How a City which has the most beautiful site in the world is running the risk of remaining one of the ugliest, the most backward and the most disease stricken, while its commercial future is im­ perilled." 2 This article was illustrated by Lionel Lindsay and is noteworthy, if only for the fact that it contains Lindsay's impression of Circular Quay if the Romans, instead of the British had settled here.

Fitzgerald chastised Sydney's merchant princes for having "no civic patriotism" and called for the erection of fountains and triumphal arches and the planting of trees on a large scale. In fact, Fitzgerald went so far as to advocate a wholesale restructuring of Sydney. "Is it not possible," he asked, "for Sydney to emulate the achievements of other races of city dwellers, to carve out the city and rebuild it on a new plan, to restore and increase its natural beauty without diminishing its commercial advantages?" 3 Like the Muckrakers, Fitzgerald wanted to transpose the conditions of rural life upon the urban environment. "If," he declared, "the destiny of a progressive race is fixed as that of town­ dwellers in the future, then country conditions must, as far as possible, be combined with city conveniences." 4 This idea was developed further, indeed formed the basis of his article entitled "Parks and Open Spaces." Therein the writer declared: "The perfectly equipped municipal body must create country

l. Seep. 104 for references. 2. L.H., May 1907, pp.56ff. 3. Ibid, p.59. 4. L.H., June 1907, p.20.

76 conditions in the city if it desires to preserve the stamina of the race. 111

Concern for public health and for better living and working conditions within the urban environment were key features of Progressive reform in America. Clearly, Australian reformers for whom THE LONE HAND provided such an important forum shared these concerns. They also shared with their American counterparts a fascination with the notion of national efficiency. Efficiency was indeed one of the buzzwords of THE LONE HAND. Like the Muckrakers, writers in THE LONE HAND equated the notion of national efficiency with "citizen efficiency", thus an article in the May 1910 issue stated:

We might rightly assume that Australia wants the best possible return in individual citizen efficiency and is ~illing to adopt the best available means to secure it. The admitted and only reasonable basis of National Education is efficiency in the individual citizen.2

National efficiency was obviously a special concern of Fox who constantly stressed the importance of systematic and highly organised national development and progress overseen and directed by qualified experts. In one of his early editorials Fox praised the efforts of Julius Caesar, Napoleon, Bismarck and even the Japanese, precisely because "they .•. organised commerce, applying the same military precision to the details of developing their industrial forces, their colonies, and their shipping." Fox concluded by saying:

[T]he whole territory of national development ought to be divided out, and committees of the members irrespective of party, or commissions of experts independent of politics should get to work without delay to organise, co-ordinate, bring harmony in our schemes of national progress; carrying their investigations into all of our national utilities - law, commerce, agriculture,

1. Ibid, p.200. Similar sentiments were expressed in an article in the June 1909 issue wherein it was stated: "[The Bushman] may not add materially to the intellectual treasures of his country in arts and sciences and literature, but he adds a moral fibre of incalculable value which in national danger would be an asset of infinitely more worth than many universities." (p.214). 2. L.H., May 1910, p.36.

77 government, railways, defence, education, settlement, hygiene and last but not least, municipal development.l

This idea of bringing order and harmony to schemes of national progress, through the work of qualified experts, is in effect the Progressive manifesto.

1. 'Editorial', L.H., December 1907, p.178.

78 Co n c 1 u d i n g Re I a r k s ••-=- • - au - Host commentators agree that THE LONE HAND was a worthy project. This is indeed a sound assessment of a venture that was designed to refine Australian art and literature including the way in which creative effort was sold to the public. The appearance of THE LONE HAND was clearly welcomed by local writers and artists many of whom, particularly the key contributCKS to THE LONE HAND - Fox, Lindsay and Dyson, were enthused and inspired by the new vitalist philosophies emanating from Europe positing a new order for 'mankind'.

Emerging in a period of national consolidation, THE LONE HAND sought to direct the intellectual processes through which colonial loyalties were transferred to the nation state. In attempting to resolve the paradox of colonial national­ ism by transforming the Kingdom of Nothingness into an Antipodean Italy, THE LONE HAND presented a fresh image of Australia, the cornerstones of which were cultural sophistication, national efficiency, racial homogeneity and self­ reliance. The function of that image was to provide the ideological foundation for an Australian suburban bourgeoisie.

In the final analysis, the fact remains that THE LONE HAND did not meet with the commercial success, which given the circumstances, might have been expected. Addressing the ultimate failure of THE LONE HAND, William McCleod remarked that "Australia was not ready for a magazine of that type and expensiveness. Or it might be truer to say that the Australian advertisers were not ready for it. 111 As Business Manager for both the BULLETIN and THE :..ONE i-iAND, McCleod was in a good position to make such judgements. Financial support certainly is an important consideration in regard to the viability of a magazine like Tri£ :..CNE HAND. But what of other considerations, conveniently side-tracked by McCleod's remark such as the viability of THE LONE HAND's platform? Was it in fact a matter of going too far too soon? Were the aspirations and creative needs of the makers

1. W. McCleod, "Forty Years in the Manager's Chair", BULLETIN, Jubilee No •. 29, January 1930, p.35.

79 of the ugazine greater than or even consistent with the needs of its intended audience? Moreover,' is commercial success the sole criterion by which we should judge the overall success or failure of a magazine like THE LONE HAND?

Questions such as these would prove useful to future research leading to a richer understanding of the socio-intellectual milieu of early tventienth century Australian society, and the people, events and id••• that have shaped our history.

80 Is Your Nose on the Grindstone day in and day out without hope of advance­ ment in wages or position? Then the I. C. S. can help you. We train ambitious men or women, in spare time, for positions that pay well because special training is required for filling them. If you want to change your work, we can train you for a salaried posi­ tion in your chosen profession, without loss of time from your present work. Start TODAY to Rise! We can help you qualify, by mail, at small expense, for any of the following positions: Mechanic.al Engin~er; Mechanical Draltsman; Electrical Engi­ neer; Electr1~1an; C1v1! Engineer; S1:1rveyor; Mining Engineer; Sanitary Engineer; Architect; Architectural Draltsman; Sign Painter; Show-Card Writer; Ad Writer; Window Dresser· Chem­ ist; Ornamental .Desig!1er; Bookkeeper; Stenographer; 'French, German, or Spanish, With Phonograph; Commercial Law. wn·te TODAY, slatinf{ 1>os iliv11 Iha/ interests you, to International Correspondence Schools, AaenclH : 83 Pttt ltNet. lydney, N.I .W.: 83 Olton ltre•t, We!ll"l1on. NZ.

1. Advertisement, International Correspondence Schools, - THE LONE HAND, November 1909, p.vi. Appendix one

For the purpose ■ of this research a comprehensive and detailed examination listing every advertisement to appear in the First Series of THE LONE HAND wa ■ undertaken. The following are significant date ■ in regard to advestising which outline the attempts of the proprietor ■ hip to oftaet the progressive decline in advertising revenue.

September 1908 Advertising Index ceased September 1910 First leas than full page advertiseMnt

March 1911 First adverti ■ ement on cover October 1911 The words "Please mention Lone Hand" appear on each advertisement April 1913 Second advertisement on cover May 1913 First advertisement on spline.

The following is a list of the major advertisers in the First Series:

ANTHONY HORDERNS ~y 1907 - November 1913 AUSTRALIAN INTER-STATE SHIPPING CO. May 1907 - January 1912 ALLEN AND HANBURYS INFANT MILK FOODS (LONDON) May 1909 - December 1912 BEALE AND CO. PIANOS May 1907 - October 1909 DUNLOP February 1909 - November 1913 FRANZ JOSEF LAGER May 1907 - November 1913 HARRINGTONS PHOTOGRAPHIC SUPPLIES June 1907 - November 1913 HOLLAND HAIR SPECIALIST July 1907 - May 1913 HOLLOWAYS PILLS AND OINTMENTS (LONDON) February 1911 - November 1913 HYGEIA HAIR RESTORER September 1909 - November 1913 GOWINGS May 1907 - March 1913 JOHNNIE WALKER May 1907 - October 1913 KUCEi.MANN'S SOAP May 1907 - December 1912 HUGH McKAY FAIM MACHINERY December 1907 - July 1911 N.S.W. BOOKSTALL CO. June 1907 - November 1913 N.s.w. TOURIST BUREAU May 1907 - May 1913 PALINCS May 1907 - May 1913 PEAPES MENSWEAR June 1907 - February 1913

81 ---THE-----.. AUSTRALIAN IDEAL

''WATTLE DAY" was an excellent attempt to press home the achievement of a National Ideal-the realisation of the Australian Nationhood. The "Wattle" is a glorious golden emblem of the aspirations of a young nation striving after the purity of the race and its establishment upon the strong foun­ dation of industrial success. To wear the Wattle in our coats one day with the enthusiasm that is fitting to a proper pride of race and ~untry-pride of the forebean from whom we sprung, and joy in the poueuion of our fair land of Australia, is great.

But there is something more. Let us not forget our Australia on the morrow and every other day after, when we lay aside the little golden buttonhoie of God's sweet blooms. For Australia to be truly great Auatraliana must cultivate appreciation of things Australian, not only beca111e of their inherent quality, but for the betterment of Australia. Let ua eat, drink and wear nothing that ia not Australian. Australian woollens are made in Australia of Australian wool grown by Australian sheep, and manu­ factured in Australia by John Vicars & Co., at Marrickville. They are pure wool, all wool, and nothing but wool, and they are made now in specially light and dainty flannels for Spring and Summer wear. Be truly Australian, and wear them. If your tailor does not supply, send poat card te John Vicars & Co. of Marrickville, and they will send you pattema of Australian Tweeds for Spring and Summer wear that will make you believe still more in Australia and the work of her sons. Let "Wattle Day," 1911, aeal your determination to be really and truly Australian.

Distributing Agents (wholesale>: YORK STREET, SYDNEY. W• • S COOK & SON , FLINDERS LANE, MELBOURNE.

2. Advertisement, W.S. Cook and Son, - THE LONE HAND, October 1911, backcover. PELMAN MEMORY TRAINING June 1907 - November 1913 i REGAL POSTCARDS Hay 1907 - August 1913 'SNOWY' BAKER FITNESS December 1910 - November 1913 VICARS 'HARRICKVILLE TWEEDS' Hay 1907 - November 1913 WELSBACH LIGHTING Hay 1907 - April 1909 WNDERLICH ROOFING Hay 1907 - April 1909 VICTORIA TOURIST BUREAU Hay 1907 - Janaury 191"3

Anthony Horderns was the only company to advertise in every issue.

82 C Iffiec&Ile I, GRAND PRIZE. AND TWO GOLD MEDALS, LONDO-"". l906. ~ --======--=-----==-===

IMPER!Al CONCERT GR:\ND. T,,

The Real,: -\u.,;t ralian Pi.:inn..; .,t' i.'. urr:J t1r.1nJ P r11 ..: l\\, t p I,! \h ,1.11• ,n-1 .... ,I r \\ at the F ran..:oaUri th1h [,hibi!wn , fhr:\ JTl' tlt r: 111 ,, .. t rn" kr n 1'1 . 1n • ,11 111, ", rl.1 st ructrd o n nr\\. lin.:s . a nd th,:§e ;.i-.-...irJ, the 11 , ,,::lh· .. t m .a.k .11 11 1,· 1 1l1.r·11, <1 rei.'. o ',£nition of thc"ir h iv; h tnnal .JnJ ..:o n .. 1rudH,n,1I ~ u .1llt1r:...... , 1 11, .:u !rt•,: BEALE&CO. "The Old C ., l on 1al ll 0 u, ... " 378 GEORGE STREET, SYDNEY. IHc' -\,1,,. 11 0 1 l"h...l' tt 1117 '" ·t n,t ,,n "'I \\db,urnr ::1 Bri ,1 .:r: ' l IL1l l.ir.1t ::1 ; \ \1t ,h,·I I 'l l',cnJi,!!i \1,. 1::: IJur,d k ..,, \ Jcl.11.!r: .... . -\ . ,x; 11.11 'l l 't'rlh t1 .111n.1n 'I i....,l.: ,,,, r l,\ \ \ \ ; -, , •.hlr:l"n :-1 11.:,t • 1 I' II l~ r 1 .. t'>.1nr: o ur 1 1nh JJJ rt".... l\ri .. h.111,: 1nd ,II \Lir, h .. r , u.,:h h' .. .. l,.,.h.imrt 11 .111 ,1 f n "n, ,il1t' 0 \'-,

3. Advertisement, Beale and Co, - THE LONE HAND, February 1909, inside back cover. Australia's Need !

AT the Empire's Press Conference, British states- men ceaselessly impressed our delegates with the necessity of Australia being self-contained in the matter of armaments and men. Australia must forge her own steel, wear her own woollens, use her own leather, and altogether live on her own produce. The profits on the forty n1illions of goods imported-the bulk of which can be supplied here if the Australian demands them-will provide sturdy craftsmen and money to defy Eastern menace, or give Australia's quota towards defence of European machinations at the heart of the Empire. Foster your industries. Wear Australian Woollens-Vicars' Australian Marrickville Tweeds-because they are made of pure wool, all wool, and nothing but wool. Insist on your tailor supplying you with Vicars' l\t1arrickville Tweed -stamped on every two yards with their trade mark ; or, if there is any difficulty, send a postcard for sample patterns to John Vicars & Co., Marrick­ ville, Sydney. Distributing Agents (Wholesale) : W. S. Cook & Son, York Street, Sydney ; Flinders Lane, Melbourne. I xiv.

4. Advertisement, W.S. Cook and Son. ______THE LONE HAND, December 1909, ..,. p. ______xlv. __ ~4P4N & 4U·STR4L14 Ten l'ears to Learn our Lesson

AST month saw the settlement of the extension of L the Anglo-Japanese treaty for 10 years. Japan has""' 10 years in which to consolidate her position : Australia has 10 years in which to become a nation. It was only yesterday Japan became a first-rate Power••• such a Power that Britain had to acknowledge and bind to herself with . treaties. That position was achieved by the strenuous patriotism of her people, and by the most magnificent fortitude, since consolidated by the clever building up of her nianufactures. In 10 years' time, unless Australia has learnt her lesson, nothing can save her. Only recently Japan learnt that Australian wools were the finest to manufacture into woollens for her people; and to ■ day she is turning out woollens manufactured by Japan­ ese for the Japs. It is the same in every other line. The Jap has learnt his lesson. He manufactures for himself. To ■ day Australia grows the finest wool in the world, and is manufacturing the finest woollens, all wool, pure wool, and nothing but wool. The Federal Government has· taken Marrickville wools as the finest material obtainable for 'the uniforms of its army in the making, and lf only Australians will follow their Government's example, and learn the lesson during the next 10 years, that they must rely upon themselves for their own defence, and on their own manu• factures to become a Power, it matters not how quickly passes the 10-years period which the Anglo-Japanese treaty covers. Vicars' Marrickville Tweeds are made on the ideal national lines of pure wool, all wool, and nothing but wool. They are stamped every two yards with the Waratah ••• the symbol of Australian nationhood and purity. If you have any difficulty in getting Vicars' Marrick• v'ille tweeds from your tailor, drop a post-card for your patterns to .. John Vicars and Co., Marrickville, Sydney."

Distributing Agents 1wholesale1: W. S. Cook and Son, Yori\• Street, Sydney; and Flinders Lane, Melbourne.

5. Advertisement, John Vicars and Co, - THE LONE HAND, September 1911, inside backcover. Appendix tvo • rra CHRONOLOGY OF (SIR) FRANK FOX

1874 Born 12 August 1874 at Kensington, Adelaide, South Australia. 1883 Family moves to Hobart, Frank attends Christ's College. 1884 First published report in TASMANIAN MAIL of which his father was editor. Late 1880's Political reporter in Melbourne. 1892 Editor, AUSTRALIAN WORKMAN. 1893 Editor, NATIONAL ADVOCATE. 1898 Files Bankruptcy suite. 1895-1901 Reporter, DAILY TELEGRAPH, TRUTH, AGE. 1894 Marries Helen Clint (d. 1958). 1901 Joins BULLETIN. 1903 Sub-Editor of BULLETIN. 1905 Commissioned in Australian Field Artillery. 1906 Co-Editor, THE LONE HAND. 1907 Editor, THE LONE HAND. 1909 Leaves THE LCNE HAND, travels to Canada. 1910 News Editor, MORNING POST, London. 1912 War Correspondent in Balkans. 1914 Commissioned in Royal Field Artillery. 1917 War Office. 1919 Resumes position on MCPNJ,'VC PCST. 1923 Secretary of the Fellowship of the British Empire Exhibition. 1926 Knighted (services to conservative journalism). 1927 Organised British Empire Cancer Campaign. 1935 Visits Australia and New Zealand. 1936 Organised Empire Rheumatism Council. 1960 Died 4 March 1960, Chichester, Sussex, England.

84 Bi b 1 i o g r a p h y - •- &LUU: &£SU •n ••

Researching this thesis has proven to be a long and arduous task. Two attempts were made to consult the BULLETIN's LONE HAND's files which are listed in the Bibliography of Prout's, Henry L(ll,)son, The Grey Dreamer, but on each occasion I was informed the files no longer existed. Two attempts were also made ~o contact I Kit Taylor whose Index to THE LONE HAND proved very Welpful, but again the attempts were not successful. Jane Glad was most accommodating and it is expected that future research would make the most of her hospitality.

The following list of references has been compiled with a view to laying a foundation upon which future work can build. The majority, albeit not all references listed have been consulted. Details of secondary material used for this study appear in the footnotes to the text. The following abbreviations have been adopted:

ADOB Australian Dictionary of Biography, Melbourne, 1979. BAB N. Lindsay, Bohemians at the BULLET::;, Sydney, 1977. HCUQ Hayes Collection, F.W. Robinson Room, University of Queensland Library. ML Mitchell Library, Sydney. NL National Library, Canberra. RBSU Rare Book Library, Fisher Library, University of Sydney. JRAHS Journal of the Royal Australian Historical Society. Vic State Victorian State Library.

References marked with an asterisk contain bibliographical material not included here.

85 ABBOTT, John, H.K.

PORTRAIT: L.H. 7 : Hay 1910, p. vi; 12 : March 1913, p. 403; Low Caricature, (1915) ML F 741 L; N. Lindsay Caricature, B.A.B., p. 68.

MANUSCRIPTS:

Abbott, J.H., SaZZy~ ML KSS !821. Angus and Robertson, ML KSs"'Al859, Al917. Bankruptay Papers, 23, 315/14. Hay, William, Papers, Baillieu Library, Uni. Melbourne. Hayes, Edward L., Manusaripts, HCUQ. Johnson, Papers, ML MSS 1214/lA. Lindsay Family, Papers, ML 1969/1. Stephens, Alfred G., Papers, HCUQ.

LONE HAND CONTRIBUTIONS:

'What Kitchener Did Not Say', 7 : June 1910, pp. 89-93. 'Gentlemen - The King!', 7 : July 1910, pp. 177-180. 'Australia's Destroyers', 7 : September 1910, pp. 412-415. 'Silver Trumpet: A Story of the South African War', 7 September 1910, pp. 372-378. 'Is the Australian Disliked?', 7 : October 1910, pp. 483-486. 'Largeness of Australia: An Essay in Brag', 8 : December 1910, pp. 119-125. 'Raid on Sydney', 8 : January 1911, pp. 232-238. 'Making of an Inland Sea', 8 : March 1911, pp. 368-377. 'Watering the Garden: How •.. Burrinjuck Will Irrigate the Land 200 Miles Away', 8 : April 1911, pp. 504-513. 'Sir Francis Drake and Australia', 9 : May 1911, pp. 12-25. 'Brand of Kane', 10 : November 1911, pp. 54-61. '"Breadfruit" Bligh', 10 : December 1911, pp. 89-98. 'Miss Araucaria Excelsa', 11 : September 1912, pp. 389-398. 'First Crossing of the Blue Mountains', 12 : January 1913, pp. 181-194.

86 'Lachlan Macquarie', 12 : February 1913, pp. 321-331. 'Light-Horse Regiments', 12 : March 1913, pp. 401-406. 'Sorrows of Israel', 13: May 1913, pp. 10-20. "'Tom Thumb": Her Voyages', 13 : July 1913, pp. 173-177. 'Castle Hill ••• An Episode ••• In the Career of ••• Joseph Holt', 13: September 1913, pp. 349-358. 'Wreck of the Sirius', 13: October 1913, pp: 467-472.

OTHER WRITINGS:

"On Warland's Range Where the North Bound Motor Climbs Above the Hunter Valley", The Home, June 1920, pp.46, 48. "The Green Hills", The Home, March 1921, pp. 11, 84, 86. "Mr. Dampier's Jewel: The Story of Australia", Worl,d's News, August 13 - November, 1921. "Mount Winger", J.R.A.H.S., 7, 3, 1921, pp. 131-147. "Parramatta, New South Wales", The Home, December 1922, p. 39. "Captain Piper", Art in Austraiia, 3, 8 June 1924. "Mrs. Macquarie", Austraiian Woman's Mirror, 4 August 1925, pp. 9, 54. "The Amazing Abduction", Austraiian Woman's Mirror, 20 October 1925, pp. 8, 51. "The Voyage of Sorrow", Austraiian Woman's Mirror, 17 November 1925, pp. 9, 56. "First Bushranger ••• Black Caesar of Garden Island", December 1936, pp. 26, 76, 78. "The Battle of Vinegar Hill", Cumberl,and Argus and Fruitgrowers Advoaate, 26 October 1938, p. 76. "The Bull Paddock: A Short Story", Cumberl,and Argus and Fruitgrowers Advoaate, 26 October 1938, p. 81. "Australian Explorers", BuUetin, 7 Deceinber 1938, pp. 28-42.

Abbott worked as a freelance writer in London during 1902-1909, contributing to inter alia Dail,y Tel,egraph and the Speatator.

87 -BOOKS: Torrvrry Cornstalk, London, 1902. Plain and Veldt, London, 1903. The South Seas: Melanesia, London, 1908. Letters from Queer Street, London, 1908. The Sign. of the Serpent, Sydney, 1910. The Story of William Darrrpier, Sydney, 1911. Sally, Sydney, 1918. Castle Vane, Sydney, 1920. The Govenor's Man, Sydney, 1920. The Late Alfred Cecil Rowlandson, Sydney, 1922. Ensign. Calder, Sydney, 1922. Sydney Cove, Sydney, 1923. Dogsnose, Sydney, 1928. The King's School, Sydney, 1931. Ben Hall, Sydney, 1934. The Newcastle Packets and the Hunter Valley, Sydney, 1943. An Outlander in England, Sydney, 1944. Out of the Past, Sydney, 1944. Red O'Shaughnessy, Sydney, 1946.

"Macquarie the Man", in The Macquarie Book, Sydney, 1921.

SECONDARY SOURCES:

(a) Articles Bulletin, 26 August, 23 September 1953. Such, L., "Three Old Timers", Southerly, 19, l, 1958, pp. 28-30.

(b) Books A.D.C.B., Vol. 7, pp. 1-2. Lindsay, Norman, B.A.B., Angus and Robertson, 1977. Miller, Morris E., and Macartney, Frederick, (eds.), Australian Literature: A Bibliography to 1950, Angus and Robertson, 1956.

88 ADAMS, Arthur Henry

PORTRAIT: L.B. 5 : July 1909, p. ix; Caricature, 14 April 1914, p. 319.

MANUSCRIPTS:

Adams. A.H.• Newspaper Cuttings, ML.

Adams, A. H. 1 Scrapbook, ML.

Adams. A.H. 1 Papers, RBSU. Angus and Robertson, ML. 836 Brereton. J. le Gay •• Papers, ML 28. Morrison, G.E., Papers, ML 312. Stephens. A.G •• Papers. HCUQ.

LONE HAND CONTRIBUTIONS:

Articles

'Australian Drama'. 4 : December 1908. pp. 233-237. 'Three Australasian Poets'. 6 : March 1910, pp. 572-577.

'Of the Making of Plays'. 9 : October 1911 1 pp. 563-566.

Drama

'Doctor Death: A Morality in One Act', 5 July 1909, pp. 257-268. 'Business Girl: A Comedy in One Act'. 13 September 1913, pp. 371-381.

Fiction

'London Streets: [A Review]', l : May 1907, p. 65. 'Experiences of Clarence', l : pp. 645-653; 2 : pp. 325-331. 381-387, 518-525, 619-627, October 1907 - April 1908.

'Knight of the Motor Launch', 5 : May 1909 1 pp. 33-41.

'Galahad Jones'. 5 : pp. 371-380 1 479-495, 657-671; 6 : pp. 65-79, 180-195, 290-302, 433-444, 521-531, August 1909 - March 1910. 'Abduction of the House-Boat', 7 : October 1910, pp. 463-470. 'Mud Pies: A Fable for Australians', 9 : July 1911, pp. 240-247.

89 Verse

'Two Triolets', l : May 1907, p. 22. 'Loneliness', l : June 1907, p. 177. 'Night in England', l : August 1907, p. 403. 'Mariekoriko', 2 : December 1907, p. 203. 'Gift', 3 : July 1908, p. 327. 'Recompense', 3 : September 1908, p. 554. I 'Strangling Cord' , 4 : November 1. 908, p. 5. 'Balzac', 6 : March 1910, p. 492. 'Single Talent', 7 : May 1910, p. 35. 'From a Cremorne Balcony', 7 : July 1910, pp. 246-247. 'Mars', 8 : December 1910, p. 106. 'Nemesis', 8 : December 1910, p. 107. 'Weakling', 9 : August 1911, pp. 302-303. 'Reincarnation', 11 : June 1912, p. 113.

OTHER WRITINGS:

"Colonial View of Colonial Loyalty", Nineteenth Century, October 1903, pp. 525-537.

Adams wrote extensively for a number of newspapers and journals, most notably the BULLETIN.

BOOKS:

Maori land and Other 'lel'ses, Sydney, 1899. The Forty Thieves ?antomime, Sydney, 1899. The Nazarene, London, 1902. Tussock Land, London, 1904. London Streets, London, 1906. The New Chum and Other Stories, Sydney, 1909. Galahad Jones, London, 1910. A Touch of Fantasy, Sydney, 1911. The Collected Verses of Arthu.r H. Adams, Melbourne, 1913. The Knight of the Motor Launch, Sydney, 1913. My Friend, Remember, Sydney, 1914. Three Plays for the Australian Stage, Sydney, 1914.

90 pouble Bed Dialogues, (Henry James James), Sydney, 1915. Grocer Greatheart: A Tropical Romance, London, 1915. Lola of the Chocolates, (James James), London, 1920. The Australians, London, 1920. The Brute, (James James), London, 1922. A Man's Life, London, 1929.

SECONDARY SOURCES: (a) Articles Bulletin, 11 March 1936, p. 14. Meanjin Papers, Spring 1945, ~•P• 218-220. New Zealand Life, November 1928, p. 5. The Sun, 4 March 1946, p. 13.

(b) Books Green, H.M., A History of Australian Literature, Vol. l, Angus and Robertson, 1961. Lindsay, R., ModeZ Wife, Sydney, 1967. Rees, L., The Making of Australian Drama, Sydney, 1973. Scholefield, G.H. (ed.), A Dictionary of New Zealand Biography, Wellington, 1940. A.D.O.B., Vol. 7, pp. 9-10.

(c) Theses Nesbitt, B., Aspects of Literary Nationalism in Australia with Reference to the BULLETIN, Phd., A.N.U., 1968.

91 BEDFORD, Randolph

PORTRAIT: L.H. 6 : December 1909, p. ix; 15 : May 1914, p. 411; Low Caricature, ML F 741 4; N. Lindsay Caricature, B.A. B., p. 100.

MANUSCRIPTS:

Bedford, R., Papers, OHL OM 64-29~ Oxley Memorial Library , ML DOC 2098. , Collected Verses with Biographical Notes, HI.. Deakin, A., Papers, NL. Franklin, Miles, Papers, ML 364/1. Hayes, E.L., Manusaripts, HCUQ. Lindsay, N., Papers, RB SU 1158, 1-100. Morrison, G.E., HI.. 312. Stephens, A.G., AustraZian Literary Manusaripts, NL MS 75.

LONE HAND CONTRIBUTIONS:

Articles

'Transport in Australia', 8 : December 1910, pp. 169-176. 'Ships of Charleville', 8 February 1911, pp. 315-319. 'White, Yellow and Brown: The Present Situation of White Australia in a Pacific that is ..• Becoming Browner', 9 : July 1911, pp. 224-228. 'Report on Kosciusko and its Potentialities', 10 : April 1912, pp. 511-561. 'Books I Remember', 13 : May 1913, pp. 79-80.

Fiction

'Secret of Ledger "D"', 2 : November 1907, pp. 98-105. 'Lobster or the Wine', 2 March 1908, pp. 544-550. 'With Interest to Date', 3 : May 1908, pp. 33-44. 'To Pay Paul', 3 : July 1908, pp. 297-304. 'Love-gift of Sergeant Bassteel', 3 : August 1908, pp.415-426. 'Seller of Deeps', 4 March 1909, pp. 515-523, 'Morning Glory', 6 January 1910, pp. 306-315.

92 'Billy Pagen, Editor', 7 : October 1910, pp. 527-536. 'Hates of Torres', 8 : pp. 207-212, 305-310, 392-397, 471-477; 9 : pp. 63-68, January - Hay 1911. 'Lady of the Pluckup', 10: December 1911 - April 1912, pp. 166-176, 228-238, 323-332, 416-427, 498-510. 'Desert', 12 : December 1912, p. 137.

OTHER WRITINGS:

"John Forrest", The Timberman and Ironmaster, October 1918, pp. 17-18. "Inland Australia", The Home, July 1928, pp. 23, 34-44, 70, 91.

Bedford worked for a number of journals including, Broken HiZZ Argus and the Age. He also briefly owned the Pioneer and produced the AustraZasian Timberman and Ironmaker as well as editing his own journal the CZa.rion.

BOOKS:

T:rrue Eyes and the WhirZwind, London 1903. The Snare of Strength, London, 1905. The Wonders of the Nor' East, Brisbane,1906, QueensZand, the Winter Paradise of AustraZasia, Brisbane, 1906. White Australia, Or The Empty .'lorth, Sydney, 1909. BiZly Pagan, Sydney, 1911. Explorations in Civilizatic~, Sydney, 1914. Aladdin and the Boss CccKie, Sydney, 1919. The Great Barrier Reef, Sydney, 1928. The Story of Mateship, Brisbane, 1936. Naught to Thirty-Three, Sydney, 1944.

SECONDARY SOURCES:

(a) Articles The AustraZasian, 30 October 1920. Bulletin, 12 February 1894, 4 January 1912. OverZand, 26 April 1963, pp. 21-22. Muses Magazine, December 1927, p. 2.

93 Sydney Morning HeraZd, 4 June 1924, 26 October 1929, 18 "November 1933, 9 February, 28 July 1934, 6 February, 30, 31 May 1935.

(b) Books ADOB, Vol. 7, pp. 241-242. Blainey, Geoffrey, Mines in the Spinifez, Sydney, 1960. Lack, c .• (ed.), Three Decades of Queensland Political Histocy, Brisbane, 1962. Lindsay, L., Comedy of Life, Sydne7, 1967. Lindsay, N., B.A.B. Lindsay, R., Model Wife, Sydney, 1967.

94 CRAWFORD, Robert

LONE HAND CONTRIBUTIONS:

Verse

'Bridal Song', l : June 1907, p. 149. 'Hill', l : July 1907, p. 274. 'At Juliet's Tomb', l : August 190}, p. 399. 'Poet's day', l : August 1907, p. 362. 'Dead Poet', l : September 1907, p. 545. 'Early Summer', 2 : December 1907, p. 142. 'Bride', 2 : March 1908, p. 551. 'Poet's Song', 3: June 1908, p. 153. 'Winged Words', 3 : July 1908, p. 273. 'Girl's Desire', 3 : September 1908, p. 573. 'Gleners', 3 : September 1908, p. 506. 'Night', 4 December 1908, p. 152.

'Midsumer Dawn', 4 : March 1909 1 p. 523. 'Glove of the Live Lady', 4 : April 1909, p. 646. 'Personality', 8 : November 1910, p. 88.

OTHER WRITINGS:

Crawford had many poems printed in the BookfelZow.

BOOKS:

Lyr>ia Moods, Newtown, 1904. The Leafy Bliss, Sydney 1921.

95 DALEY, Victor

PORTRAIT: L.H. 2 : December 1908, p. 162; 5 September 1909, p. 111; 13 : September 1913, p. xx.

MANUSCRIPTS:

Brereton, J. le Gay, Papers, ML MSS 281. Daley, V.J., Letters, NLA MS 3253". (Sir J. Ferguson "' Collection) Daley, V.J., ML MSS 738, ML MSS 38, ML MSS 2547. Daley, V.J., ML DOC 1707, ML DOC 1707, ML DOC 671. Hughes, R.W., Papers, ML MSS 671. Stephens, A.G., Papers, HCUQ. Stephens, A.G., AustraZian Litera;ry Manuscripts, NL MS 75.

LONE HAND CONTRIBUTIONS:

Fiction

'Tinker', 5 : September 1909, pp. 564-566. 'Last Sundowner', 5 : October 1909, pp. 593-598.

Verse

'Grey Hour', 1 May 1907, p. 28. 'Poor Poet', 1 June 1907, •P• 167. 'Replies', 1 July 1907, p. 251. 'Two of a Trade', 1 : July 1907, pp. 236-237. 'Muses', 1 : August 1907, pp. 448-450. 'Avatar', 1 : October 1907, p. 657. 'Little Gardener', 2 : February 1908, pp. 436-437. 'After Sunset', 3 : October 1908, pp. 674-675. 'Bethesda', 4 December 1908, p. 164. 'Forty Year', 4: January 1909, pp. 256-259. 'Woman', 4: April 1909, p. 691. 'Ill!, 6 December 1909, p. 212. 'Players', 9 : June 1911, p. 175. 'O'Reilly's Ride', 13: June 1913, pp. 108-109.

96 About

Bayldon, A.A.D. Daley's Grave: [A Poem). 4 December 1908, pp. 162-163.

OTHER WRITINGS: Daley contributed to the Star, Carlton Advertiser. Queanbeyan Times, Sydney Punch and the Butl.etin.

BOOKS:

At Dat,,n and Dusk. Sydney, 1898. Wine and Roses. Sydney. 1911, Creeve Roe, ed. by M. Holbume and M, Pizer, Sydney, 1947. Viator Datey. Selected & Introduction by H.S. Oliver, Sydney, 1963.

SECONDARY SOURCES:

(a) Articles Aussie, 4 March 1925. Australian Worker, 4 January 1906. Buttetin, 11 March 1882, 23 August 1890; Red Pages: 11 June, 10, 17 September, 3 December 1898. Tabte Tatk, 22 February 1895. Tatter, 20 August 1898. Tosain, 2 October 1897.

(b) Books Lindsay, N., B.A.B., Angus and Robertson, 1977. Stephens, A. G., Viator Daley, Sydney, 1905. Shamrock and Waratah: A Tribute to V. Daley, A.G. Stephens (et al), Sydney, 1902.

(c) Theses *Keel, Ailwood, G.P., Homespun Exotic: Australian Literature 1880-1910, Phd, Sydney, 1976.

97 DYSON, Edward

PORTRAIT: L.H. 8 : February 1911, p. viii; 12 : March 1913, p. 446; 13: October 1913, p. 514; Caricature: 15 : March 1914, p. 411.

MANUSCRIPTS: Dyson, E.G., Papers, La TL. _____ , ML Al907. Lindsay Family, Papers, ML 742. Stephens, A.G., Australian Literary Manuscripts, NL M375. ------, Papers , HCUQ.

LONE HAND CONTRIBUTIONS:

Fiction

'Two Battlers and A Bear', 1 : pp. 121-127, 338-343, 413-418, 486-493, 599-605; 2 : pp. 22-27, 149-153, 259-264, 375-380, 490-495, 601-606; 3: pp. 175-180, 548-553, June 1907 - September 1908. 'Community of Two', 4 : April 1909, pp. 647-653. 'Knock at the Door', 8 : December 1910, pp. 126-131. 'Waiter', 8 April 1911, pp. 453-459. 'Brother of the Prodigal', 9 : July 1911, pp. 229-234. 'Ling, the Fisherman and What He Caught', 9 : August 1911, pp. 323-327. 'Domestic Difference', 10: December 1911, pp. 154-157. 'Billy Bluegum; Or, Back to the Bush', 8 : pp. 437-447; 11 : pp. 47-55, 114-122, 214-223, 302-311, 406-413, April - September 1912. 'Strolling Hogans', 12 : November 1912 - February 1913, pp. 14-20, 160-166, 219-224, 315-320.

Verse 'Scientific Selection', 1: June 1907, p. 161. 'Girls I Do Not Know', 2 : February 1908, pp. 418-419. 'Love and Death', 3 : September 1908, p. 531. 'Lay of the Last Petticoat', 9 : May 1911, p. 62 'The Veiled Statue', 10 : April 1912, p. 467.

98 OTHER WRITINGS:

During the 1880's Dyson had been a sub-editor of Life, and also worked as a freelance writer, using the pen­ name 'Silas Snell', contributing to Australian Tit-bits and Melbourne Punch, as well as other papers. He also co-edited with Tom Durkin the BuZZ Ant (later the Ant), 1890-1892.

BOOKS:

Below and On Top, Melbourne, 1898. Fact'ry 'ands, Sydney, 1906. Benno and Some of the Push, Sydney, 1911. The Golden Shanty, Short Stories by E. Dyson. Selected and with an Introduction by N. Lindsay, Sydney, 1963. Rymes from the Mines, North Sydney, 1973, [first published 1896].

SECONDARY SOURCES:

(a) Articles Argus, 24 August 1931. Bulletin, 21 November 1912. Free Lance, 14 May 1896.

(b) Books A.D.O.B., Vol. 8, pp. 395-6. Bedford, R. , Naught to ':hirty ?hree, Sydney, 1944. Lindsay, N., 3.A.3., Angus and Robertson, 1977.

99 EMERSON, Ernest

PORTRAIT: L. H. 5 July 1910, p. ix.

MANUSCRIPTS:

Emerson, E., Verses, n.d. ML. Bradney, S., Papers, La TL, Palmer, V., Papers, NL. Stephens, A.G., Papers, HCUQ.

LONE HAND CONTRIBUTIONS:

Articles

'Brewing Eucalyptus', 2 : November 1907, pp. 79-83. 'Benign Mother: A Day in a Victorian Bush School', 4 January 1909, pp. 294-302. 'Black Swans', 5 : May 1909, pp. 82-87. 'Gippsland in the Spring', 5 : September 1909, pp. 473-478. 'How the Kookaburra Learns to Laugh', 7 : August 1910, pp. 306-312. 'Australia's Acacias: An Appreciation for "Wattle Day", September 1st', 7 : September 1910, pp. 355-362. 'Bullfinch Rush: Southern Cross and its Next of Goldfinches', 8 : January 1911, pp. 239-247.

Fiction

'Square Deal', 6 February l9l0, pp. :.06-410.

Verse

'Kookaburra', 4 : January l~09, p. 321. 'Black Cockatoo', 4 : March 1909, p. 514. 'Butcher-bird, or Crow-shrike', 4 : April 1909, p. 611. 'Bower-birds', 5 : May 1909, p. 32. 'Lyre-bird', 5 June 1909, p. 168. 'Emu', 5 : July 1909, p. 247. 'Black Swans', 5 August 1909, p. 436. 'Mo-poke', 5 : September 1909, p. 504. 'Magpie', 5 : October 1909, p. 703.

100 'Black and White Fantail (Wagtail)', 6 : November 1909, p. 57. 'Bell-birds', 6 : December 1909, p. 173. 'Bushman and Bard', 6-: April 1910, p. 652. 'Mother Mourner', 8 February 1911, pp. 320-321. 'Earth to Earth', 9 August 1911, p. 358.

BOOKS:

A Shanty Entertainment, Melbourne, 1907. Austra!ian Bird Ca!endar, Melbourne, 1910. Santa ciause and a Sun Dia!, Melbourne, 1910.

101 ESSON, Louis

PORTRAIT: L.H. 11 September 1912, p. xxx.

MANUSCRIPTS:

Agnew, R.E., MLMSS A3926. Brereton, J. le Gay, MLMSS 281. Brodney, Spencer, Correspondenc•,I Vic. State Library. Cusack, D., Papers, NL MS 4621. Davison, F.D., Correspondence, NL MS 764. Davison, F.D., Literar-y Manuscripts, Correspondence, Interviews, NL MS (NA. 821.2 E78). Esson, Louis, ML MSS 2547. Esson, Louis, ML DOC 2115. Esson, Louis, ML DOC 1950. Franklin, M., Papers, ML MSS 364/1. Green, H.M., Correspondence, NL MS 3925. Howard, Campbell, Australian Drama Collection, ANL MS 718. Mccrae Family, Papers, RB SU. Mackaness, G., Correspondence and Literar-y Manuscripts, NL MS 534. Pearce, H.H., Papers, NL MS 2765. Stephens, A.G., ?apers, HCUQ. Stephens, A.G., Australian ~iterary Manuscripts, NL ~S 75. Stevens, D.C., ?apers, NL MS 4713.

~ONE HAND CONTRIBUTIONS:

Articles

'From the Oldest World: Jaipur', 3 : May 1908, pp. 21-26. 'From the Oldest World: Colombo', 3 : June 1908, pp. l49-l51. 'Moor Merchant', 3 : June 1908, pp. 151-153. 'From the Oldest World: Swadeshi and Other Imperial Troubles', 3 : July 1908, pp. 290-294. 'Decay of the Delhis', 3 : July 1908, pp. 294-296. 'From the Oldest World: Japan's Jiu-Jitsue Diplomacy', 3 August 1908, pp. 395-399.

102 'Asiatic Menance: Japan the Gamester', 3: September 1908, "pp. 514-517, 'From the Oldest World: The Golden Temple of the Sikhs', 3 : September 1908, pp. 581-589. 'Asiatic Menance: Japanese Imperialism', 3: October 1908, pp, 617-619. 'From the Oldest World: Benares', 3 : October 1908, pp. 676-682. 'Asiatic Menance: The Awakening of the Dragon', 4 : November 1908, pp. 1-4. 'Asiatic Menance: Celestial Politics', 4 : December 1908, pp. 121-123. 'Roof of the World', 4 : February 1909, pp. 392-401.

Fiction

'Sacred Place', 1 : May 1907, pp. 48-49. 'Potboiler', 1 : September 1907, pp. 497-499. 'Me Old Black Billy an' Me', 2 : April 1908, p. 684.

Verse

'Kookaburra', 1 : September 1907, p. 541. 'Smoke', 5 : May 1909, p. 110.

BOOKS:

Beiis and Bees: Verses, Melbourne, 1910. Three Shovt Piays, Melbourne, 1911. Red Gwns and Other Verses, Melbourne, 1912. The Time is Not Yet Ripe, A Comedy in Four Aats, Melbourne, 1912. Dead Timber and Other Piays, London 1920. The Southern Cross and Other Piays, Melbourne, 1946.

SECONDARY SOURCES:

*Walker, D., Dream and Disiiiusion, Canberra, 1976.

103 FITZGERALD, John David

PORTRAIT: L.B. 6 November 1909, p. viii. 6 March 1910, P. xii.

MANUSCRIPTS:

Barton, E., Papers. HL 249/1. Borg, H. de, Tape recordings and Transcripts, NL HS 888. I Broinowski, R.A., Papers, NL MS ~99. Carruthers, Papers, HL MS 1638/1. Cusack, D., Papers, NL MS 4621. Davison, F.D., Correspondence, NL MS 764. Day, A.G., Papers, NL MS 4865. Deakin, A., Papers, NL. Fitzgerald, J.D., Pqpers, Dixon Library. Green, H.M., Correspondence, Fryer Memorial. Hayes, E.L., HCUQ. Mackaness, G., Correspondenae and Literary Manusaripts, NL MSS 534. Mackenzie Papers, ML MSS 503. Macrae Family, Papers, RBSU. Poetry Society of Australia, NL MS 959 [952]. Slessor, K., Papers, NL MS 3020. Stewart, D., Literary Manuscripts, NL MS 4829. Stevens, D.G., Papers, NL MS 4713. The Linnean Society of N.S.W., ML MSS 2009.

LONE HAND CONTRIBUTIONS:

Articles

'Sydney: The Cinderella of Cities', l : May 1907, pp. 56-60. 'Parks and Open Spaces', l "June 1907, pp. 196-201. 'Training of a Pianist', l July 1907, pp. 287-290. 'Sydney Slums: Picturesque and Pestilential', l : September 1912, pp. 562-568. 'John Longstaff, Portrait Painter', 3: June 1908, pp. 206-212. 'King in Exile', 3: July 1908, pp. 336-342.

104 'Tourists' Paradise: Sunny Scenic New South Wales', 3 August 1908, pp. 483-488. 'Australian Musical Festival', 4 : February 1909, pp. 445-447. 'World's Greatest Waltz', 5 : May 1909, pp. 113-115. 'What the World Owes to Australia', 6: December 1909, pp. 117-127. 'Thomas Quinlan, Impresario: An Interview', 11 : September 1912, pp. 439-444.

OTHER WRITINGS:

"The Maori in Politics", (with L. Becke), Review of Reviews, June 1895, pp. 617-623. "Use of Millionaires", The Sunztise, 1908, pp. 11-13. "The Citizen and the Slum", Australasian Cathotic Recorder, 1909, pp. 25-39. "Touring Through the Australian Desert", Mid-Pacific Magazine, July 1922, pp. 63-68. "In the Heart of the Continent", Sea,Land and Air, February 1925, pp. 827-831.

BOOKS: Municipal Statesmanship in Europe: What Municipal Refol'm Has Done, Sydney, 1899. Greater Sydney and Greater .'Jewcastle, Sydney, 1906. Science of Tor.m Planning: Its Universal Application, Sydney, 1914. The Rise of the A.L.?., Sydney, 1915. Presidential Address (Australian Town Planning Conference and Exhibition, Brisbane), Sydney, 1918. Metropolitan Problems of Sydney, Sydney, 1918. Ring Valley, London, 1922. Children of the Sunlight, Sydney, 1923. Studies in Australian Crime, Sydney, 1924.

SECONDARY SOURCES:

(a) Articles Advertiser (Adelaide), 11 March 1891, p. 12. Punch, 23 September 1915.

105 Sydney Morning HeraZd, 9 Hay, 6 June 1916; 23 November 1917; 18 June 1918; 25 February 1919; 5 July 1922.

(b) Books A.D.O.B., Vol. 8, pp. 513-515. Nairn, B., CiviZiaing CapitaZism, Canberra, 1973. Roe, J. (ed.), Twentieth Century Sydney, Sydney, 1980. Spearitt, P., Sydney Since the T!Jenties, Sydney, 1978.

106 FORREST, Helena (Habel)

PORTRAIT: L.B. 11 May 1912, p. xx; Aussie, 48 February 1923, p.43.

MANUSCRIPTS: Australian Authors, Letters, Manuscripts, Proofs, .. Portraits, Etc., Fryer Library,UQ. Forrest, H.M., Verses, ML Stephens, A.G., Papers, HCUQ.

LONE HAND CONTRIBUTIONS:

Fiction

'Madness of the Fool', 5 : September 1909, pp. 501-503. 'It Might Happen', 11 : May 1912, pp. 78-79. 'Hands', 11 : July 1912, pp. 269-271. 'In the Rainy Season', 11 : October 1912, pp. 481-486. 'Satin Gown', 12 : November 1912, pp. 62-63. 'Child', 13 : May 1913, pp. 71-73.

Verse

'Interludes', 1 June 1907, p. 201. 'Someone Else', l : June 1907, p. 166. 'Karma', 2 : November 1907, p.78. 'Land of the Heart's Desire', 2 : March 1908, p. 525. 'Chaperones', 3 : September 1908, pp. 578-579. 'My Lady', 5 : May 1909, p. 69. 'Wish', 5 June 1909, p. 191. 'Weed', 5 July 1909, p. 335. 'Little Brown-Hand', 7 : July 1909, p. 206. '?', 5 : August 1909, p. 435. 'Lost Kiss', 6 : November 1909, p. 56. 'Babe of Dreams', 6 : November 1909, p. 87. 'Witch', 6 : February 1910, p. 412. 'In the Slumber-House', 7 May 1910, p. 45. 'Hatter', 8 : April 1911, p. 514.

107 'Dreaming', 10 : November 1911, p. 62. 'Spirit-Tryst', 10 : December 1911, p. 157. 'Race', 10: March 1912, p. 409. 'My Thoughts', 11 : June 1912, p. 109. 'Withered Rosebud', 11 : August 1912, p. 340. 'Ripples', 11 : September 1912, p. 405. 'Gate of Parting', 12 : December 1912, p. 171. 'Holiday', 12 : February 1912, .P• 300. 'Fear: A Poem' , 12 : March 1913, p. 443.

'At the Dawn of Things', 12 : April 1913, P• 469. 'To-morrow', 13 : May 1913, p. 9. 'At the Window', 13 July 1913, p. 219. 'In a City Street', 13 : August 1913, p. 281. 'Love's Roses', 13 : November 1913, p. 541.

BOOKS: The Rose of Forgiveness and Other Stories, Brisbane, 1904. Alpha Centauri, Melbourne, 1909. A Baahelor's Wife, Sydney, 1914. The Green Harrper, Sydney, 1915. Streets and Gardens, Brisbane, 1922. Wild Moth, London, 1924. Gaming Gods, London, 1926. Hibisaus Heart, London, 1927. ?oems, Sydney, 1927. Reaping Roses, London, 1928. White Witahes, Hutchinson & Co., 1929.

SECONDARY SOURCES:

(a) Articles Aussie, February 1923, pp. 43-44. Australian National .:;eview, December 1937, p. 89. Australian Women's Mirror, 3 March 1925, p. 13.

108 FOX, Frank

PORTRAIT: BULLETIN and LONE HAND Souvenir, Sydney, 1908; Noel Couniham Caricature. BULLETIN, 17 April 1935, p. 14. AustraZian Worker, 11 February 1909, p. 27.

MANUSCRIPTS:

Baker, Kate, Coiiection, NL 202.2~ Vol. 5, pp. 161-3. Brereton, John le Gay, the Younger, Papers, ML MSS 281 Vol. 6, pp. 345-349. Deakin, Papers, NL 1540. Fitzhenry, W.E., MS History of the Buiietin, NL 6757. Jebb, Papers, NL 813. Lindsay Family, Papers, ML 742. Mackaness, Papers, NL 534, 7 June 1937. Scott Family, Papers, ML MSS 38, Vol. 20, PP. 205-210. Slessor, Papers, NL 3020.

LONE HAND CONTRIBUTIONS:

Articles

'The Editor's Uneasy Chair', 1907-1909. 'Editorial', 1907-1909. 'The Month', 1907-1909. 'The Bear and the Basket', l 907- l 909. 'Prolific Australia', :l.ay l907, pp. 67-75. 'A Study in Martyrdom', June l907, pp. l75-li6. 'A Problem in Ethics', Julv l907, pp. 2~8-250. 'The Resourceful Australian', August l908, pp. 448-450. 'Our Rulers', September-October l908, pp. 495, 62.

OTHER WRITINGS:

"Dolly", The Bulietin Stor,1 Book., Sydney, 1901, pp. 150-153. "The Emperor and His Double", a serial in the Daily Tele­ graph during the later l890's, co-written with Ambrose Pratt.

109 Fox wrote for many newspapers during his long career, including Tasmanian MaiZ, AustraZian Workman, NationaZ Advocate, DaiZy TeZegraph, Truth, BuZZetin, Morning Post, The Times and DaiZy MaiZ.

BOOKS:

Bushman and Buccaneer, Sydney, 1902. ProZific AustraZia, Sydney, 1907. I From the OZd Dog - Being the Letters on PoZitics of the Hon .... , Ex Prime Minister, to his NeLJphet,J, Melbourne, 1908. The AustraZian Crisis, Melbourne, 1909. Ramparts of Empire, London, 1910. AustraZia, London, 1910. Oceania, London, 1911. ProbZems of the Pacific, London, 1912. Our EngZish Land MuddZe - An AustraZian View, London, 1913. The Agony of BeZgium, London, 1914. Souvenir of Opening of the NewcastZe SteeZ Works, B.H.P., 1915. BaZkan PeninsuZa, London, 1915. Bulgaria, London, 1915. EngZand, London, 1915. Italy, London, 1915. Switzerland, London, 1915. The British ;,.rmy at :.ar, London, 1917. The Battles of -::he _;:;:d.ges, tondon , 1918. G.ii.Q., Montreuil-sur-."•!er, London, 1920. The King's Pilgrimage, London, 1922. Beneith an Ardent Sun, London, 1923. The English lBCJ-1322, London, 1923. History of the ir.oyal Gloucestershire i-iussars ieol"1anry, London, 1923. Finland To Day, London, 1926. The Mastery of the Pacific, London, 1928. The Royal InniskiZZing Fusiliers in the World War, London, 1928. Parliamentary Government: A Failure?, London, 1930. The Royal InniskilZing Fusiliers in the Second Wo2•lci War, London, 19 51 •

110 SECONDARY SOURCES:

(a) Articles Stone, w. (ed.), BibZionews, XIII, V, May 1960.

(b) Books A.D.0.8., Vol. 8, pp. 568-9. Lawson, Sylvia, The ArahibaZd Paradox, Ringwood, 1983. Lindsay, Norman, Bohemians of the BuZZetin, Sydner., 1965. Matters, L.W., AustraZians Who Count in London, London, 1913. Taylor, Kit, A History of the "cone Hand' r.n.th Indexes, Sydney, 1977.

111 JEFFRIES, Charles Adam

PORTRAIT: L.H. 10: February 1912, p. 340; 5 : May 1910, p. ix; 15 : Hay 1914, p. 411; New Nation Magazine, June 1931, p. 88.

LONE HAND CONTRIBUTIONS:

Articles

'New South Wales Government Railways', 3: August 1908, pp. 475-482. 'Armageddon of the Boilers', 3 : October 1908, pp. 734-743. 'Our Unfinished Commonwealth', 4 : February - Hay 1909, pp. 373-382, 498-505, 622-633; 5 : February - May 1909, pp. 22-31. 'Romance of Catalysis', 5 : Hay 1909, pp. 116-119. 'Genii in our Blood', 5 September 1909, pp. 591-593. 'Suction Gas Fiasco', 5 September 1909, pp. 580-583. 'Suction Gas Versus Steam: A Reply to Mr. Nicholls' Article in THE LONE HAND for November', 6 : December 1909, pp. 157-161. 'Australian Navy and the Boiler Monopoly', 7 Hay 1910, pp. 83-87. 'Rational Australian Railway System', 7 : July 1910, pp. 223-230. 'Railway Block System', 7 : September 1910, pp. 406-408. 'Babes of Darkness and Children of Silence', 8 : February 1911, pp. 265-274. 'Australian fleet and What the Building of it Means'. 8 : April 1911, pp. 445-452. 'Sunlight Soap, Oil and Glycerine Works', 9 : May 1911, pp. 86-91. 'Eskbank Iron Works', 9 : June 1911, pp. 183-189. 'Welsbach Light', 9 : June 1911, pp. 176-182. 'Sydney Meat Preserving Company', 9 : June 1911, pp. 190-191. 'Greater J.D. Williams Banyan Tree: The .•• Development of the Photoplay Industry', 9 : July 1911, pp. 275-284. 'Mort's Dock and Engineering Company', 9 : July 1911, p.286. 'Beale & Co., Piano Makers', 9 : July 1911, pp. 287-292. 'Cobra Leather Polish', 9: August 1911, pp. 390-393.

112 'Messrs. Taylor Bros., the Pure Food Firm', 9 : August 1911, pp. 379-385. 'J.C. Hutton Proprietary Pineapple Hams and Bacon', 9 : August 1911, pp. 386-389. 'From the Back of Sheep to the Shoulders of Han', 10 : January 1912, pp. 255-262. 'Romance of Bed and Bedding', 10: February 1912, pp.342-347.

Fiction

'Hero of Babylon', l : Hay 1907, pp. 61-65. 'Sky-Kings', 2 : December 1907, pp. 213-219. 'Sleepless Babe', 3: May 1908, pp. 94-96. 'Babe', 6 : December 1909, pp. 208-212. 'In Moonlit Waves', 6 January 1910, pp. 247-251. 'Treasure Seekers', 7 : June 1919, pp. 102-110. 'Haunted Dark Room', 9 : May 1911, pp. 70-73. 'Man from Boggamundi', 11 : September 1912, pp. 445-453.

OTHER WRITINGS:

"Australian Gelatine Industry", The Shipping and Cormierae of Australia, 1920, pp. 140-141.

BOOKS:

Famous Fights at the .::-_,::::<-~, Sydne:,·, l9l4.

SECONDARY SOURCES:

(a) Articles New Nation Magazine, June 1931, p. 88.

113 LAWSON, Henry

LONE HAND CONTRIBUTIONS:

Autobiography Henry Lawson's early days ••• a condensation of the poet's autobiography, 2: March 1908, pp. 268-576.

Fiction

'Tragic Comedy', l : May 1907, p. 16. 'Ridiculous Family', l : July 1907, pp. 281-285. 'Mateship: A Discursive Yarn', l : September 1907, pp. 511-517. 'Strangers' Friend', 2 : November 1907, pp. 17-21. 'Roll Up At Talbragar', 4 January 1909, pp. 271-277. 'Wanted by the Police', 7 July 1910, pp. 251-260. 'Ah Soon: A Chinese-Australian Story', 11 : August 1912, pp. 324-328. 'Grandfather's Courtship', 13 : August 1913 - September 1913, pp. 300-307, 382-389.

Verse

'Question', 8 : February 1911, p. 319. 'Bush Brigades', 12 : March 1913, p. 440. 'Two Poets', 13 : September 1913, p. 407.

The study of Lawson has become an industry in itself. There is a massive amount of material available, the most comprehensive of which is C. Roderick's collected volumes published by Angus and Robertson.

114 LINDSAY, Norman

MANUSCRIPTS:

Both the Mitchell Library and Rare Book Library, Fisher Library, contain a tremendous amount of material on Lindsay and other members of his family. A good deal of this material has restricted access. The indicati9ns are that this restricted material is relevant to THE LONE HAND and consequently access should be,sought for future research. A collection of Lindsay's letter'§ has been published in book form, (R.G. Howarth and A.W. Barker (eds.), Letters of Nol'man Lindsay, Angus and Robertson, 1979). Unfortunately, this collection contains only two letters of direct rele­ vance to THE LONE HAND.

LONE HAND CONTRIBUTIONS:

Articles

'Great Stories: Helen, grande amoureuse', 2 : December 1907, pp. 126-132. 'Great Stories: The Loves of Sir Lancelot and Queen Guenever', 2 : March 1908, pp. 467-473. 'Great Stories: Gautama', 3 May 1908, pp. 5-11. 'Colombo: A Tripper's Day', 6 : March 1910, pp. 556-562. 'End of Lope de Vega', 13 August 1913, pp. 271-277.

Written and Illustrated

'That Popular Myth - The Lady', 6 : February 1910, pp.415-17. 'Port Said', 8 : April 1911, pp. 480-485. 'Rig of the "Endeavour"', 12 : April 1913, pp. 489-493.

Fiction

'Intruder: A Frivolous Episode', 2 : December, 1907, pp. 166-177. "'Saturdee"', 3 : July 1909, pp. 316-326. 'Great Event', 7 May 1910, pp. 51-60. 'Fatty Bennett', 9 August 1911, pp. 314-322. 'Stop at Lining', 10: April 1912, pp. 481-494.

Verse

'Ballad of Reuben Ranzo Bluegum', 9 September 1911, pp. 426-427.

115 BOOKS:

Creative Effort, Sydney, 1920. My Mask, Sydney, 1970. Pen Drawings, Sydney, 1974. Siren and Satyr, Melbourne, 1976. Bohemians at the BULLETIN, Angus and Robertson, 1977.

SECONDARY SOURCES:

(a) Books *V. Hetherington, The Embattled Olympian, Melbourne, 1973.

(b) Theses *K.M. Day, A Study of the Aesthetic Theory and Creative Writings of Norman Lindsay and their Relationship to the Work of K. Slessor and R.D. Fitzgerald, Phd., Sydney, 1976.

116 McCRAE, Hugh

MANUSCRIPTS: There is a wealth of manuscript material relating to Mccrae. Most of it is in the Mitchell Library (e.g. Hugh Mccrae, Papers, ML MSS 1491, and his Letters, Sydney, 1970, A McCrae Misceiiany, the National Library and the Rare Book Library, Fisher Library.

LONE HAND CONTRIBUTIONS:

Articles

'Ultra-modernist', 4 November 1908, pp. 117-118.

Fiction

'Half-way House', 5 September 1909, pp. 496-500.

Verse

'Poetae et reges', 1 : May 1907, pp. 40-41. 'Ballade', 1 : July 1907, p. 312. 'Elves of Spring', l September 1907, pp. 478-479. 'Mandragore', 1 : October 1907, p. 661. 'Courage to Conquer', 2 : December 1907, p. 220. 'Red John of Histingden', 2 : January 1908, pp. 332-335. 'New Year', 2 : February 1908, p. 454. 'Pierette and I', 2 March 19u8, p. 496. 'Time is a Dragon', 3 May 1908, p. 45. 'My Heart is Glad', 3 July 1908, p. 235. 'Bairnie to the Birdie', 3 : August 1908, p. 390. 'I Blow My Pipes', 3 : September 1908, p. 517. 'Song of the Witless Boy', 3 : October 1908, .p. 649. 'After the Chase', 4 : November 1908, p. 93. 'Legend', 4 : March 1909, pp. 578-579. 'Lord Bishop o' Witches Pool', 4 : January 1909, pp. 290-293. 'Prisoner', 4 : April 1909, p. 653. 'Faithlessness', 5 : June 1909, p. 213. 'Deathless Gods', 5 August 1909, p. 429. 'Night Thoughts', 5 September 1909, p. 517.

117 'Lady, Lady, Gentle Lady', 6 : January 1910, p. 396. 'Sweet Bitterness', 7 : June 1910, p. 127. 'Invocation', 8: November 1910, p. 62. 'Dreamer', 8 December 1910, p. 162. 'Ambuscade', 9 : October 1911, p. 505. 'Pursuit', 10 : December 1911, pp. 106-107. 'Song of the Rain', 12 : January 1913, p. 235. About

'Adams, A.H. Three Australasian Poets', 6 : March 1910, pp. 572-577. 'Bayldon, A.A.D. Hugh Mccrae. Poet', 2 December 1907, p. 229. 'How a Portrait is Drawn: [A Series of Drawings. Subject, H. Mccrae, the Artist, W. Andersen.], 7 : May 1910, pp. 9-14. 'Lindsay, L. Hugh Mccrae: [A Review of his Book of Poems', 4 : January 1909, pp. 350-351.

BOOKS: Satyrs and Sunlight, Sydney, 1909. The Best Poems of Hugh Ma:rae, Sydney, 1961. Selected Poems, Sydney, 1966.

SECONDARY SOURCES:

(a) Articles Australian Book .'iews, 2 ~arch 1948, pp. 459-461. Australian Nation.al .=e'Jie·.. :, July 1937, pp. 51-57. Australian Quarterly, 30 June 1958, pp. 39-41; December 1939, pp. 53-59. Bulletin, 26 February 1958, 24 April 1914. Meanjin, 17, Autumn 1958, pp. 73-82. Overland, 12, 24, Winter 1958. Southerly, 15, 3, 1954, pp. 204-209; 17, 3, 1956; 19, 2, 1948, pp. 67-75.

(b) Theses J.B. Webb, Hugh Macrae, 0.3.E., MA, Sydney, 1969.

118 MacGREGOR, Milton

LONE HAND CONTRIBUTIONS:

Drama

'Minus Quantity: A Comedy', 8 December 1910, pp. 100-105. Fiction I 'Lost Scoop', 1 : May 1907, pp. -24-28. 'Fake That Wasn't", 1 : August 1907, pp. 370-375. 'Enchanted Sample Case', 2 January 1908, pp. 282-289. 'Scoop That Bore Twins', 3 October, 1908, pp. 700-804. 'Commercial Altruist', 4 February 1909, pp. 383-388. 'Unwreckoned Element', 4 March 1909, pp. 580-586. 'Witness from Karnak', 5 September 1909, pp. 510-517. 'Smith of Marrickville', 6 : December 1909, pp. 165-172.

'Dormant Dinosaur', 22 : August 1912, PP• 290-298. 'Rooney the Superscout', 12 : November 1912, pp. 33-39. 'Food of Faith', 13 : May 1913, pp. 36-42. 'Orchestral Octopus', 13 : November 1913, pp. 568-575.

Verse

'Reward', 9 October 1911, p. 497.

Non-Fiction 'Jack London', 4 February 1909, pp. 366-7.

119 MORTON, Frank

PORTRAIT: L.H. 4 : November 1908, p. 119; 15 : May 1914, p. 411; Low Caricature (1915), ML F 741 4.

MANUSCRIPTS: Morton, F., ML 2547. Stephens, A.G., AustraZian Literat,y Manusaripts, NL MS 75.

LONE HAND CONTRIBUTIONS:

Articles

'Art of Journalism: A Scoff', 1 : July 1907, pp. 294-296. 'Smoke Rings', 1 : September 1907, pp. 573-574. 'Black and White in France', 2 : February 1908, pp. 424-428. 'Disappointment Island: The Heroic Story of the DundonaZd, 2 : February 1908, pp. 353-363. 'Of Reading and Readers', 4 : April 1909, pp. 693-695.

Fiction 'Pan and the Automobile', l : August 1907, pp. 376-377. 'One-Eyed Man', 1 : October 1907, pp. 654-657. 'Perturbation of Doris DeLolme', 2 : November 1907, pp. 108-11 l.

Verse

'Comforter', : July l907, p . ..:70. 'Sisters', l September l 9u7, p. ~'15. 'Funeral', l October l90i, p. 065. ''Kate', 2 November l907, p. 97. 'Night', 2 March 1908, pp. 566-567. 'Devout Lover', 3: June 1908, p. l74. 'Marjorie', 3 July 1908, p. :255. 'Prayer', 4 January 1909, p. 255. 'Thought', 4 : April 1909, p. 716. 'Night Piece', 6 : December 1909, p. 196. 'Moth' , 7 : May 1910 , p. 4 9 . 'Stroller', 8 : December 1910, p. 163.

120 'Nocturne', 8: March 1911, p. 403. 'Judgement', 9: June 1911, p. 109. 'Chant Royal of the Great Compensation', 9 October 1911, p. 525.

About

Stevens, B., 'Frank Morton - His Verses', 4 March 1909, p.606.

OTHER WRITINGS:

"Tasmanian Consuls of Today", Red Funnel, February 1906, pp. 40-50.

BOOKS:

:.a ugh ter and Tears, We 11 ington, 1908. Angel of the Earthquake, Melbourne, 1909. Square Deal, Wellington, 1914. Verses for Marjorie and Some Others, Melbourne, 1916. The Secret Spring, Sydney, 1919. Man and the Devil, Sydney, 1922. Verses, Sydney, 1925.

SECONDARY SOURCES:

(a) Articles Bulletin, 3 January 1951, p. 27. :.one hand, 4 : March 1909, p. 606. Pacific, 29 February 1924, p. 10. Triad, February 1924.

121 O'FEIUlALL, Ernest (Kodak)

PORTRAIT: L.B. 6 : January 1910, p. ix; 14: March 1914, p. 249; BuZZetin and Lone Hand Souvenir, 3 October 1908, p.16; Home, June 1922, p.11; Low Caricature, (1915) ML F741L.

MANUSCRIPS: Stephens, A.G., Papers, HCUQ.

LONE HAND CONTRIBUTIONS:

Fiction

'Mean Hand', 1 : June, 1907, p. 145. 'Broom and the Monster', 2 : November 1907, pp. 43-45. "'Giggle" Newspaper Company', 2 : February 1908, pp. 430-435. 'Little Essay on Boarders', 3 June 1908, pp. 187-189. 'Escaped Hero', 5 : June 1909, pp. 206-209. 'Dance Amongst the Roses', 5 : July 1909, pp. 250-256. 'Emotional Ghost', 6 : February 1910, pp. 389-396. 'Policeman Who Was Kissed', 7 : July 1910, pp. 232-234. 'Brown's Inflammable Card Party', 7 : August 1910, pp.302-304. 'Flood of Trouble', 8 December 1910, pp. 138-148. 'Undertaker's Hat', 8 February 1911, PP· 311-314. 'Prophet in the Dock' , 9 : June 1911, PP• 161-164. 'When Smith was King', 10 : December 1911, pp. 99-105. 'Eye-Witness', 10 January 1912, pp. 194-197. 'Lost Bishop', 10 February 1912, pp. 304-310. 'Boarder's Revolver', 10 : ~arch 1912, pp. 356-361. 'Louis XIV and the Lodger', 10 April 1912, pp. 476-480. 'Opium-Eaters', 11 : May 1912, pp. 22-30. 'Eighteen Footer', 11 : October 1912, pp. 494-500. 'Balloons and Sausages', 12 : March 1913, pp. 407-412. 'Bishop and the Buns', 13 : May 1913, pp. 21-25. 'Prompter', 13 : June 1913, pp. 110-111. 'Doing Good' 13: July 1913, pp. 213-219. 'Gold-in-his-Teeth', 13 : October 1913, pp. 493-498.

122 Verse "Missing Miss Brown', 12 January 1913, pp. 216-218. IZZust. by David Low.

BOOKS:

Badger and the Boarders, Sydney, 1921. Odd Jobbs, Sydney, 1928. Stories, Sydney, 1933.

123 OGILVIE, William H.

PORTRAIT: L.H. 14 : March 1914, p. 262; 10: March 1912, p. 376; 7 : October 1910, p. x; 13 : August 1913, p. 343. Buiietin, 85, 9 February 1963, p. 4; Bookfeiiow, August 1912, p. l; Life, April 1904, p. 396.

MANUSCRIPTS: I Angus and Robertson, HL C866, Kl908. Author Bibliographies, HCUQ. Berg, H., Tape Recordings and Transcripts, NL MS 888. Brennan, c., Papers, NL MS 1871. Lindsay Family, Papers, HL MSS 1969/1. Ogilvie, w., Newspaper Cuttings, 1894-1911, HL. Ogilvie, W., HL MSS 38, HL MSS 1809. Ogilvie, W., ML DOC 1809, HL DOC 2399, HL DOC 2912. Stephens, A.G., Austraiian Litera.ry Manuscripts, NL MS75.

LONE HAND CONTRIBUTIONS:

'Hypocrites', 1 : June 1907, p. 231. 'Old 'un', 2 : February 1908, p. 394. 'Drafting Gate', 7 : August 1910, p. 290. '0rsetralian Alphabet', 8 : November 1910, pp. 36-37. 'Steeds of Old', 8 : December 1910, p. 162. 'Cicadas', 8 : March 1911, p. 391. 'White Ibis', 9 : July l9ll, p. 267. 'Wagtail', 9 : September 1911, p. 474. 'Mushroom Gatherers', 9 : October 1911, p. 520. 'Squatter', 10 : March 1912, pp. 376-377. 'Bucking Horse Bend', 11 July 1912, p. 240. 'Loyal Heart's Tail', 12 November 1912, p. 21. 'Happy People', 12 : January 1913, p. 225. 'Watcher of the Fires', 12 : April 1913, p. 483. 'Kelpie Land', 13 : June 1913, p. 89.

124 OTHER WRITINGS: "How I Wrote Fair Girls and Grey Horses", Life, April 1904, pp. 396-8. "The Australasian', Punch, ML Pam. File 8210.

BOOKS: Fair GirZs and Grey Horses, Sydney, 1898. Rainbows and Witches, London, r907. My Life in the Open, London, 1908. Whaup O' The Rede, Dalbeattie, 1909. The Land we Love, Dalbeattie, 1910. Hearts of GoZd and Other Verses, London, 1913. The OverZander and Other Verses, Glasgow, 1913. Gray Horses, Sydney, 1914. The AustraZian and Other Verses, Sydney, 1916. LoveZight Song, London, 1919. GaZZoping Shoes, London, 1922. Scattered ScarZet, London, 1923. over the Grass, London, 1925. A HandfuZ of Leather, London, 1928. A CZean Wind BZowing, London, 1930. SaddZes Again, London, 1937. From Sunset to Dawn, Sydney, 1946. SaddZe for a Throne, Adelaide, 1952.

SECONDARY SOURCES:

(a) Articles Bibliographical Notes, Scottish Australian, December 1922, p. 271. Bulletin, 74 : 25 February 1953, p. 2; 85 : 9 February 1963, p. 4. Red Page, 3 December 1898. Meanjin, 22 March 1963, p. 147. North Australian Magazine, 4 April 1958, p. 8. Real World, 12, 23 August 1963.

(b) Books Edwards, L., (ed.), Collected Sporting Verse, W.H. Ogilvie, London , 1 9 3 2 •

125 QUINN, Roderick

PORTRAIT: L.H. 6: March 1910, p. ix; 1 : May 1910, p. viii; 15 : May 1914, p. 411, Low Caricature.

MANUSCRIPTS: Australian Authors, Co?Tespondence, OML OM 67-7. Boote, H.E., Diaries, Letters, P~pers, NL MS 211. Franklin, M., Papers, ML MS 364. Hancock, F., Papers, ML MSS 772. Kendall Family, ML MS 3796/1. Roderick, c., Research MateriaZ in Scrapbooks, NL.MS 1578. Roderick Quinn Memorial Fund, ML MS A339-40. Quinn, R., ML MSS 281, ML MSS 2547, ML MSS 1221, ML MSS 1522, ML MSS 184. ____ , ML DOC 1791, 1735, 2340, 1982, 1221, 1522. -----, Newspaper Cutting, BiographicaZ Notes, ML QA82 Q. Souter, C.H., Papers, Archives Dept. SAS, 148 L. Stephens, A.G., Papers, HCVQ. Stewart, D., Literary MSS, ~L MS 4829. Whelan, P., Papers, NL MS 2449.

LONE HAND CONTRIBUTIONS:

Fiction

'Story of Richard Lavender'. l : August l907, pp. 354-362. 'Healing of a Feud', 3 : September l908, pp. 507-513.

'Daughter of the Homestead', ~ : ~ovember 1908, pp. 60-61. 'Advanced Idea', 6 : February l9LO, pp. 373-380. 'On the Barrier', 6 : March 19l0, pp. 487-491. 'Age of Chivalry', 6 : April 1910, pp. 653-657. 'Toro', 7 : August 1910, pp. 280-289. 'Grapes that were Sour', 7 September 1910, pp. 39u-396. 'At Nature's Whisper', 8 January 1911, pp. 213-217. 'Great Grey Rain', 9 October 1911, pp. 529-536. 'House by the Creek: A Bush-ranging Story', 10: November 1911, pp. 31-35.

126 'Cow of Contention', 10: March 1912, pp. 410-415. 'Kelly, Hooland and a River', 13 : July 1913, pp. 197-201.

Verse

'Empty Room', 1 : May 1907, p. 66. 'Advice', 1 : July 1907, p. 260. 'Maiden Spring', 1 : Spetmeber 1907, p. 485. 'In Town', 1 : October 1907, p. 6,43. 'His Confession', 2 : November i907, p. 45. 'Sea-seekers', 2 December 1907, pp. 188-189. 'Forest Garden', 2 : April 1908, pp. 662-663. 'At Seventeen', 3 : May 1908, p. 85. 'Bondages', 3: June 1908, pp. 190-191. 'Fairy Led.' 3 : June 1908, p. 161. 'Joy Bringers', 3 : October, 1908, p. 733. 'Rose and Star', 4 December 1909, p. 184. 'Forgetfulness', 4 February 1909, p. 371. 'Homing Sails', 6 March, 1909, p. 486. 'My Old Companions', 5 : May 1909, pp. 88-89. 'In Exchange', 4 : April 1909, p. 619. 'Golden Yesterday', 7 September 1910, pp. 436-437. 'With the Quandongs', 8 : December 1901, p. 163. 'Bird in the Greenwood', 8 : January 1911, p. 231. 'Vagabonds', 8 : February 1911, p. 314. 'Aspects', 9 March 1911, p. 30. 'Visionary', 8 : April 1911, p. 521. 'Far-Stretched Bivouac', 9 : June 1911, pp. 110-lll. 'Night and Day, 9 : July 1911, p. 228. 'Life', 9 : August 1911, p. 327. 'Vision', 10 : November 1911, pp. 36-37. 'Night-Thoughts', 10 : November 1911, p. 43. 'Rose', 10: January 1912, p. 254. 'By the Way', 10 : March 1912, p. 389.

127 BOOKS: Hidden Tide, Sydney, 1899. CiraZing Hearths, Sydney, 1904. Poems, Sydney, 1920.

SECONDARY SOURCES:

(a) Articles AustraZian Magazine, 29 April 1899, p. 107. BibZionews, 2 : Octobet 1949, pp. 28-30. I BuHetin, 70 : 31 August 1949, ,,. 2. Eduaation Magazine, 8: Hay 1951, pp. 178-179. Meanjin, 10: Autumn 1951, pp. 12-21; 10: Winter 1951, pp. 184-185. SoutherZy, 11 : 1950, pp 2-6.

(b) Books Lindsay, N., Bohemians at the BuZZetin, Angus and Robertson, 1977.

128 STEVENS, Bertram

PORTRAIT: Low Caricature (1915) ML F 741L; Art in Australia, February 1922, p. 8.

MANUSCRIPTS: Angus and Robertson, ML C 863, C 878, C 883, A 1889. Brereton, J. le Gay, Papers, ML.Z81, Carruthers, J.H., Papers, ML 1638/1. Curlewis Family, Papers, ML 2159/1. Game Family, Papers, ML 2166. Kenna, F., Letter Book, NL MS 3312. Lindsay Family, Papers, ML 1969/1. Lyons, J.A., Papers, NL MS 4851. O'Reilly, D., ?apers, ML 231/1. Simpson Family, Papers, ML MSS 498. Souter, C.H., Papers, South Australian archives. Spencer, W.G., ML 875. Stephens, A.G., Papers, HCUQ.

LONE HAND CONTRIBUTIONS:

'Mitchell Library', 1 October 1907, pp. 581-585. 'Dante in Australia', 3 : June 1908, pp. 227-228. 'Early Australian Geography', 3 : August 1908, p. ~60. 'John Tebbutt: An Australian Astronomer', 4 : February 1909, pp. 467-468. 'Frank Morton - His Verses', 4 : ~arch 1909, p. 606. 'Algernon Charles Swinburne', 5 : June 1909, pp. 154-163. 'From the Old Dog', 3 : August 1908, pp. 459-460. William Morris Hughes, Attorney-General of the Commonwealth', 11 : May 1912, pp. 37-46. 'Robert Dudley Adams', 11 : June 1912, pp. 180-182. 'H.M.S. "Endeavour" and What Became of Her', 12 : April 1913, pp. 493-494. 'Rolf Boldrewood', 13 : August 1913, pp. 308-313.

129 OTHER WRITINGS:

Stevens wrote for several journals including the Bulletin, Aussie and Art in Australia.

BOOKS:

(ed.) The Australian Birthday Book, Sydney, n.d.~_ (ed.) My Sundor,mer and Other Poems by J. Farrell. Sydney, 1904. (ed.) Bush Ballads by Various Authors, Edinburgh, n.d •• (ed.) An Anthology of Australian Verse, Sydney, 1906. (ed.) The Golden Treasury of Australian Verse, Sydney, 1909. (ed.) Wine and Roses by V.J. Daley, Sydney, 1911. (ed.) Selection from the Australian Poets (with G. Mackanes~. Sydney, 191J, (ed.) Book of Australian Verse for Boys and Girls, London 1915. (ed.) The Australian Soldiers' Gift Book (with E. Turner), Sydney, 1917. (ed.) Caprice, Sydney 1917. (ed.) The Art of J.J. Bilder (with S.U. Smith), Sydney, 1918. (ed.) The Bulletin Book of Hwnorous Verses and Recitations, Sydney, 1920. (ed.) The Poems of , Sydney, 1920. (ed.) The Late Alfred Cecil Rowlandson (with A.G. Stephens (et al», Sydney, 1922.

130 WILMOT, Frank

MANUSCRIPTS:

Baker, K., Papers, NL MS 80. Brereton, J. le Gay, ML MS 281. Green, H.M., Correspondence, NL MS 3925. Hanger, H., PZays, Fryer Library of Australian Literature. I Howard, C., Australian drama Coilection, NL MS 718. Lavater, L., Papers, Vic. State. Queensland University, AustraZian Literature, UnpubZished AustraZian PZays, Fryer Library of Australian Literature. Mackaness, G., Correspondence and Literary Manuscripts

Serle, P., Papers, Vic. State. Wilmot, F., Papers, ML MSS 4. -----, Short Story, NL MSS 221.

~CNE HAND CONTRIBUTIONS:

Articles

'Meredith: Poet and Philosopher', 1 : May 1907, pp. 108-109. 'Boy and Man', 1 : June 1907, p. 216. 'Sarah', 3 : June 1908, pp. 229-230. 'Mr. Jack London's Novels; A ... Personal View', 3 July· 1908, pp. 346-348. 'Saint Omar Khayyam', 4 : April 1909, pp. 692-693. 'Joseph Conrad', 12 : November 1912, pp. 86-88.

Fiction

'Blot', 5 : October 1909, pp. 632-635. 'Monarchs', 6 : December 1909, pp. 144-148.

Verse

'Exile', 1: May 1907, p. 107. 'Job', 1 Jo..1ne 1907, p. 173. 'Failure', 1 : July 1907, p. 235.

131 'Night', 1 : July 1907, p. 279. 'Lullaby', 7 : June 1910, p. 144. 'Dream Woman', 8: April 1911, p. 503.

BOOKS: The GuZZy and Other Verses, Melbourne, 1937.

SECONDARY SOURCES:

(a) Articles Meanjin Papers, 1 June 1942, pp. 13-16. Hermes, 1950, pp. 41-47. SoutherZy, 12, 3, 1951, pp. 122-130. AustraZian QuarterZy, June 1942, pp. 59-64. AustraZian News Review, 1 September 1951, p. 16. BibZionews, 8, 12, December 1955, pp. 37-38.

(b) Books *Walker, David, Dream and DisiZZusion, Canberra, 1976.

132