Appendix 1 Talking Points for Ambassador Ortiz, April 10, 1979

Appendix 1

Talking Points for Ambassador Ortiz, April 10, 1979

—My government is aware of your concern over allegations that Gairy may launch an invasion to regain control of Grenada. —The conduct of any activities on U.S. territory aimed at overthrowing a friendly government are strictly prohibited by U.S. law and are a matter of grave concern to my government. —Neutrality matters are investigated by the Federal Bureau of Investigation as criminal violations. The FBI is required to investigate alleged violations thoroughly to obtain the full facts, the identities of the parties concerned, and other available pertinent information. Such allegations are then relayed to the criminal division of the Department of Justice for its review. The Department of Justice then determines what actions should be taken by the FBI to further investigate the alleged violations. —The Department of State has advised the FBI of the possibility that Gairy might attempt to gather a mercenary force to invade Grenada and of the concerns of your government. —We do not yet have hard facts in this regard, only unsubstantiated allegations. —We are awaiting a determination by the Department of Justice on what action might be warranted. —My government will attempt to keep track of Gairy’s whereabouts and activities, to the extent that it is proper and possible to do so. However, until the Department of Justice determines that surveillance of Gairy is warranted by the facts in the case, it is difficult to know where he is at all times, particularly since he is no longer under Secret Service protection. Gairy waived further Secret Service protection when he arrived in San Diego on March 20. —We would appreciate receiving from your government any information bear- ing on possible illegal acts on the part of Gairy in the U.S. —Although my government recognizes your concerns over allegations of a possible counter-coup, it also believes that it would not be in Grenada’s best 180 ● Appendix 1

interests to seek assistance from a country such as Cuba to forestall such an attack. We would view with displeasure any tendency on the part of Grenada to develop closer ties with Cuba. —It seems highly unlikely to us that Chile or Argentina would find it in their best interests to assist Gairy in launching a counter-coup. Source: Lawrence Rossin, Secret airgram to secretary of state, United States- Grenada Relations since the Coup: A Background Paper (Bridgetown, Barbados: US Embassy, 1983), 21–22. Appendix 2

Organisation of Eastern Caribbean States’ Request for US Assistance in Grenada

October 23, 1983

Your Excellency,

The Chairman of the Organisation of Eastern Caribbean States presents her compliments to His Excellency the Ambassador of the United States to the Eastern Caribbean and has the honour to transmit herewith a request for assistance under Article 8 of the Treaty establishing the Organisation of Eastern Caribbean States. The Chairman of the Organisation of Eastern Caribbean States avails herself of this opportunity to renew the assurances of her highest consideration.

Sincerely

Eugenia Charles

Attachment:

Text of OECS’s Request for Assistance The authority of the Organisation of Eastern Caribbean States (OECS) met at Bridgetown, Barbados on Friday 21st October 1983 to consider and evaluate the situation in Grenada arising out of the overthrow of the Government led by Prime Minister Maurice Bishop and the subsequent killing of the Prime Minister together with some of his colleagues and a number of other citizens. The authority is aware that the overthrow of the Bishop administration took place with the knowledge and connivance of forces unfriendly to the OECS leading to the establishment of the present military regime. 182 ● Appendix 2

The meeting took note of the current anarchic conditions, the serious violations of human rights and bloodshed that have occurred and the consequent unprecedented threat to the peace and security of the region created by the vacuum of authority in Grenada. The authority was deeply concerned that military forces and supplies are likely to be shortly introduced to consolidate the position of the regime and that the country can be used as a staging post for acts of aggression against its members. The authority further noted that the capability of the Grenada armed forces is already at a level of sophistication and size far beyond the internal needs of that country. Furthermore the member states of the OECS have no means of defence against such forces. The member governments of the organisation hold the strong view that such a situation would further undermine the political, social and economic stability and would have extremely dangerous consequences for the preservation of peace and security in the whole OECS sub-region as a whole. The authority noted that the present regime in Grenada has demonstrated by its brutality and ruthlessness that it will stop at nothing to achieve its ends and to secure its power. Under the authority of Article 8 of the Treaty establishing the Organisation of Eastern Caribbean States, the authority proposes therefore to take action for collective defence and the preservation of peace and security against external aggression by requesting assistance from friendly countries to provide transport logistics support and additional military personnel to assist the efforts of the OECS to stabilize this most grave situation within the Eastern Caribbean. The authority of the OECS wishes to establish a peace keeping force with the assistance of friendly neighbouring states to restore on Grenada conditions of tranquillity and order so as to prevent further loss of life and abuses of human rights pending the restoration of constitutional government. Source: “Organisation of Eastern Caribbean States Request for U.S. Assistance in Grenada.” American Foreign Policy Current Documents (1983), Document 656, 1397–98. Appendix 3

Letter from the Governor-General of Grenada to the Prime Minister of Barbados

October 24, 1983

Dear Prime Minister, You are aware that there is a vacuum of authority in Grenada following the killing of the Prime Minister and the subsequent serious violations of human rights and bloodshed. I am therefore seriously concerned over the lack of internal security in Grenada. Consequently I am requesting your help to assist me in stabilizing this grave and dangerous situation. It is my desire that a peacekeeping force should be established in Grenada to facilitate a rapid return to peace and tranquillity and also a return to democratic rule. In this connexion I am also seeking assistance from the United States, from Jamaica, and from the Organization of Eastern Caribbean States through its current chairman the hon. Eugenia Charles (Prime Minister of Dominica) in the spirit of the treaty establishing that organization to which my country is a signatory. I have the honour to be,

Yours faithfully,

Paul Scoon,

Governor-General.

Source: William Gilmore, The Grenada Intervention: Analysis and Documentation (London: Mansell, 1984), 95. Appendix 4

Dramatis Personae: March 1979–October 1983

Carter Administration (1977–1981) Peter Bourne Special Assistant to the President for Health Issues Zbigniew Brzezinski National Security Adviser John A. Bushnell Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs Jimmy Carter President Ashley Hewitt Caribbean Desk Officer, Department of State Robert Pastor National Security Council, Director of Latin American Affairs Viron Vaky Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs

US Embassy, Bridgetown, Barbados John Eddy Deputy Chief of Mission Richard La Roche Consular Officer Frank Ortiz Ambassador, Barbados (until June 1979) Sally Shelton Ambassador, Barbados (until January 1981)

Reagan Administration (1981–1984) James Baker III White House Chief of Staff George Bush Vice President William Casey Director of the Central Intelligence Agency Duane Clarridge Latin America Division Chief of the Directorate of Operations, Central Intelligence Agency 186 ● Appendix 4

William Clark National Security Adviser (resigned October 13, 1983) Major General George Crist Vice Director, Joint Staff, US Army Kenneth Dam Deputy Secretary of State Commodore Jack Darby Deputy Director for Plans and Policy, Joint Chiefs of Staff Michael Deaver Presidential Assistant Lawrence Eagleburger Undersecretary for Political Affairs Roger Fontaine National Security Council, Latin American Affairs Director Charles Gillespie Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs Rear Admiral Jonathan Trumbull Howe Director of Political-Military Affairs Fred Iklé Undersecretary of Defense for Policy Craig Johnstone Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs Jeane Kirkpatrick Ambassador to the United Nations Michael Kozak Department of State Deputy Legal Adviser Admiral Wesley McDonald Commander-in-Chief, Atlantic Forces Robert McFarlane National Security Adviser (appointed October 17, 1983) John McMahon Acting Director of the Central Intelligence Agency Francis McNeil President’s Special Emissary Edwin Meese III Presidential Counselor Constantine Menges National Security Council, Assistant for Latin American Affairs Vice Admiral Joseph Metcalf III Commander of Joint Task Force 120 James Michel Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs William Middendorf II Ambassador to the Organization of American States William Montgomery Executive Assistant to the Undersecretary for Political Affairs Vice Admiral Arthur Moreau, Jr. Assistant to the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Langhorne “Tony” Motley Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs Lieutenant Colonel Oliver North Deputy Director of Political-Military Affairs Vice Admiral John Poindexter Deputy National Security Adviser Ronald Reagan President Appendix 4 ● 187

Davis Robinson Department of State Legal Adviser Lawrence Rossin Foreign Service Officer Nestor Sanchez Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Inter-American Affairs Alphonso Sapia-Bosch National Security Council, Director of Latin American Affairs George Shultz Secretary of State Larry Speakes Principal Deputy Press Secretary General John Vessey Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Caspar Weinberger Secretary of Defense

US Embassy, Bridgetown, Barbados Milan Bish Ambassador to Barbados James Budeit Consul General Gary Chafin Political Officer Linda Flohr Third Secretary Ludlow Flower III Deputy Chief of Mission Kenneth Kurze Counselor for Political and Economic Affairs David Ostroff Consular Officer Lieutenant Colonel Lawrence Reiman Military Attaché

British Government Giles Bullard High Commissioner, Barbados Geoffrey Howe Foreign Secretary John Kelly British Representative, Grenada David Montgomery Deputy High Commissioner, Barbados Margaret Thatcher Prime Minister

Organisation of Eastern Caribbean States Lester Bird Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of Antigua and Barbuda Vere Bird, Sr. Prime Minister of Antigua and Barbuda Milton Cato Prime Minister of St. Vincent and the Grenadines Eugenia Charles Prime Minister of Dominica John Compton Prime Minister of St. Lucia Vaughan Lewis Director General John Osbourne Chief Minister of Montserrat Kennedy Simmonds Prime Minister of St. Kitts-Nevis 188 ● Appendix 4

Other Caribbean States Tom Adams Prime Minister of Barbados H. Brazane Babb Permanent Secretary to the Foreign Minister of Barbados Linden Forbes Burnham President of Guyana Fidel Castro President of Cuba George Chambers Prime Minister of Trinidad and Tobago Neville Gallimore Foreign Minister of Jamaica Brigadier General Rudyard Lewis Commander of the Barbados Defence Force Lynden Pindling Prime Minister of the Bahamas George Price Prime Minister of Belize Bernard St. John Deputy Prime Minister of Barbados Edward Seaga Prime Minister of Jamaica Lieutenant Commander Peter Tomlin Barbados Defence Force Louis Tull Foreign Minister of Barbados

Grenada Geoffrey Bourne Vice Chancellor of St. George’s University Charles Modica Chancellor of St. George’s University (based in New York) General Gennadiy Sazhenev Soviet Ambassador Sir Paul Scoon Governor General of Grenada Gary Solin Bursar of St. George’s University Julian Torres Rizo Cuban Ambassador

People’s Revolutionary Government Central Committee Membership 1983 General Hudson Austin Minister of Communications, Works and Labour; Commander of the People’s Revolutionary Army Fitzroy Bain Trade Union Leader Major Tan Bartholomew People’s Revolutionary Army Maurice Bishop Prime Minister, Minister of Defence, Interior and Carriacou Affairs Phyllis Coard Head of National Women’s Organization Major Leon Cornwall People’s Revolutionary Army; Ambassador to Cuba Chris De Riggs Minister of Health Lieutenant Liam James People’s Revolutionary Army Appendix 4 ● 189

Lieutenant Colonel Ewart Layne People’s Revolutionary Army George Louison Minister of Agriculture Kamau McBarnette Deputy Minister of Information Ian St. Bernard Commissioner of Police Selwyn Strachan Minister of National Mobilization John Ventour Trade Union Leader Unison Whiteman Minister of Foreign Affairs

Political Bureau Membership 1983 General Hudson Austin Minister of Communications, Works and Labour; Commander of the People’s Revolutionary Army Maurice Bishop Prime Minister, Minister of Defence, Interior and Carriacou Affairs Lieutenant Liam James People’s Revolutionary Army Lieutenant Colonel Ewart Layne People’s Revolutionary Army George Louison Minister of Agriculture Selwyn Strachan Minister of National Mobilization John Ventour Trade Union Leader Unison Whiteman Minister of Foreign Affairs

Others Norris Bain Minister of Housing Bernard Coard Deputy Prime Minister; Minister of Finance Jacqueline Creft Minister of Education, Youth and Culture Alister Hughes Journalist Ian Jacobs Ambassador to the United Nations W. Richard Jacobs Ambassador to the Soviet Union Major Einstein Louison People’s Revolutionary Army Chief of Staff Lloyd Noel Attorney General (resigned 1980) Vincent Noel Trade Union Leader Leslie Pierre Journalist Kendrick Radix Minister of Agro-Industries and Fisheries Lyden Ramdhanny Minister of Tourism Major Christopher Stroude Political Commissar of the People’s Revolutionary Army Dessima Williams Ambassador to the Organization of American States Notes

Introduction 1. For the definitive account of Grenadian history see George Brizan, Grenada: Island of Conflict (London: Macmillan, 1998). 2. Maurice Bishop, “A Bright New Dawn, March 13, 1979,” in Maurice Bishop Speaks: The Grenada Revolution and Its Overthrow 1979–83, ed. Bruce Marcus and Michael Taber (New York: Pathfinder Press, 1983), 24–25. Eric Gairy was the dominant political figure in Grenada between 1951 and 1979. He served as chief minister between 1954 and 1960 and between 1961 and 1962 and then as premier from 1967 to 1974, when Grenada became independent and Gairy became prime minister. 3. “Remarks of the President and Prime Minister Eugenia Charles of Dominica Announcing the Deployment of United States Forces in Grenada, October 25, 1983,” Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library, http://www.reagan.utexas.edu/archives/speeches/1983/102583a.htm (accessed March 27, 2007). 4. It was not just Americans who knew nothing of Grenada. At one stage there was uncertainty over exactly how “Grenada” (gri-ney-duh) should be pronounced. One anecdote relates how a Russian television station announced that the United States had invaded Granada in Southern Spain! 5. “Remarks of the President and Prime Minister Eugenia Charles.” 6. The U.S. military presence on Grenada peaked at 7,335 on October 31. Vijay Tiwathia, The Grenada War: Anatomy of a Low-Intensity Conflict (New Delhi: Lancer International, 1987), 187. 7. Robert Beck, The Grenada Invasion: Politics, Law, and Foreign Policy Decisionmaking (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1993), 2. 8. Paul Sutton, “Grenadian Callaloo: Recent Books on Grenada,” Latin American Research Review 23, no. 1 (1988): 133. 9. Among the more useful ones are: Duane Clarridge, A Spy for All Seasons: My Life in the CIA, with Digby Diehl (New York: Scribner, 1997); Robert Gates, From the Shadows: The Ultimate Insider’s Story of Five Presidents and How They Won the Cold War (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1996); Allan Gerson, The Kirkpatrick Mission: Diplomacy Without Apology: America at the United Nations, 1981–1985 (New York: Free Press, 1991); Constantine Menges, Inside the National Security Council: The True Story of the Making and Unmaking of Reagan’s Foreign Policy (New York: Simon & 192 ● Notes

Schuster, 1988); Ronald Reagan, An American Life: The Autobiography (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1990); George Shultz, Turmoil and Triumph: My Years as Secretary of State (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1993); and Caspar Weinberger, Fighting for Peace: Seven Critical Years at the Pentagon (London: Michael Joseph, 1990). Also of use were memoirs by the former British foreign secretary Geoffrey Howe, Conflict of Loyalty (London: Macmillan, 1994) and former prime minister Margaret Thatcher, The Downing Street Years (London: HarperCollins, 1993). 10. “Britain’s Grenada Shut-Out: Say Something, If Only Goodbye,” The Economist, March 10, 1984, 22. 11. National Security Decision Directive 110a, October 23, 1983, Federation of American Scientists, http://www.fas.org/irp/offdocs/nsdd/23-2171t.gif (accessed March 4, 2007). 12. Quoted in Sutton, “Grenadian Callaloo,” 146.

Chapter 1 1. The geographical definition of Latin America is usually considered to be the Spanish-speaking countries and Brazil, where Portuguese is spoken, and not the Caribbean basin countries. In the United States though, Latin America is often used to refer to all countries south of the United States. This study will use the term “Caribbean basin” to refer to the 12 island states and 11 island dependencies to be found in the Caribbean Sea and the 12 states on the littoral in Central America and South America. 2. US Department of State, “The Monroe Doctrine,” http://usinfo.state.gov/usa/ infousa/facts/democrac/50.htm (accessed December 10, 2006). 3. Anthony Maingot, The United States and the Caribbean (London: Macmillan, 1994), 15. 4. Ibid., 23. 5. Walter LaFeber, The American Age: United States Foreign Policy at Home and Abroad since 1750 (New York: W.W. Norton, 1989), 197. 6. Ibid., 221. 7. Ibid. 8. Ibid., 232. 9. http://www.quotationspage.com/quote/30185.html (accessed January 20, 2007). Roosevelt had first used the “big stick” quote at the Minnesota State Fair in 1901. 10. LaFeber, The American Age, 232. 11. Whitney Perkins, Constraints of Empire: The United States and Caribbean Interventions (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1981), 119. 12. Louis Perez, “Intervention, Hegemony, and Dependency: The United States in the Circum-Caribbean, 1898–1980,” Pacific Historical Review 51 (1982): 180. 13. The United States’ feeling of responsibility for improving the political situation in the region led Caribbean governments to rely on Washington to solve their problems: “The game for each politician was to convince the US that he was the one who held the key to stability and the protection of American economic interests.” Anthony Lake, Somoza Falling (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1989), 52. 14. Lester Langley, The Banana Wars: United States Intervention in the Caribbean 1898–1934 (Chicago: Dorsey Press, 1988), 42. 15. Ibid., 66. Notes ● 193

16. Joseph Tulchin and Ralph Espach, “Introduction: U.S.-Caribbean Security Relations in the Post-Cold War Era,” in Security in the Caribbean Basin: The Challenge of Regional Cooperation, ed. Joseph Tulchin and Ralph Espach (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2000), 3. 17. Lake, Somoza Falling, 50. 18. LaFeber, The American Age, 49. 19. Graham Stuart and James Tigner, Latin America and the United States (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1975), 257. 20. Robert Freeman Smith, “Good Neighbours and War,” in The United States and the Latin American Sphere of Influence, vol. 1, Era of Caribbean Intervention, 1890–1930, ed. Robert Freeman Smith (Malabar, FL: Robert E. Krieger Publishing Company, 1981), 22. 21. Lake, Somoza Falling, 53. 22. Ivan Musicant, The Banana Wars: A History of United States Military Intervention in Latin America from the Spanish-American War to the Invasion of Panama (New York: Macmillan, 1990), 158. 23. Ibid., 125. 24. Langley, The Banana Wars, 159. 25. Jules Benjamin, “The Framework of U.S. Relations with Latin America in the Twentieth Century: An Interpretive Essay,” Diplomatic History 11 (1987): 99. 26. Maingot, The United States, 31. 27. Perez, “Intervention, Hegemony, and Dependency,” 181. 28. Ibid., 181. 29. Fred Fejes, Imperialism, the Media and the Good Neighbour (Norwood: Ablex Publishing, 1986), 16. 30. See Abraham Lowenthal, ed., Exporting Democracy: The United States and Latin America (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1991). 31. Perez, “Intervention, Hegemony, and Dependency,” 182. The large US companies frequently had disputes with Caribbean governments and usually played a role in events resulting in intervention. Dana Munro, Intervention and Dollar Diplomacy in the Caribbean, 1900–1921 (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1964), 534. 32. Eric Paul Roorda, The Dictator Next Door: The Good Neighbor Policy and the Trujillo Regime in the Dominican Republic, 1930–1945 (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1998), 27. 33. Ibid., 356. 34. Maingot, The United States, 47. 35. The regimes of Fulgencio Batista in Cuba, Anastasio Somoza in Nicaragua, Rafael Trujillo in the Dominican Republic, and Jorge Ubico in Guatemala were prime examples. 36. Roorda, The Dictator Next Door, 1. 37. Ibid., 27. 38. Thomas Skidmore and Peter Smith, Modern Latin America (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989), 347. See also Thomas Leonard, Latin America during World War II (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2006). 39. The bases were in Newfoundland, Antigua, Bahamas, Bermuda, British Guiana, Jamaica, St. Lucia, and Trinidad. 40. Organization of American States, “Charter”, http://www.oas.org/juridico/english/ charter.html (accessed February 6, 2007). 41. LaFeber, The American Age, 466. 194 ● Notes

42. Walter LaFeber, Inevitable Revolutions: The United States in Central America, 2nd rev. and exp. ed. (New York: W. W. Norton, 1993), 95. 43. Jim Handy, “The Most Precious Fruit of the Revolution: The Guatemalan Agrarian Land Reform, 1952–54,” Hispanic American Historical Review 68 (1988): 705. 44. As Schlesinger and Kinzer note, “For many Guatemalans the United Fruit Company was the United States . . . In the past, UFCO and its sister companies had bribed politicians, pressured governments and intimidated opponents to gain extremely favorable concessions. To the Guatemalans it appeared that their country was being mercilessly exploited by foreign interests which took huge profits without making any significant contributions to the nation’s welfare.” Stephen Schlesinger and Stephen Kinzer, Bitter Fruit: The Untold Story of the American Coup in Guatemala (Garden City, NY: Anchor Press/Doubleday, 1983), 73. 45. Skidmore and Smith, Modern Latin America, 331. 46. Schlesinger and Kinzer, Bitter Fruit, 61. 47. Richard Immerman, “Guatemala as Cold War History,” Political Science Quarterly 95 (1980–81): 637. 48. Schlesinger and Kinzer, Bitter Fruit, 61. 49. Frank Niess, A Hemisphere to Itself: A History of US-Latin American Relations (London: Zed Books, 1990), 150. 50. Immerman, “Guatemala as Cold War History,” 642. 51. Stephen Rabe, “The Clues Didn’t Check Out: Commentary on ‘The CIA and Castillo Armas,’” Diplomatic History 14 (1990): 93. 52. Ibid., 88. 53. As Blasier points out though: there is “no doubt that Guatemalan communists had made substantial political gains in half a dozen years. They dominated the Guatemala labour movement and had relatively free access to and influence with the President. Influence is one thing; control another.” Cole Blasier, The Hovering Giant: U.S. Responses to Revolutionary Change in Latin America, rev. ed. (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1985), 156. 54. Gordon Connell-Smith, The United States and Latin America: An Historical Analysis of the Inter American System (London: Heinemann Education Books, 1974), 228. 55. Blasier, The Hovering Giant, 182. 56. It predominantly affected Cuban landowners, but five US sugar companies, owning two million acres, stood to lose all but 16,500 acres. Lincoln Bloomfield and Amanda Liess, Controlling Small Wars (London: Allen Lane and Penguin Press, 1969), 94. 57. Piero Gleijeses, “Ships in the Night: The CIA, the White House and the Bay of Pigs,” Journal of Latin American Studies 27 (1995): 3. 58. Stephen Ambrose with Richard Immerman, Ike’s Spies: Eisenhower and Espionage Establishment (New York: Doubleday, 1981), 309. 59. Smith, “Good Neighbours and War,” 56. 60. Lloyd Etheredge, Can Governments Learn? American Foreign Policy and Central American Revolutions (New York: Pergamon Press, 1985), 12. 61. Stephen Rabe, The Most Dangerous Area in the World: John F. Kennedy Confronts Communist Revolution in Latin America (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1999), 91. 62. See L. Ronald Scheman, The Alliance for Progress: A Retrospective (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1988). 63. Lucien Vandenbroucke, “Anatomy of a Failure: The Decision to Land at the Bay of Pigs,” Political Science Quarterly 99 (1984): 484. Notes ● 195

64. Harris Wofford, Of Kennedys and Kings: Making Sense of the Sixties (New York: Farrar, 1980), 358. 65. Trumbell Higgins, The Perfect Failure: Kennedy, Eisenhower and the CIA at the Bay of Pigs (New York: W. W. Norton, 1987), 95. 66. Etheredge, Can Governments Learn? 15. The fallback guerrilla option was used to reassure Kennedy and as such the CIA never planned for the eventuality. Gleijeses, “Ships in the Night,” 38. 67. Hugh Thomas, The Cuban Revolution (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1986), 578. 68. Bloomfield and Liess, Controlling Small Wars, 120. 69. Rabe, The Most Dangerous Area in the World, 83. 70. Ibid., 81. 71. Ibid., 82. Burnham had split from Jagan to form the PNC in 1955. 72. Rabe, The Most Dangerous Area in the World, 81. 73. Ibid., 91. These were dramatic words, especially in light of the nonintervention pledge Kennedy had agreed to after the Cuban missile crisis in October 1962. 74. Rabe, The Most Dangerous Area in the World, 92. 75. Ibid., 94. 76. Abraham Lowenthal, The Dominican Intervention (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1995), 26. 77. Piero Gleijeses, The Dominican Crisis (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1978), 34. 78. Rabe, “The Caribbean Triangle,” 64. 79. Lowenthal, The Dominican Intervention, 26. 80. William Blum, The Central Intelligence Agency: A Forgotten History—United States Global Interventions since World War II (London: Zed Books, 1986), 198. 81. Richard Barnet, Intervention and Revolution: The United States and the Third World (London: Paladin, 1972), 160. 82. Blum, The Central Intelligence Agency, 201. 83. Lester Langley, The United States and the Caribbean in the Twentieth Century (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1989), 237. 84. Ibid, 238. 85. Gleijeses, The Dominican Crisis, 180. 86. Daniel Papermaster, “A Case Study of the Effects of International Law on Foreign Policy Decisionmaking: The United States Intervention in the Dominican Republic in 1965,” Texas International Law Journal 24 (1989): 479. 87. J. William Fulbright, The Arrogance of Power (London: Pelican Books, 1970), 89. 88. Gleijeses, The Dominican Crisis, 254. 89. Papermaster, “Effects of International Law on Foreign Policy Decisionmaking,” 482. 90. Jerome Slater, Intervention and Negotiation: The United States and the Dominican Revolution (New York: Harper & Row, 1970), 199. 91. Jenny Pearce, Under the Eagle: U.S. Intervention in Central America and the Caribbean (London: Latin America Bureau, 1982), 72. 92. Ibid., 73. 93. Allende was overthrown and died during a military coup in September 1973. 94. Maingot, The United States, 120. 95. Jimmy Carter, Presidential Directive/ NSC-30, “Subject: Human Rights,” February 17, 1978, 1. Jimmy Carter Library http://www.jimmycarterlibrary.org/documents/ pddirectives/pd30.pdf (accessed January 20, 2007). 196 ● Notes

96. Robert Pastor, Whirlpool: U.S. Foreign Policy toward Latin America and the Caribbean (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1992), 64. 97. Pearce, Under the Eagle, 110. 98. Ronald Reagan, “Address before a Joint Session of the Congress on Central America, April 27, 1983,” Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library, http://www.reagan.utexas.edu/archives/speeches/ 1983/42783d.htm (accessed March 27, 2007). 99. See James Scott, Deciding to Intervene: The Reagan Doctrine and American Foreign Policy (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1996). 100. See Lawrence Walsh, Firewall: Iran-Contra Conspiracy and Cover-up (New York: W. W. Norton, 1999) and Malcolm Byrne and Peter Kornbluh, ed., The Iran-Contra Affair (New York: New Press, 1994). 101. George Bush, “Address to the Nation Announcing United States Military Action in Panama,” December 20, 1989, George Bush Presidential Library, http://bushlibrary. tamu.edu/research/papers/1989/89122000.html (accessed January 20, 2007). 102. Pastor, Whirlpool, 18. 103. Perez, “Intervention, Hegemony, and Dependency,” 193. 104. Anthony Payne, “Rethinking United States-Caribbean relations: Towards a New Mode of Trans-Territorial Governance,” Review of International Studies 26 (2000): 70.

Chapter 2 1. Omowale David Franklyn, Bridging the Two Grenadas: Gairy’s and Bishop’s(St. George’s, Grenada: Talented House Publications, 1999), 17. 2. Tony Thorndike, Grenada: Politics, Economics and Society (London: Frances Pinter, 1985), 30. 3. Approximately 5,000 agricultural workers and 1,500 public workers participated. Thorndike, Grenada, 33. 4. Carriacou is the main island in the Grenadian-administered part of the neighboring Grenadines chain. 5. Brian Meeks, Caribbean Revolutions and Revolutionary Theory: An Assessment of Cuba, Nicaragua and Grenada (London: Macmillan, 1993), 137. 6. In both the 1951 and 1954 elections Gairy’s was the only party along with a collection of independent candidates. Patrick Emmanuel, Farley Braithwaite, and Eudine Barriteau, Political Change and Public Opinion in Grenada, 1979–1984 (Cave Hill, Barbados: University of the West Indies, 1984), 15. 7. Aaron Segal, “Background to Grenada: When the Social Scientists Invaded,” Caribbean Review 12 (December 1983): 42. Segal’s article is a review of the two classic studies of Grenada under Gairy: Michael Smith (ed.), The Plural Society in the British West Indies (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1965) and Archie Singham, The Hero and the Crowd in a Colonial Polity (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1968). 8. Tony Thorndike, “Grenada: Maxi-Crisis for Mini-State,” World Today 30, no. 10 (1974): 440. 9. Thorndike, Grenada, 38. 10. D. Sinclair Dabreo, The Grenada Revolution (Castries, St. Lucia: Management and Publicity Services Publication, 1979), 50. 11. Smith quoted in Segal, “Background to Grenada,” 42. 12. George Brizan, Grenada: Island of Conflict (London: Macmillan, 1998), 366. 13. Paul Sutton, “Black Power in Trinidad and Tobago: The Crisis of 1970,” Journal of Commonwealth and Comparative Politics 21, no. 2 (1983): 115. Notes ● 197

14. Kai Schoenhals and Richard Melanson, Revolution and Intervention in Grenada: The New Jewel Movement, the United States, and the Caribbean (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1985), 24. 15. The gang was named after a mongoose program that sought to eradicate rabies, and in which most of the members had worked. 16. Eric Gairy, “Black Power in Grenada,” Radio Grenada, May 3, 1970, Report of the Duffus Commission of Inquiry into the Breakdown of Law & Order, and Police Brutality in Grenada, Part 3, paragraph 51. The Grenada Revolution Online, http://www.thegrenadarevolutiononline.com/duffus53thru54.html (accessed January 20, 2007). 17. Ewart Archer, “Gairyism, Revolution and Reorganization: Three Decades of Turbulence in Grenada,” Journal of Commonwealth and Comparative Politics 23, no. 2 (1985): 96. 18. Anthony Payne, Paul Sutton, and Tony Thorndike, Grenada: Revolution and Invasion (London: St. Martin’s Press, 1984), 11. 19. Thorndike, “Grenada: Maxi-Crisis,” 440. 20. Payne et al., Grenada, 11. Gairy’s opposition to “the miserable indignity” of a ref- erendum was not a lone voice. None of the other British colonies had been required to hold one prior to gaining independence, and referendums were alien to the West Indian political experience. Ibid. 21. Schoenhals and Melanson, Revolution and Intervention in Grenada, 25. 22. W. Richard Jacobs and Ian Jacobs, Grenada: The Route to Revolution (Habana: Casa De Las Americas, 1979), 76. 23. Meeks, Caribbean Revolutions and Revolutionary Theory, 146. A MAP Report outlined their objective: “We have set ourselves a single aim—the organization of a mass movement to seize political power. The masses need to take power into their own hands.” John Walton Cotman, “Cuba and the Grenada Revolution: The Impact and Limits of Cuban International Aid Programs,” 2 vols. (PhD diss., Boston University Graduate School, 1992),107. 24. Cotman, “Cuba and the Grenada Revolution, 111. 25. D. Brent Hardt, “Grenada Reconsidered,” Fletcher Forum: A Journal of Studies in International Affairs 11, no. 2 (Summer 1987): 281. 26. Interview with Teddy Victor, cofounder of the New Jewel Movement, by John Cotman, January 19, 1989. 27. Thorndike, Grenada, 45. 28. Payne et al., Grenada, 13. 29. Scott Davidson, Grenada: A Study in Politics and the Limits of International Law (Aldershot, Surrey: Avebury, 1987), 9. 30. In an NJM document entitled The ABC of the NJM. Questions and Answers on NJM— Its History, Ideas, Principles, one excerpt read: “Is the organisation communist? No. We think that some of the Marxist analysis is valid however. [. . .] Our manifesto is not ‘The Communist Manifesto.’” Cotman, “Cuba and the Grenada Revolution,” 114. 31. Franklyn, Bridging the Two Grenadas, 73. 32. Meeks, Caribbean Revolutions and Revolutionary Theory, 144. 33. Cathy Sunshine and Philip Wheaton, Grenada: The Peaceful Revolution (Washington, D.C: EPICA Taskforce, 1982), 46. 34. Gregory Sandford, The New Jewel Movement: Grenada’s Revolution (Washington, D.C.: Foreign Services Institute, 1985), 18. Gairy arrived at the figure 54 by simply doubling the 27 charges laid against him by the NJM previously. 35. Report of the Duffus Commission, paragraph 131. 198 ● Notes

36. Sandford, The New Jewel Movement, 18. 37. Thorndike, Grenada, 46. 38. Schoenhals and Melanson, Revolution and Intervention in Grenada, 29. 39. Hugh O’Shaughnessy, Grenada: Revolution, Invasion and Aftermath (London: Sphere Books, 1984), 48. 40. Eileen Donovan, confidential telegram to the secretary of state, “Subject: Planning for Possible Evacuation of Foreign Residents from Grenada,” 302030Z, January 30, 1974, Bridgetown 00185, 2. Ironically this is very similar to the justification the United States gave nearly 20 years later when it intervened. 41. Author telephone interview with Lord Peter Blaker, former parliamentary undersecretary at the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, September 2, 2006. 42. Interview with Eileen Donovan, former US ambassador to Barbados, by A. L. Lowrie, December 3, 1985, Frontline Diplomacy, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C., http://memory.loc.gov/ammem/collections/diplomacy/(accessed March 3, 2007). 43. Brizan, Grenada, 381. 44. Eileen Donovan, confidential telegram to the secretary of state, “Subject: Grenada Independence Celebrations,” 081745Z, February 8, 1974, Bridgetown 00241, 2. 45. The Report recommended the reorganization of the police force and removal of Assistant Superintendent Innocent Belmar, who led the attack on the NJM leaders on “Bloody Sunday,” and his preclusion from holding public office. Gairy’s response was to promote him and in 1976 Belmar was a GULP candidate in the general election and elected with a majority of over 500 votes. Brizan, Grenada, 384. In 1978 Belmar was murdered by unknown assailants. 46. Anthony Payne, The Politics of the Caribbean Community, 1961–79: Regional Integration amongst New States (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1980), 41–44. 47. Fitzroy Ambursley, “The New Jewel Movement,” in Crisis in the Caribbean, ed. Fitzroy Ambursley and Robin Cohen (London: Heinemann, 1982), 200. 48. O’Shaughnessy, Grenada, 75. 49. Payne et al., Grenada, 14. 50. Interview with Theodore R. Britton Jr., former US ambassador to Barbados, by Charles Stuart Kennedy, March 29, 1989, Frontline Diplomacy, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C., http://memory.loc.gov/ammem/collections/diplomacy/ (accessed March 10, 2007). 51. Author correspondence with Theodore R. Britton Jr., former US ambassador to Barbados, September 25, 2005. 52. Frank Ortiz and Don Usner, Ambassador Ortiz: Lessons from a Lifetime of Service (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2005), 119. Records indicate that Gairy and Carter discussed the Panama Canal Treaties, OAS meeting, human rights, economic aid, US military facilities, psychic phenomena, and UFOs. In arguing the need for economic aid, Gairy explained that “there is a small group of young Grenadians trained in foreign universities who were beginning to agitate, spread communist literature and be otherwise disruptive” and that “he was concerned with the great number of unemployed young people who might be susceptible to extrem- ist solutions.” Ambassador Frank Ortiz, Memorandum of Conversation, “Subject: President Carter/Prime Minister Gairy–Bilateral,” The White House, September 9, 1977, 2–3. This was a play for economic assistance rather than real concern about his hold on power. Notes ● 199

53. James Leonard, unclassified telegram to secretary of state, “Subject: Grenadian UFO Crusade: Déjà Vu,” 180251Z, November 18, 1978, US Mission United Nations New York 05165, 1. 54. James Leonard, unclassified telegram to secretary of state, “Subject: Grenadian UFO Resolution,” 232125Z, November 23, 1978, US Mission United Nations New York 05313, 2. 55. James Leonard, unclassified telegram to secretary of state, “Subject: Grenadian UFO Resolution,” 242141Z, November 24, 1978, US Mission United Nations New York 05323, 2. 56. O’Shaughnessy, Grenada, 69. 57. Sandford, The New Jewel Movement, 20. 58. Meeks, Caribbean Revolutions and Revolutionary Theory, 151. 59. Cotman, “Cuba and the Grenada Revolution,” 126. 60. Ibid., 202. Coard studied at Brandeis University in the United States and the University of Sussex in Britain, and lectured at the University of the West Indies in Jamaica and Trinidad. 61. O’Shaughnessy, Grenada, 71. Members included Liam James, Ewart Layne, Basil Gahagan, and Liam Cornwall. 62. Interview with Kendrick Radix, former People’s Revolutionary Government minister, by John Cotman, December 12, 1988. 63. OREL members continued to meet at Coard’s house throughout the PRG’s lifetime. 64. The GNP represented mainly the middle classes and businessmen and never had much support outside St. George’s. The UPP represented the interests of the busi- ness community. 65. Colin Henfrey, “Between Populism and Leninism: The Grenadian Experience,” Latin American Perspectives 11, no. 3 (1984): 19. 66. Bishop, Whiteman, and Coard all won their seats in the urban St. George’s parish. Coard had insisted on being the candidate for the Town of St. George’s seat, tradi- tionally the most anti-Gairy one. Jorge Heine, “The Hero and the Apparatchik: Charismatic Leadership, Political Management, and Crisis in Revolutionary Grenada,” in A Revolution Aborted: The Lessons of Grenada, (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1990), 223. 67. Thorndike, Grenada, 51. 68. Denneth Modeste, “Grenada: Tumultuous Decades,” Freedom at Issue, September– October 1984, 5. 69. Interview with Winston Whyte, former leader of the United People’s Party, by John Cotman, February 15, 1989. 70. A 1984 public opinion survey recorded that 73.5 percent of under 25s disliked Gairy’s leadership compared to just 41.3 percent of 45–59-year-olds. Emmanuel et al., Political Change and Public Opinion, 19. 71. R. McGee, unclassified telegram to secretary of state, “Subject: Political Rally June 19,” 210024Z, June 21, 1977, Bridgetown 00063, 2. 72. During 1977 Bishop, Whiteman, and Coard all visited Cuba. The society remained secret until 1978 because, as Einstein Louison later explained, “the whole question was how to deal with Cuba in the context of our own political situation here. You had to be careful so that you didn’t appear to be a communist in this country; that would have affected the struggle, that would have affected the alliances that were necessary to be formed.” John Cotman, The Gorrion Tree: Cuba and the Grenada Revolution (New York: Peter Lang, 1993), 49. 200 ● Notes

73. Maurice Bishop, “The Struggle for Democracy and against Imperialism in Grenada, August 1977,” in Maurice Bishop Speaks: The Grenada Revolution and Its Overthrow 1979–83, ed. Bruce Marcus and Michael Taber (New York: Pathfinder, 1983), 22. 74. Cotman, “Cuba and the Grenada Revolution,” 195. Guns were stolen from the Grenadian military cadet school. Author interview with Kennedy Roberts, former People’s Revolutionary Government economic attaché to Cuba, June 21, 2006. 75. Thorndike, Grenada, 53. 76. Lawrence Rossin, United States-Grenada Relations since the Coup: A Background Paper (Bridgetown, Barbados: U.S. Embassy, 1983), 44. 77. Ibid., 44. 78. Interview with Kennedy Budhlall, former People’s Revolutionary Army officer, by John Cotman, November 11, 1989. Budhlall was a PRA commander, and NJM member, who helped lead the coup in March 1979. He later grew disenchanted with the PRG and was detained in May 1980. 79. Rossin, United States-Grenada Relations since the Coup, 45. The assassination myth was repeatedly promulgated by the NJM as a justification for taking violent action. 80. Interview with Budhlall. 81. Pedro Noguera, The Imperatives of Power: Political Change and Social Basis of Regime Support in Grenada from 1951–91 (New York: Peter Lang, 1997), 80. 82. Franklyn, Bridging the Two Grenadas, 74. 83. Author interview with Leslie Pierre, editor of the Grenadian Voice, June 21, 2006.

Chapter 3 1. Most of the military training had taken place secretly in Grenada although six NJM leaders had traveled to Guyana for four weeks’ training in late 1978 with the support of Guyana’s President Forbes Burnham. John Walton Cotman, “Cuba and the Grenada Revolution: The Impact and Limits of Cuban International Aid Programs,” 2 vols (PhD dissertation, Boston University Graduate School, 1992), 195. The United States was aware of the NJM leaders’ visits to Cuba, Guyana, and Eastern Europe prior to 1979. Author telephone interview with Frank Ortiz, former US ambassador to Barbados, August 10, 1994. 2. Brian Meeks, Caribbean Revolutions and Revolutionary Theory: An Assessment of Cuba, Nicaragua and Grenada (London: Macmillan, 1993), 155. 3. Manning Marable, African and Caribbean Politics: From Kwame Nkrumah to the Grenada Revolution (London: Verso, 1987), 221. 4. David Lewis, Reform and Revolution in Grenada: 1950 to 1981 (Habana: Casa De Las Americas, 1984), 151. As a UK report later concluded: “Special branch had been effectively infiltrated by the NJM. Promotion had long been decided by political favouritism rather than merit . . . The defence force was similarly inadequate. Poorly equipped and trained with part-time officers, it was a rival rather than an effective back-up for the police force with whom there was no effective liaison.” No author, Mexico and Caribbean Department, Foreign and Commonwealth Office, “Anglo-US-Canadian Talks on Security in the Caribbean, Brief No. 5, Assistance to Enhance Security, Including Police, Intelligence and Possibly Regional Coastguard,” April 30, 1979, 1. 5. Meeks, Caribbean Revolutions and Revolutionary Theory, 155. 6. Henry Stanley, report to Foreign and Commonwealth Office, “Revolution in Grenada: The First Three Weeks,” British High Commission, Port of Spain, Trinidad, April 4, 1979, 1. Notes ● 201

7. Maurice Bishop, “A Bright New Dawn, March 13, 1979,” in Maurice Bishop Speaks: The Grenada Revolution and Its Overthrow 1979–83, ed. Bruce Marcus and Michael Taber (New York: Pathfinder, 1983), 25. Although the NJM referred to its victory as a “revolution,” it is often referred to as a coup. Marable suggests that the action was “not a genuine social revolution, but a political insurrection against a despotic and corrupt regime.” Marable, African and Caribbean Politics, 220. Meeks suggests that the NJM’s action was “a revolution from above, marginally distin- guishable from a coup d’etat by its execution by armed irregulars and by the willingness of the leadership to mobilize popular support, though firmly under its command.” Meeks, Caribbean Revolutions and Revolutionary Theory, 156. 8. Ambassador Ortiz was based in Barbados and accredited to the other Eastern Caribbean islands. 9. Frank Ortiz, confidential telegram to secretary of state, “Subject: Grenada: Situation Report Twelve Forty-Five Local,” 131954Z, March 13, 1979, Bridgetown 00869, 1. 10. Author interview with Peter Tomlin, former lieutenant commander, Barbados Defence Force, June 14, 2006. Tomlin was seconded to the BDF from the British Army. 11. Frank Ortiz, confidential telegram to secretary of state, “Subject: Grenada Coup,” 141945Z, March 14, 1979, 1. Author interview with Tomlin. 12. Robert Pastor, NSC secret memorandum to Zbigniew Brzezinski/David Aaron, “Subject: Next Steps in Grenada,” March 14, 1979, no. 1603, 1. 13. Robert Pastor, NSC secret memorandum to Reg Bartholomew, “Subject: Mini- SCC Meeting on Grenada—March 15 1979,” March 15, 1979, unnumbered, 1. 14. The PRG became the People’s Revolutionary Government within a week of the coup. It is also referred to as the NRG (New Revolutionary Government) in some literature. 15. Robert Pastor, “Does the United States Push Revolutions to Cuba? The Case of Grenada,” Journal of Inter-American Studies and World Affairs 28, no. 1 (Spring 1986): 6. 16. John Goshko, “Caribbean Ministates are a New Source of Concern for U.S.,” Washington Post, July 6, 1979, A12. 17. Zbigniew Brzezinski, NSC secret memorandum to the president, “Subject: Mini-SCC Meeting on Grenada,” March 15, 1979, no. 1629, 1. 18. Ibid., 1. 19. Viron Vaky, confidential telegram to American Embassy, Brasilia, “Subject: Grenada: Policy Options,” 142333Z, March 14, 1979, Washington D.C. 63301, 1. 20. Anthony Payne, Paul Sutton, and Tony Thorndike. Grenada: Revolution and Intervention (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1984), 89. 21. No author, British Embassy, Washington, D.C., telegram to Foreign and Commonwealth Office, “Grenada,” March 14, 1979, 2. 22. The British agreed to divert the Belize guardship, HMS Mohawk, to Barbados to reassure Grenada’s neighbors and to improve reaction time if an evacuation was necessary. No author, Mexico and Caribbean Department, Foreign and Commonwealth Office, memorandum, “Coup d’etat in Grenada,” March 13, 1979, 9. 23. Trinidad and Tobago did not attend, stating that the “situation in Grenada was complex and confusing and sufficient information was not available to it.” Rasleigh Jackson, Guyana’s Diplomacy: Reflections of a Former Foreign Minister (Georgetown, Guyana: Free Press, 2003), 50. 24. Private secretary, Downing Street, letter to the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, “The Prime Minister’s telephone conversation with the Prime Minister of Barbados, Mr. Tom Adams, on 15 March 1979,” March 15, 1979, 1. 202 ● Notes

25. Jackson, Guyana’s Diplomacy, 51. 26. UK Parliament, House of Commons, Foreign Affairs Committee, Fifth Report, Caribbean and Central America, Session 1981–82 (London: HMSO, 1982), 287. 27. Jackson, Guyana’s Diplomacy, 50. 28. “GRENADA—Overthrow of Gairy Government by Main Opposition Party— Regional and International Reactions,” Keesings Contemporary Archives 25 (June 29, 1979): 29,691. 29. WIAS Communique, March 20, 1979, 1. In reality only Dominica and St. Lucia were independent, sovereign states and could withhold recognition. Scott Davidson, Grenada: A Study in Politics and the Limits of International Law (Aldershot, Surrey: Avebury, 1987). 42. WIAS finally granted de facto recognition to Grenada in May after the PRG had again promised to hold elections. 30. WIAS Communique, March 20, 1979, 3. 31. Payne et al., Grenada, 91. 32. Frank Ortiz, confidential telegram to secretary of state, “Subject: Grenada: Hewitt Meeting with Foreign Minister Forde,” 062311Z, April 6, 1979, Bridgetown 1315, 1. 33. It is important to remember that for the United States diplomatic recognition is an act of approval rather than just an act of recognizing reality. US nonrecognition of Grenada for any protracted period was unviable due to the presence of a sizable number of US citizens, notably at St. George’s University Medical School (SGU), on the island. Author telephone interview with John Bushnell, former assistant secretary of state for Inter-American Affairs, July 29, 1995. Bushnell was the assistant secretary of state for Inter-American Affairs during the Carter administration and remained in government as part of the transition team until mid-1981. 34. Prime Minister Adams commented that “many of us were so glad to be rid of Gairy . . . that we (the Eastern Caribbean) were prepared to overlook the means by which this regime was ended.” Robert Pastor, “The Impact of Grenada on the Caribbean: Ripples from a Revolution,” in Latin America and the Caribbean Record, vol. 3, 1983–1984, ed. Jack Hopkins(New York: Holmes & Meier, 1985), 12. 35. “Grenada Special: A Souvenir Edition Covering the Grenada Coup,” Grenada Documents Microfiche Collection (GDMC), no. DSI-83-C 005533, 12. The documents will be referred to using the final six-digit number. 36. Lawrence Rossin, United States-Grenada Relations since the Coup: A Background Paper (Bridgetown, Barbados: U.S. Embassy, 1983), 1. 37. Ibid., 4. 38. Author telephone interview with Ortiz. 39. Frank Ortiz, confidential telegram to secretary of state, “Subject: Developments in Grenada,” 162207Z, March 16, 1979, Bridgetown 0932, 1. In a phone interview with Trinidadian television on March 15, Bishop replied to a question about when elections would be held thus: “Certainly as far as we are concerned in the shortest period of time—I would say within six months or so—that would be about right.” M. Fox, unclassified telegram to secretary of state, “Subject: Maurice Bishop Interview with T&T Television,” 162103Z, March 16, 1979, Port of Spain 00929, 1. 40. Frank Ortiz, “Letters to the Editor,” Atlantic Monthly 253 (June 1984): 9. 41. On March 28, Bishop called the embassy to put the arrival of the Peace Corps on hold for a couple of weeks. Ortiz, “Subject: USG and Assistance to Bishop,” 3. 42. Rossin, United States-Grenada Relations since the Coup, 7. 43. Henry Stanley, British High Commission, Port of Spain, telegram to Mexico and Caribbean Department, FCO, “Grenada,” March 24, 1979, 1. Notes ● 203

44. Rossin, United States-Grenada Relations since the Coup, 12. 45. Warren Christopher, confidential telegram to US Embassy, London, “Subject: Recent Events in Grenada,” 312052Z, March 31, 1979, Washington D.C. 81187, 2. 46. Robert Pastor, confidential NSC memorandum to Zbigniew Brzezinski/David Aaron, “Subject: Update on Grenada,” March 27, 1979, no. 1871, 2. 47. Pastor, “Does the United States Push Revolutions to Cuba?” 8. 48. Rossin, United States-Grenada Relations since the Coup, 15. 49. Pastor, “Does the United States Push Revolutions to Cuba?” 8. A 1981 Grenadian Chief of Staff memorandum detailed the arms received from Cuba in April 1979: 3,400 Soviet and US rifles with three million rounds; 200 machine guns with half a million rounds; 100 pistols with 66,000 rounds; 100 shoulder-fired rocket launchers with 4,000 rockets; 12 82mm mortars with 4,800 shells; 12 75mm cannon with 600 shells and 12 12.7mm anti-aircraft guns with 237,000 rounds. Grenada: A Preliminary Report (Washington, D.C.: Department of State and Department of Defense, 1983), 22. 50. Cotman, “Cuba and the Grenada Revolution,” 244. 51. Rossin, United States-Grenada Relations since the Coup, 18. 52. In his report Ortiz wrote: “Coard is generally believed to be the hard-core ideologue and evil genius of the Bishop government.” Frank Ortiz, confidential telegram to secretary of state, “Subject: Grenada: Meeting with Minister of Finance Coard,” 111603Z, April 11, 1979, Bridgetown 01363, 2. 53. Author telephone interview with John Bushnell. 54. Rossin, United States-Grenada Relations since the Coup, 21. Ortiz even gave Bishop Gairy’s phone number and offered to fly someone to San Diego to verify his whereabouts. Author telephone interview with Ortiz. The State Department had discussed with the Department of Justice placing Gairy under official Federal Bureau of Investigation surveillance, but the Department of Justice declined the request due to insufficient evidence of wrongdoing. 55. Rossin, United States-Grenada Relations since the Coup, 21. 56. A non-paper is not an official document but an exact copy of talking points. Ortiz left one with Bishop to avoid any ambiguity. Author telephone interview with Ortiz. 57. Rossin, United States-Grenada Relations since the Coup, 22. 58. Ibid. 59. Ibid. 60. Frank Ortiz, confidential telegram to the secretary of state, “Subject: Grenada: Meeting with Prime Minister Bishop,” 111843Z, April 11, 1979, Bridgetown 01368, 2. 61. Author telephone interview with Ortiz. 62. Ortiz, “Subject: Grenada: Meeting with Prime Minister Bishop,” 2. Pastor later claimed that “Ortiz made a mistake in expressing displeasure with Grenada’s relations with Cuba rather than just the military relationship, and his delivery of the talking points was an unprofessional error.” Pastor, “Does the United States Push Revolutions to Cuba?” 22. See also Robert Pastor, “Ortiz/Pastor Correspondence on Grenada,” Journal of Inter-American Studies and World Affairs 28, (Winter 1986–1987): 197–203. However, as official documents show, Ortiz followed Washington’s instructions to the letter and Pastor’s charges were unfounded. 63. Maurice Bishop, “In Nobody’s Backyard, April 13, 1979,” in Maurice Bishop Speaks, 27. 204 ● Notes

64. Ibid., 29. 65. Ibid. 66. These were small grants of up to $5,000 that could be disbursed immediately by the ambassador. 67. Rossin, United States-Grenada Relations since the Coup, 24. 68. Robert Pastor, secret NSC memorandum to Zbigniew Brzezinski/David Aaron, “Subject: Time to Reassess US Policy to Grenada and the Caribbean: Second- Generation Surrogates?” April 14, 1979, no. 2271, 1. 69. Ibid., 2. 70. Ibid., 3. 71. Robert Pastor, secret NSC memorandum to David Aaron, “Subject: Mini-SCC Meeting on Grenada—April 27, 1979, 10:30–11:30 am,” April 23, 1979, no. 2385, 2. 72. Ibid., 2. 73. It dawned on Washington that supporting the democratic countries in the region was essential if the threat of more Grenadas was to be reduced. Author telephone interview with Bushnell. 74. Pastor, “Does the United States Push Revolutions to Cuba?” 14. 75. Richard Loppnow, “Deciding Quickly and Deciding Well: A Case Study of Grenada,” (PhD diss., University of Miami, 1996), 347. 76. Robert Pastor, NSC secret memorandum to David Aaron, “Subject: U.S. Assistance to Grenada,” May 8, 1979, no. 2770, 1. 77. Ibid. 78. Rossin, United States-Grenada Relations since the Coup, 28. 79. Ibid., 30. 80. Grenada’s attitude to regional aid suggested it were disinterested anyway. About six months after the revolution a new coast guard training program began. There was uncertainty as to whether Grenada should be included; it was decided that if the Grenadian representative was a member of the PRG they would be rejected but if it was a career civil servant they would be accepted. As it was, nobody showed up. Author telephone interview with Bushnell. 81. Anthony Payne, “The Foreign Policy of the People’s Revolutionary Government,” in A Revolution Aborted: The Lessons of Grenada, ed. Jorge Heine (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1990), 140. 82. “Reflections and Apologies by Bernard Coard and His Colleagues,” The Grenada 17, http://www.grenada17.cwc.net/Apologies.htm (accessed February 6, 2007). 83. US Congress, House of Representatives, Subcommittee on Inter-American Affairs of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, “Statement of Daniel Lynch, Office of Political Analysis, Central Intelligence Agency,” Economic and Political Future of the Caribbean (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1979), 116. 84. Dion Phillips, “The Increasing Emphasis on Security and Defense in the Eastern Caribbean,” in Militarization in the Non-Hispanic Caribbean, ed. Dion Phillips and Alma Young (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1986), 44. See also Richard Sim and James Anderson, “The Caribbean Strategic Vacuum,” Conflict Studies 121 (1980): 1–24. 85. Tad Szulc, “Caribbean,” New York Times Magazine, May 25, 1979, 57. 86. Bishop outlined a three-stage plan: (1) false media reports and the recruitment of prominent individuals to generate internal dissatisfaction, (2) violence and arson, and (3) assassination. Rossin, United States-Grenada Relations since the Coup, 29. The accusation was based primarily on two fires that had occurred on May 6. Notes ● 205

A SGU student had burnt down his cottage accommodation and coincidentally a building in St. George’s was gutted in a suspected case of arson. 87. Rossin, United States-Grenada Relations since the Coup, 31. 88. Ibid., 30. 89. Robert Gates, From the Shadows: The Ultimate Insider’s Story of Five Presidents and How They Won the Cold War (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1996), 143. 90. Author correspondence with Robert Pastor, former National Security Council member, February 18, 2003. 91. Gates, From the Shadows, 143. 92. Ibid. 93. Ibid. The CIA had recently been the focus of an extensive Congressional investigation. 94. Warren Christopher, confidential telegram to American Embassy, Bridgetown, “Subject: Meeting between Bernard Coard, Finance Minister of the NRG in Grenada, and Assistant Secretary Vaky,” 160008Z, June 16, 1979, Washington D.C., 154578 . 2. 95. Ibid., 2. Vaky described Coard as “intelligent, aggressive by nature, and self-confident and in explaining his government’s policies and goals he was cogent and quite con- vincing.” Ibid., 4. 96. Christopher, “Subject: Meeting between Bernard Coard, Finance Minister of the NRG in Grenada, and Assistant Secretary Vaky,” 4. 97. Author telephone interview with Bushnell. 98. Warren Christopher secret telegram to American Embassy, Bridgetown, “Subject: Talking Points for Your Meeting with Prime Minister Maurice Bishop of Grenada on June 18,” 142202Z, June 14, 1979, Washington D.C., 153150, 2. 99. Ibid., 3. 100. Author correspondence with Sally Shelton-Colby, former US ambassador to Barbados, September 7, 2004. 101. All of the US aid programmes in the Eastern Caribbean were regionally oriented, designed to strengthen regional institutions and systems. There was no possibility of a bilateral program with Grenada, or any of the other islands, because of the overhead costs (to Washington) and the United States’ strategy of attempting to build and strengthen regional cooperation. 102. Ibid. 103. Rossin, United States-Grenada Relations since the Coup, 43. 104. Ibid., 46. 105. Ibid., 47. 106. Ibid., 49. 107. Ibid., 51. 108. Ibid., 43. 109. Payne, “The Foreign Policy of the People’s Revolutionary Government,” 134. Coard generally handled relations with the Soviets and headed the first official PRG delegation to Moscow in May 1980. 110. Marcus Poole, “A Study of the Impact of the Bishop Government of Grenada upon the United States and Caribbean relations” (MA dissertation, American University, 1982), 44. The Grenadian ambassador to the USSR, Ian Jacobs, later commented that “the USSR is satisfied with the degree of support that they receive from Grenada . . . especially if our vote on Afghanistan for example, is recognized as one of two Latin American votes (the other being Cuba) in their favour. Considering the risks that we have taken on this and other matters, it might be fair to say that 206 ● Notes

their support for us is actually below our support for them.” W. Richard Jacobs, “Grenada’s Relations with the USSR,” July 11, 1983, in The Grenada Documents, ed. Brian Crozier (London: Sherwood Press , 1987), 86. 111. Jacobs, “Grenada’s Relations with the USSR,” 83. 112. By 1986 the agreements would have delivered approximately 1,000 pistols, 4,000 submachine guns, 90 portable rocket launchers, 7,000 land mines, 15,000 hand grenades, and the following heavy artillery: 84 mortars, 400 heavy machine guns, 48 antiaircraft guns, 50 GRAD-P howitzers, 30 field guns, and 30 anti-tank guns. Also included were 60 armored personnel carriers and patrol vehicles, 86 other military-related vehicles, and 14,000 uniforms. Grenada: A Preliminary Report, 23. See also Nestor Sanchez, “What Was Uncovered in Grenada: The Weapons and Documents,” Caribbean Review 12 (December 1983): 21–23, 59. The Soviets were the primary supplier of military aid although a substantial $32.4 million agreement was signed with North Korea in April 1983. Dae-Ho Byun, North Korea’s Foreign Policy: The Juche Ideology and the Challenge of Gorbachev’s New Thinking (Seoul: Research Center for Peace and Reunification of Korea, 1991), 161. 113. For more details on the Grenada-Soviet Union relationship see Jiri Valenta and Virginia Valenta, “Leninism in Grenada,” Problems of Communism 33 (July–August 1984): 1–24; Payne, “The Foreign Policy of the People’s Revolutionary Government”; and Peter Shearman, “The Soviet Union and Grenada under the New Jewel Movement,” International Affairs 61 (1985): 661–673. 114. Brian Hudson, “The Changing Caribbean: Grenada’s New International Airport,” Caribbean Geography 1, no. 1 (May 1983): 52. 115. Hugh O’Shaughnessy, Grenada: Revolution, Invasion and Aftermath (London: Sphere Books, 1984), 88. 116. Jay Mandle, Big Revolution, Small Country (Lanham, MD: North-South, 1985), 23. 117. Lewis, Reform and Revolution in Grenada, 219. 118. Author telephone interview with a former Department of Defense official, October 10, 1994. 119. Larry Rohter, “Grenada: A Tiny Exporter Of Revolution?” Newsweek, March 31, 1980, 44. 120. John Lent, “Mass Media and Socialist Governments in the Commonwealth Caribbean,” Human Rights Quarterly (1982): 387. 121. The main targets of this arrangement were a Grenadian, D. M. B. Cromwell, who owned 22 percent, and the Trinidad Express newspaper that owned 13 percent. Lent, “Mass Media and Socialist Governments in the Commonwealth Caribbean,” 387. 122. Ricky Singh, “What Has Gone Wrong, Mr. Bishop?’” Caribbean Contact 7 (November 1979): 1. Alister Hughes, “Straws in the Wind,” Caribbean Contact 7 (October 1979): 6. 123. Hughes, “Straws in the Wind,” 6. 124. Alister Hughes, “Strachan Explains Coca-Cola Take Over,” The Grenada Newsletter 7, no. 32 (October 27, 1979): 2. 125. Richard Hart, “Introduction,” in In Nobody’s Backyard: Maurice Bishop’s Speeches: 1979–1983 A Memorial Volume, ed. Chris Searle (London: Zed Books, 1984), xviii. 126. Hughes, “Straws in the Wind,” 6. 127. Author interview with Lyden Ramdhanny, former People’s Revolutionary Government minister, June 22, 2006. 128. Selwyn Ryan, “Grenada: Balance Sheet of the Revolution” (paper presented at a conference on The Grenada Revolution, 1979–83, May 24–25, 1984, Institute of International Relations, University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, Trinidad), 4. Notes ● 207

129. Author interview with Sir Daniel Williams, Grenadian Governor-General, June 23, 2006. In a 1984 survey 60.3 percent of people felt that freedom of speech had dete- riorated under the PRG and 70.1 percent were critical of the lack of elections. Patrick Emmanuel, Farley Braithwaite, and Eudine Barriteau, Political Change and Public Opinion in Grenada, 1979–1984 (Cave Hill, Barbados: University of the West Indies, 1984), 26–28. 130. Virgil Randolph, confidential telegram to secretary of state, “Subject: Grenada: Bishop charges Attempted Coup,” 052250Z, November 5, 1979, Bridgetown 4597, 3. 131. Rossin, United States-Grenada Relations since the Coup, 53. 132. Sally Shelton, confidential telegram to secretary of state, “Subject: US-Grenadian Relations in the Aftermath of the Bomb Blast,” 232024Z, June 23 1980, Bridgetown 03122, 3. 133. Maurice Bishop, “Forward Ever! Against Imperialism and Towards Genuine National Independence and People’s Power, March 13, 1980,” in Maurice Bishop Speaks, ed. Marcus and Taber, 84. However, as Ryan states, “despite all the justified criticisms which are leveled against Westminster type elections, they are nonetheless part of a package of norms and practices which are mutually reinforcing, and once they are dismissed as irrelevant there is nothing else which cannot be withdrawn in the name of the people’s democracy, guided democracy or some other variant.” Ryan, “Grenada,” 4. 134. Cynthia Mahabir, “Heavy Manners and Making Freedom under the People’s Revolutionary Government in Grenada, 1979–1983,” International Journal of the Sociology of Law 21 (1993): 225. 135. Cyrus Vance, confidential telegram to American Embassy, Bridgetown, “Subject: Talking Points for Meeting with PM Bishop,” 150133Z, December 15, 1979, Washington D.C. 322604, 9. 136. Ibid., 1. 137. Ibid., 2. 138. Sally Shelton, confidential telegram to the secretary of state, “Subject: Ambassador’s Visit to Grenada: A Preliminary Report,” 182105Z, December 18, 1979, Bridgetown 5310, 1. 139. Ibid., 2. 140. US Congress, Economic and Political Future of the Caribbean, 68. 141. Jenny Pearce, Under the Eagle: U.S. Intervention in Central America and the Caribbean (London: Latin America Bureau, 1982), 154. 142. Chris Searle, Grenada: The Struggle against Destabilization (London: Writers & Readers Publishing, 1983), 56. 143. In St. Lucia 97 percent of the crop was lost, 95 percent in St. Vincent, 75 percent in Dominica and 40 percent in Grenada. Pearce, Under the Eagle, 141. 144. Rossin, United States-Grenada Relations since the Coup, 68. 145. Ibid., 62. 146. US Congress, Economic and Political Future of the Caribbean, 68. 147. Fitzroy Ambursley, “Grenada: the New Jewel Revolution,” in Crisis in the Caribbean, ed. Fitzroy Ambursley and Robin Cohen (London: Heinemann, 1982), 208. 148. Washington had reservations about Williams due to her alleged involvement in gun- running prior to the revolution. Washington delayed making a decision hoping that the PRG would get the message that the United States would prefer an alternative candidate. Warren Christopher, confidential telegram to American Embassy, Bridgetown, “Subject: Request for Agrement for Dessima Williams as PRG Ambassador to the United States,” 151521Z, May 15, 1980, Washington D.C. 127947, 1–3. As 208 ● Notes

Williams later commented, the PRG’s inexperience meant that it did not interpret Washington’s response correctly and kept the issue alive, refusing to take no for an answer. Author telephone interview with Dessima Williams, former Grenadian ambassador to the Organization of American States, June 21, 2000. 149. “Telex to the United States Embassy, Barbados, 12.12.80,” GDMC, no. 003104. 150. Sally Shelton, confidential telegram to secretary of state, “Subject: Grenada Requests Ambassador to Visit for High-Level Consultations,” 161402Z, December 16, 1980, Bridgetown 07147, 2. 151. Rossin, United States-Grenada Relations since the Coup, 85. 152. Virgil Randolph, confidential telegram to secretary of state, “Subject: Grenada Blames U.S. for Poor Relations,” 231915Z, October 23, 1980, Bridgetown 06314, 3. 153. H. Michael Erisman, “The CARICOM States and U.S. Foreign Policy: The Danger of Central Americanization,” Journal of Inter-American Studies and World Affairs 31, no. 3 (Fall 1989): 142. 154. “The Declaration of St. George’s,” Bulletin of Eastern Caribbean Affairs 5 ( July–August 1979): 32. 155. Ivelaw Lloyd Griffith, The Quest for Security in the Caribbean: Problems and Promises in Subordinate States (Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 1993), 124. 156. Pastor, “Does the United States Push Revolutions to Cuba?” 12. 157. Ralph Gonsalves, “The Importance of the Grenada Revolution to the Eastern Caribbean,” Bulletin of Eastern Caribbean Affairs 5, no. 1 (March–April 1979): 9. 158. US Congress, House of Representatives, Subcommittee on Western Hemisphere Affairs of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, The English-Speaking Caribbean: Current Conditions and Implications for U.S. Policy, Report by the Congressional Research Service of the proceedings of a workshop held on December 11, 1984 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1985), 100. 159. Eudine Barriteau, “Regional Comments on Barbados-Grenada Relations,” Bulletin of Eastern Caribbean Affairs 6, no. 5 (November–December 1980): 23. 160. Dion Phillips, “Defense Policy in Barbados, 1966–1988,” Journal of Inter-American Studies and World Affairs 32, no. 2 (Summer 1990): 77. Having almost been top- pled by a radical-led revolt and army mutiny fed by Black Power militancy in 1970, Williams had pursued a repressive policy against perceived left-wing subversion. 161. Anthony Maingot, “The United States in the Caribbean: Geopolitics and the Bargaining Capacity of Small States,” in Peace, Development and Security in the Caribbean, ed. Anthony Bryan, J. Edward Greene, and Timothy Shaw (London: Macmillan, 1990), 74. 162. The BDF was formed in August 1979 and by 1983 contained 610 members. Phillips, “Defense Policy in Barbados,” 81. 163. Griffith, The Quest for Security in the Caribbean, 130. 164. Phillips, “Defense Policy in Barbados,” 80. 165. Edward Herman and Frank Brodhead, Demonstration Elections: U.S.-Staged Elections in the Dominican Republic, Vietnam, and El Salvador (Boston: South End Press, 1986), 181. 166. Christopher, “Subject: Talking Points for Your Meeting with Prime Minister Maurice Bishop,” 7. 167. Pastor, “Does the United States Push Revolutions to Cuba?” 12. 168. Author telephone interview with Bushnell. 169. Author correspondence with Pastor. Notes ● 209

170. Gonsalves, “The Importance of the Grenada Revolution,” 3. 171. Griffith, The Quest for Security in the Caribbean, 234.

Chapter 4 1. Richard Melanson, Writing History and Making Policy: The Cold War, Vietnam, and Revisionism (New York: University Press of America, 1983), 230. 2. Goran Rystad, Prisoners of the Past? The Munich Syndrome and Makers of American Foreign Policy in the Cold War Era (Lund, Sweden: CWK Gleerup, 1982), 44. 3. Lou Cannon, President Reagan: The Role of a Lifetime (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1990), 316. 4. The Vietnam Syndrome refers to the impact of the Vietnam War on US foreign policy. The essence is that intervention abroad would not be supported by the public and would end in disaster. US policy in Central America and the evolu- tion of the Reagan Doctrine reflect the constraints imposed by the Vietnam Syndrome. 5. Robert Pastor, “Does the United States Push Revolutions to Cuba? The Case of Grenada,” Journal of Inter-American Studies and World Affairs 28, no. 1 (Spring 1986): 16. 6. James Greene and Brent Scowcroft, ed., Western Interests and U.S. Policy Options in the Caribbean Basin, Reportof the Atlantic Council’s Working Group on the Caribbean Basin (Boston: Oelgeschlager, Gunn & Hain, 1984), 144. 7. Lars Schoultz, National Security and United States Policy toward Latin America (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987), 117. 8. Tom Enders, “A Comprehensive Strategy for the Caribbean Basin,” Caribbean Review 11, no. 2 (Spring 1982): 11. 9. Michael Klare, “The Reagan Doctrine,” New Statesman, November 4, 1983, 10. 10. “Operation Urgent Fury,” PBS Frontline, transcript no. 602 (New York: Journal Graphics, 1988), 5. 11. Author telephone interview with John Bushnell, former assistant secretary of state for Inter-American Affairs, July 29, 1995. 12. Author telephone interview with Linda Flohr, former third secretary, US embassy, Barbados, December 19, 1994. 13. During the intervention, US troops captured over 5 tons of PRG documents. A microfiched copy of this valuable resource can be found at the US National Archives, Maryland. 14. Lawrence Rossin, United States-Grenada Relations since the Coup: A Background Paper (Bridgetown, Barbados: U.S. Embassy, 1983), 61. 15. John Walton Cotman, “Cuba and the Grenada Revolution: The Impact and Limits of Cuban International Aid Programs,” 2 vols (PhD diss., Boston University Graduate School, 1992), 132. 16. Courtney Smith, “The Development Strategy of the People’s Revolutionary Government: The Political Economy of Economic Transformation in Grenada, 1979–1983” (PhD diss., University of Hull, 1988), 342. 17. Rossin, United States-Grenada Relations since the Coup, 71. 18. Ibid., 72. Belgium, France, Italy, the Netherlands, and West Germany declined to attend. Britain had not been invited. Algeria, Cuba, Iraq, Libya, Nigeria, Sweden, Syria, Venezuela, and several international agencies such as OPEC did attend and 210 ● Notes

pledge funds. “GRENADA: World Bank and IMF accused,” Latin American Weekly Report: Caribbean and Central America, May 8, 1981, 1. 19. Maurice Bishop, “Bishop Letter to President Reagan, March 26, 1981,” The Grenada Revolution Online, http://www.thegrenadarevolutiononline.com/ bishltr1.html (accessed February 7, 2007). 20. Rossin, United States-Grenada Relations since the Coup, 73. 21. Ibid. 22. Funding came from Iraq, Syria, Libya, Algeria, and Venezuela. Iraq’s contribution was sent twice by mistake and, ironically, Libya’s £2.5 million contribution was used to pay the American company Layne Dredging. Author interview with Bob Evans, former Point Salines International Airport project manager, June 14, 2006. The British firm Plessey won the £6.5 million contract to provide navigation and communications facilities; the contract was underwritten by the British government’s Export Credit Guarantee Department. Author interview with Mike Barnard, former Plessey contractor, October 25, 2006. 23. Author interview with Craig Johnstone, former deputy assistant secretary of state for Inter-American Affairs, September 1, 1994. 24. US Department of State and Department of Defense, Grenada: A Preliminary Report (Washington, D.C.: Department of State and Department of Defense, 1983), 5. For the military facility argument see Timothy Ashby, The Bear in the Backyard: Moscow’s Caribbean Strategy (Lexington, MA: Lexington Books, 1987), 81–101. 25. Smith, “The Development Strategy,” 326. 26. Rossin, United States-Grenada Relations since the Coup, 73. 27. People’s Revolutionary Government Political Bureau, “Minutes of Political Bureau Meeting Held on Wednesday, 27th May, 1981,” in The Grenada Documents: A Selection and Overview, document 53, ed. Michael Ledeen and Herbert Romerstein (Washington, D.C.: Department of State and Department of Defense, 1984), 3. 28. Author interview with Lawrence Rossin, Foreign Service officer, October 28, 1994. 29. The original Cuban design was for a 7,800-foot runway but commercial transat- lantic planes required a 9,000-foot runway so the PRG asked the Cubans to revise the plan. Author interview with Bob Evans. 30. Robert Beck, The Grenada Invasion: Politics, Law, and Foreign Policy Decisionmaking (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1993), 27. 31. Horace Bartilow, The Debt Dilemma: IMF Negotiations in Jamaica, Grenada, and Guyana (London: Macmillan, 1997), 303. 32. Ibid., 332. 33. Ibid., 290. 34. Claremont Kirton, “Grenada and the IMF: The PRG’s Extended Fund Facility Program, 1983,” Latin American Perspectives 16, no. 3 (Summer 1989): 121. 35. Frederic Pryor, “Socialism via Foreign Aid: The PRG’s Economic Policies with the Soviet Bloc,” in A Revolution Aborted: The Lessons of Grenada, ed. Jorge Heine (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1990), 156. 36. “The Grenada Voice,” The Grenada Revolution Online, http://www.thegrenadarevolutiononline.com/voice1stissue.html (accessed January 25, 2007). 37. Author interview with Leslie Pierre, editor of the Grenadian Voice, June 21, 2006. 38. Alister Hughes, “New Newspaper in Grenada/‘Voice’ issue seized: Arrests made,” Grenada Newsletter 9, no. 3 (August 8, 1981): 2. 39. Author interview with Leslie Pierre. Lloyd Noel, former PRG attorney general, and Tillman Thomas were also detained. Both were contributors to the first issue. Notes ● 211

40. Rossin, United States-Grenada Relations since the Coup, 58. 41. Virgil Randolph, confidential telegram to secretary of state, “Subject: Bishop’s Speech Concerning Closing of ‘The Grenadian Voice’,” 261051Z, June 26, 1981, Barbados 03164, Folder 1, Incoming FOIAs, Box 4, Grenada 6104, National Security Archive, Washington, D.C. In his dealings with Grenada, Warne recalls that “I really was given very strong instructions. I really didn’t give them any room at all.” Robert Warne, former head of the Caribbean Desk, State Department, interview with Charles Stuart Kennedy, April 1, 1995, Frontline Diplomacy, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C., http://memory.loc. gov/ammem/collections/diplomacy/ (accessed March 12, 2007). 42. Maurice Bishop, “Freedom of the Press and Imperialist Destabilization, June 19, 1981,” in Maurice Bishop Speaks: The Grenada Revolution and Its Overthrow 1979–83, ed. Bruce Marcus and Michael Taber (New York: Pathfinder, 1983), 164. 43. Brian Meeks, Caribbean Revolutions and Revolutionary Theory: An Assessment of Cuba, Nicaragua and Grenada (London: Macmillan, 1993), 161. Meeks was the editor of the PRG-controlled Free West Indian newspaper during 1981–1982. 44. Chris Searle, Grenada: The Struggle against Destabilization (London: Writers & Readers Publishing, 1983), 37–38. 45. Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Information Bureau, “Draft/letter to the US embassy,” GDMC, no. 002308. 46. Maurice Bishop, “Bishop Letter to President Reagan, August 11, 1981,” The Grenada Revolution Online, http://www.thegrenadarevolutiononline.com/bishltr2. html (accessed January 25, 2007). 47. Ibid. 48. Milan Bish, confidential telegram to secretary of state, “Subject: Grenada: Text of Grenada-U.S. Exchange of Letters Released,” 111453Z, March 11, 1982, Bridgetown 01335, 1. 49. Ibid. 50. Bish, “Subject: Grenada: Text of Grenada-U.S. Exchange of Letters Released,” 2. 51. The CBI included one-way free trade, investment incentives for US businesses, technical assistance to the private sector, and $350 million in bilateral aid. Robert Pastor, “Sinking in the Caribbean Basin,” Foreign Affairs 60 (1982): 1039. 52. US President, “Remarks on the Caribbean Basin Initiative to the Permanent Council of the Organization of American States, February 24, 1982,” Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library, http://www.reagan. utexas.edu/archives/speeches/1982/22482a.htm (accessed March 27, 2007). 53. Ibid., 211. 54. US Congress, House of Representatives, Committee on Foreign Affairs, Subcommittee on Inter-American Affairs, United States Policy toward Grenada, 97th Congress, 2nd session (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1982), 47. 55. Kai Schoenhals and Richard Melanson. Revolution and Intervention in Grenada: The New Jewel Movement, the United States and the Caribbean (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1985), 128. 56. “Minutes of the Political and Economic Bureau, August, 31st, 1983,” GDMC, no. 002306, 5. 57. US President, “Remarks in Bridgetown, Barbados, Following a Luncheon Meeting with Leaders of Eastern Caribbean Countries, April 8, 1982,” Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library, http://www.reagan. utexas.edu/archives/speeches/1982/40882a.htm (accessed March 27, 2007). 212 ● Notes

58. David Eric Pearson, “The Betrayal of Truth and Trust by Government: Deception as Process and Practice,” (PhD diss., Yale University, 1988), 171. 59. US Congress, United States Policy toward Grenada, 3. Dymally was the chairman of the Congressional Black Caucus Task Force on the Caribbean. 60. US Congress, United States Policy toward Grenada, 41. 61. Milan Bish, confidential telegram to secretary of state, no subject heading, 162143Z, n.d., Bridgetown 01527, 2. 62. “Text of a Telex Sent to the United States Embasy (sic) in Barbados on December 30th,” GDMC, no. 002303, 1. 63. Ibid., 1. 64. Ludlow Flower, confidential telegram to secretary of state, “Subject: Grenada Protests Statement by Vice President Bush,” 042122Z, January 4, 1983, Bridgetown 0044, 1. 65. Patrick Tyler, “U.S. Tracks Cuban Aid to Grenada: In ’81, Senate Unit Nixed CIA Plan to Destabilize Isle,” Washington Post, February 27, 1983, A11. 66. US President, “Remarks on Central America and El Salvador at the Annual Meeting of the National Association of Manufacturers, March 10, 1983,” Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library, http://www.reagan.utexas.edu/archives/speeches/1983/31083a.htm (accessed March 27, 2007). 67. Ibid. 68. US President, “Address to the Nation on Defense and National Security, March 23, 1983,” Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States, Ronald Reagan Library, http://www.reagan.utexas.edu/archives/speeches/1983/32383d.htm (accessed March 27, 2007). 69. Ibid. 70. US President, “Address before a Joint Session of the Congress on Central America, April 27, 1983,” Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library, http://www.reagan.utexas.edu/archives/speeches/1983/42783d. htm (accessed March 25, 2007). 71. Beck, The Grenada Invasion, 28. 72. Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Information Bureau, “Draft/ letter to the US embassy,” GDMC, no. 002308. 73. Maurice Bishop, “An Armed Attack against Our Country Is Imminent, March 23, 1983,” in Maurice Bishop Speaks 279. 74. Hugh O’Shaughnessy, Grenada: Revolution, Invasion and Aftermath (London: Sphere Books, 1984), 112. 75. Ludlow Flower, confidential telegram to secretary of state, “Subject: Grenada after the Bishop-Reagan Exchange: Quiet, Puzzled, Disgruntled,” 201845Z, April 20, 1983, Bridgetown 02334, 2. 76. “Statement of Stephen W. Bosworth, principal deputy assistant secretary of state for Inter-American Affairs,” in US Congress, United States Policy toward Grenada, 29. 77. Cynthia Mahabir, “Heavy Manners and Making Freedom Under the People’s Revolutionary Goverment in Grenada, 1979–1983,” International Journal of the Sociology of Law 21 (1993): 233. 78. “Grenada’s Foreign Policy,” GDMC, no. 006097, 7. 79. Max Azicri, “Cuba and the U.S.: What Happened to Rapprochement?” in The New Cuban Presence in the Caribbean, ed. Barry Levine (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1983), 171. Notes ● 213

80. Cotman, “Cuba and the Grenada Revolution,” 101. 81. Reagan, “Remarks on the Caribbean Basin Initiative.” 82. James Herbert Anderson, “National Decisionmaking and Quick-Strike Interventions during the 1980s: A Comparative Analysis of Operations Urgent Fury, El Dorado Canyon and Just Cause” (PhD diss., Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, 1993), 53. 83. Robert Pastor, “The U.S. and the Caribbean: The Power of the Whirlpool,” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 533 (May 1994): 28. 84. John Walton Cotman, The Gorrion Tree: Cuba and the Grenada Revolution (New York: Peter Lang, 1993), 84. 85. Author interview with John Kelly, former British representative in Grenada, British High Commission, Barbados, February 16, 1995. Kelly was the Foreign and Commonwealth Office representative in Grenada between 1981 and 1984. 86. Betty Glad and Charles Taber, “Images, Learning, and the Decision to Use Force: The Domino Theory of the United States,” in Psychological Dimensions of War, ed. Betty Glad, 73 (Newbury Park, CA: Sage, 1990). 87. Rossin, United States-Grenada Relations since the Coup, 76. 88. Another form of available US aid was via direct assistance to the private sector and AID devised ways to funnel aid through the CDB without it reaching Grenada. US General Accounting Office, AID Assistance to the Eastern Caribbean: Program Changes and Possible Consequences (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1983), i. 89. Article 8, paragraph 4, of the OECS Treaty states: “The Defence and Security Committee shall have responsibility for coordinating the efforts of Member States for collective defence and the preservation of peace and security against external aggression and for the development of close ties among the Member States of the Organisation in matters of external defence and security, including measures to combat the activities of mercenaries, operating with or without the support of internal or national elements, in the exercise of the inherent right of individual or collective self-defence recognised by Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations.” William Gilmore, The Grenada Intervention: Analysis and Documentation (London: Mansell, 1984), 81. 90. Maurice Bishop, “For Greater Caribbean Community Integration, June 29, 1981,” in Maurice Bishop Speaks, 171. 91. “CARIBBEAN COMMUNITY—Third Meeting of Heads of Government Conference,” Keesings Contemporary Archives 29 (February 1983): 31, 946. 92. “Memorandum by the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) Secretariat,” UK Parliament, House of Commons, Foreign Affairs Committee, Second Report, Grenada (London: HMSO, 1983–84), 304. 93. Anthony Payne, Paul Sutton, and Tony Thorndike, Grenada: Revolution and Intervention (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1984), 96. 94. Reagan, “Remarks in Bridgetown.” 95. Anthony Maingot, “The English-Speaking Caribbean and Hemisphere Security Policy: The Lessons of Grenada,” in Security in the Americas, ed. Georges Fauriol (Washington, D.C.: National Defense University, 1989), 243. 96. This was the first meeting since 1975. 97. “The Political Situation in the Caribbean and Grenada’s Present Position within that Scenario,” GDMC, no. 004872, 2. 98. Payne et al., Grenada, 97. 99. “CARIBBEAN COMMUNITY,” Keesings, 31948. 214 ● Notes

100. William Demas, Head of the CDB, quoted in D. Brent Hardt, “Grenada Reconsidered,” Fletcher Forum: A Journal of Studies in International Affairs 11, no. 2 (Summer 1987): 296. 101. Tony Thorndike, “Politics and Society in the South-Eastern Caribbean,” in Society and Politics in the Caribbean, ed. Colin Clarke (London: Macmillan, 1991), 124. 102. Author interview with Joseph Edmunds, former St. Lucian ambassador to the United States, August 2, 1994. 103. Jacqueline Anne Braveboy-Wagner, The Caribbean in World Affairs: The Foreign Policies of the English-Speaking States (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1989), 29. 104. Gilmore, The Grenada Intervention, 88. 105. Barbados contributed 49 percent of the cost to a Central Fund, appointed a chief of staff to serve as a regional security coordinator, and provided facilities for a headquarters on Barbados. H. Michael Erisman, “The CARICOM States and US Foreign Policy: The Danger of Central Americanization,” Journal of Inter-American Studies and World Affairs 31, no. 3 (Fall 1989): 169. 106. Paul Sutton, “The Politics of Small State Security in the Caribbean,” Journal of Commonwealth and Comparative Politics 31, no. 2 (1993): 13. 107. Frank McNeil, War and Peace in Central America: Reality and Illusion (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1988), 172. 108. Erisman, “The CARICOM States and US Foreign Policy,” 162. 109. H. Michael Erisman and John Martz, Colossus Challenged: The Struggle for Caribbean Influence (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1982), 215. 110. “The Political Situation in the Caribbean,” GDMC, no. 004872, 6. 111. Ibid., 3. 112. Ibid., 2. 113. US Department of State and Department of Defense, Grenada: A Preliminary Report, 21. The United States and Britain knew weapons had been arriving but not the quantities involved. Author interview with Kelly. 114. CIA Interagency Intelligence Assessment, “A First Look at Mechanisms of Control and Foreign Involvement,” December 19, 1983, 3. http://www.foia.cia.gov/default.asp (accessed January 25, 2007). 115. CIA Interagency Intelligence Assessment, “A First Look at Mechanisms,” 16. 116. For a detailed examination of the visit see Gary Williams, “Brief Encounter: Grenadian Prime Minister Maurice Bishop’s Visit to Washington,” Journal of Latin American Studies 34 (2002): 659–685. 117. Author telephone interview with Dessima Williams, former Grenadian ambassador to the Organization of American States, June 21, 2000. 118. The final vote was not unanimous, with Coard and Liam James expressing their uncertainties. Author interview with Kelly. 119. Charles Hill, secret memorandum for Mr William P. Clark, The White House, ‘Subject Visa for Prime Minister Maurice Bishop of Grenada’, May 18, 1983, Department of State 8315359,1. 120. Anthony Payne, “The Foreign Policy of the People’s Revolutionary Government,” in A Revolution Aborted: The Lessons of Grenada, ed. Jorge Heine (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1990) 142. 121. Gregory Sandford and Richard Vigilante, Grenada: The Untold Story (New York: Madison Books, 1984), 105. 122. Gail Reed, “Advice on U.S. Tour,” in The Grenada Papers, ed. Paul Seabury and Walter McDougall(San Francisco: ICS Press, 1984), 173. Notes ● 215

123. The PRG had outlined five core foreign policy principles—anti-imperialism, achievement of a new international economic order, promotion of world peace and cooperation. pursuit of regional cooperation and integration, and support for national liberation struggles. See Payne, “The Foreign Policy of the People’s Revolutionary Government.” 124. Selwyn Strachan subsequently met with the Grenadian media to request them to tone down their attacks on the United States as it could jeopardize Bishop’s visit. “Minutes of the Political Bureau 4th May, 1983,” in The Grenada Documents, document 93, 5. 125. Ludlow Flower, confidential telegram to secretary of state, “Subject: Grenada: Local Coverage of Bishop’s Visit to US,” 012008Z, June 1, 1983, Bridgetown 03082, 1. 126. Tony, Thorndike, Grenada: Politics, Economics and Society (London: Frances Pinter, 1985), 130. In the aftermath of his visit Bishop raised just such prospect in a plenary session of the PB, arguing that “the private sector must be encouraged to explore opportunities in the area of investments by the CBI.” “Central Committee Report on First Plenary Session, July 13–19 1983,” in The Grenada Documents, document 110, 12. 127. Charles Hill, “Subject: Visa for Prime Minister Maurice Bishop of Grenada,” 1. 128. Ibid. 129. Alphonso Sapia-Bosch, secret memorandum to William Clark, The White House, “Visa for Grenadian Prime Minister Bishop,” May 23, 1983, National Security Council 3421, 1. 130. Alphonso Sapia-Bosch, confidential memorandum to Robert McFarlane, The White House, “St. George’s Medical School,” June 7, 1983, National Security Council 3900, 1. 131. William Clark, top secret memorandum to George Shultz, secretary of state, “Grenada,” June 20, 1983, The White House 90742, 1. 132. “Press Statement: Council on Hemispheric Affairs,” GDMC, no. 006522, 1. 133. Kenneth Dam, confidential memorandum to President Ronald Reagan, The White House, “Meeting with Prime Minister Maurice Bishop of Grenada,” June 7, 1983, Department of State 8317648, 1. 134. George Shultz, Turmoil and Triumph: My Years as Secretary of State (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1993), 324. 135. Constantine Menges and Roger Fontaine, memorandum for Alan Myer, National Security Council, October 25, 1983, “Grenada/Lebanon 27.10.83,” White House Office of Speechwriting, Research Office, File OA 16044, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library, 2. 136. Author interview with Caspar Weinberger, former secretary of defense, October 7, 1994. 137. Maurice Bishop, “Maurice Bishop Speaks to U.S. Working People, June 5, 1983,” in Maurice Bishop Speaks, 289. 138. Ibid., 290. 139. Ibid. 140. Ibid., 306. 141. Anonymous, “Handwritten Notes of a Meeting with National Security Advisor Clark,” in The Grenada Papers, 178–180. 142. Also in attendance were William Middendorf, NSC staffer Alphonso Sapia-Bosch, and Department of State Head of Caribbean Affairs Ambassador Richard Brown. Accompanying Bishop were Dessima Williams, Unison Whiteman, and Liam James. 216 ● Notes

143. Author telephone interview with Kenneth Dam, former deputy secretary of state, August 17, 1999. 144. Paul Seabury and Walter McDougall, eds., The Grenada Papers (San Francisco: ICS Press, 1984), 176. 145. Ibid., 176. 146. Ibid., 178. 147. Author telephone interview with Dessima Williams. 148. “Handwritten Notes of a Meeting with National Security Advisor Clark,” 179. 149. Author telephone interview with Dam. 150. Dam, “Meeting with Prime Minister Maurice Bishop,” 1. 151. Author telephone interview with former Department of Defense official, October 10, 1994. 152. Dam, “Meeting with Prime Minister Maurice Bishop,” 1. 153. Ibid., 2. 154. Bernard Nossiter, “Grenada Premier Establishes ‘Some Sort’ of U.S. Rapport,” New York Times, June 10, 1983, A8. 155. Ibid. 156. Ibid. 157. Central Intelligence Agency, Memo, “Bishop Says U.S. Blocked International Aid,” Declassified Documents Catalog, document no. 002433, vol. 14 (September– October 1988), 1. 158. Author telephone interview with Dessima Williams. 159. Charles Hill, confidential memorandum to William Clark, The White House, “Subject: Grenada: Response to Bishop’s Remarks, Attachment: Talking Points for Ambassador Middendorf,” June 21, 1983, Department of State 8319071, 1. 160. Author telephone interview with Dessima Williams. 161. Schoenhals and Melanson, Revolution and Intervention in Grenada, 136. 162. Author telephone interview with Dessima Williams. 163. “Grenada Awaits the US Response,” Caribbean Insight 6 (July 1983): 1. 164. Liam James, “Report on Visit of Prime Minister to the USA,” The Grenada Documents Collection, Georgetown University Library, Special Collections, Box 3 Folder 43, “International Relations—United States of America,” 1. http://www.library. georgetown.edu/dept/speccoll/grenada.htm (accessed January 26, 2007). 165. Ibid., 5. 166. Ibid., 7. 167. Thorndike, Grenada, 141. 168. Ibid. 169. CIA Interagency Intelligence Assessment, “A First Look at the Mechanisms of Control,” 23. On the day that Bishop returned from Washington, Coard addressed the Caribbean People’s Alliance meeting in Grenada and accused the United States of “propaganda tactics, threats of possible military force, recruitment and training or mercenaries, and economic coercion.” Department of State, Bureau of Intelligence and Research, Assessments and Research, “Grenada: The Bishop Years, A Chronology,” Secret Report 721-AR, November 22, 1983, 14. 170. Milan Bish, confidential telegram to secretary of state, “Subject: Grenada: Bishop Calls U.S. Arrogant,” 0813502Z, June 8, 1983, Bridgetown 03195, 1. 171. “Press Statement by Mr. Maurice Bishop,” no. 005810, 2. Notes ● 217

172. Author telephone interview with Dessima Williams. 173. Author correspondence with Alphonso Sapia-Bosch, former National Security Council member, December 12, 1999. 174. Beck, The Grenada Invasion, 32.

Chapter 5 1. People’s Revolutionary Government Central Committee, “Extraordinary Meeting of the Central Committee NJM, 14–16 September, 1983,” document no. 112, in Grenada Documents: An Overview and Selection, ed. Michael Ledeen and Herbert Romerstein (Washington, D.C.: Department of State and the Department of Defense, 1984), 43. 2. There were never more than about 70 full members of the NJM as most of the 300 individuals were “candidate members” who were still receiving political education and lacked full voting rights. In a society of approximately 85,000 people “it con- firms that the party continued to repudiate easy populism and membership for its own sake, and that it adhered rigidly to the concept of a ‘vanguard organisation’.” Fitzroy Ambursley and James Dunkerley, Grenada: Whose Freedom? (London: Latin America Bureau, 1984), 58. 3. Brian Meeks, Caribbean Revolutions and Revolutionary Theory: An Assessment of Cuba, Nicaragua and Grenada (London: Macmillan, 1993), 173. 4. Jiri Valenta and Virginia Valenta, “Leninism in Grenada,” Problems of Communism 33 (July–August 1984): 16. 5. Anthony Payne, Paul Sutton, and Tony Thorndike, Grenada: Revolution and Intervention (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1984), 111. 6. Kai Schoenhals, “The Road to Fort Rupert: The Revolution’s Final Crisis,” paper presented at the conference on Democracy, Development and Collective Security in the Eastern Caribbean: The Lessons of Grenada, (The Caribbean Institute and Study Center for Latin America of Inter American University of Puerto Rico, San German, Puerto Rico, October 17–19, 1985), 1. 7. Jorge Heine, “The Hero and the Apparatchik: Charismatic Leadership, Political Management, and Crisis in Revolutionary Grenada,” in A Revolution Aborted: The Lessons of Grenada, ed. Jorge Heine (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1990), 241. 8. Manning Marable, African and Caribbean Politics: From Kwame Nkrumah to the Grenada Revolution (London: Verso, 1987), 225. 9. Heine, “The Hero and the Apparatchik,” 221. The Line of March speech can be found in The Grenada Papers, ed. Paul Seabury and Walter McDougall (San Francisco: ICS Press, 1984), 59–88. 10. Carl Feuer, “Was Bishop a Social Democrat?” Caribbean Review 12, no. 4 (Fall 1983): 39. 11. Heine, “The Hero and the Apparatchik,” 244. 12. Ibid., 238. 13. CIA Interagency Intelligence Report, “A First Look at the Mechanisms of Control,” A1. 14. Meeks, Caribbean Revolutions and Revolutionary Theory, 171. 15. People’s Revolutionary Government Central Committee, “Minutes of Extra- Ordinary Meeting of the Central Committee of NJM From Tuesday 12th–Friday 218 ● Notes

15th October, 1982,” document no. 105, in Grenada Documents: An Overview and Selection, ed. Michael Ledeen and Herbert Romerstein (Washington, D.C.: Department of State and the Department of Defense, 1984), 1. 16. Ibid., 3. 17. Ibid., 8. 18. Payne et al., Grenada, 106. 19. Ambursley and Dunkerley, Grenada, 55. 20. People’s Revolutionary Government Central Committee, “Central Committee Report on First Plenary Session, 13–19 July, 1983,” document no. 110, in Grenada Documents: An Overview and Selection, ed. Michael Ledeen and Herbert Romerstein (Washington, D.C.: Department of State and the Department of Defense, 1984), 1. 21. Ibid., 1. 22. Ibid. 23. People’s Revolutionary Government Central Committee, “Minutes of Emergency Meeting of N.J.M. Central Committee Dated 26th August, 1983,” document no. 111, in Grenada Documents: An Overview and Selection, ed. Michael Ledeen and Herbert Romerstein (Washington, D.C.: Department of State and the Department of Defense, 1984), 4. 24. Ibid., 3. 25. Ibid., 6. 26. People’s Revolutionary Government Central Committee, “Extraordinary Meeting of the Central Committee,” document no. 112, 3. 27. Ibid., 4. 28. Ibid., 14. 29. Ibid., 16. 30. Ibid., 19. 31. Ibid., 21. 32. Meeks, Caribbean Revolutions and Revolutionary Theory, 175. 33. People’s Revolutionary Government Central Committee, “Extraordinary Meeting of the Central Committee,” in Grenada Documents, ed. Ledeen and Romerstein, document no. 112, 29. 34. Ibid., 43. 35. Tony Thorndike, Grenada: Politics, Economics and Society (London: Frances Pinter, 1985), 151. 36. People’s Revolutionary Government Central Committee, “Extra-Ordinary General Meeting of Full Members, September 25th, 1983,” document no. 113, in Grenada Documents: An Overview and Selection, ed. Michael Ledeen and Herbert Romerstein (Washington, D.C.: Department of State and the Department of Defense, 1984), 10. 37. Ibid., 14. 38. Thorndike, Grenada, 152. 39. Grenada Foundation, An Interview with George Louison and Kendrick Radix (New York: Grenada Foundation, 1984), 25. 40. George Brizan, Grenada: Island of Conflict (London: Macmillan, 1998), 434. 41. Payne et al., Grenada, 128. 42. John Walton Cotman, The Gorrion Tree: Cuba and the Grenada Revolution (New York: Peter Lang, 1993), 211. 43. Fidel Castro, “Nothing Can Stop the Course of History,” quoted in John Walton Cotman, “Cuba and the Grenada Revolution: The Impact and Limits of Cuban Notes ● 219

International Aid Programs,” 2 vols. (PhD diss., Boston University Graduate School, 1992), 501. 44. Payne et al., Grenada, 129. 45. Louison quoted in Steve Clark, “The Second Assassination of Maurice Bishop,” New International: A Magazine of Marxist Politics and Theory 6 (1987): 50. 46. Payne et al., Grenada, 129. 47. Ambursley and Dunkerley, Grenada, 71. 48. In December 1979, during the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, Soviet troops assas- sinated the president and installed their favored replacement. 49. Selwyn Strachan, “Report on the Meeting of the PB [Political Bureau] and CC [Central Committee] held on Oct. 12th given by Cde. Strachan,” in The Grenada Papers, ed. Paul Seabury and Walter McDougall (San Francisco: ICS Press, 1984), 317. 50. US Department of State and Department of Defense. Grenada: A Preliminary Report (Washington D.C.: Department of State and Department of Defense, 1983), 34. 51. Author interview with Vincent Roberts, former head of CID, Grenadian Police, June 21, 2006. Roberts led the investigation into the rumor. 52. Michael Als, “Press Statement Presented by Michael Als on Mediation of the Crisis in the NJM,” 8. The Grenada Revolution Online, http://www.thegrenadarevolutiononline.com/mediation.html (accessed January 26, 2007). Several militia units loyal to Bishop began to mobilize and arm themselves. 53. Kai Schoenhals and Richard Melanson, Revolution and Intervention in Grenada: The New Jewel Movement, the United States and the Caribbean (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1985), 73. 54. There were also reports of unrest in other parishes and steps were taken to remove militia weapons and strengthen PRA units. Gregory Sandford, The New Jewel Movement: Grenada’s Revolution (Washington, D.C.: Foreign Service Institute, 1985), 179. 55. RFG usually went off the air at midnight so it is unclear how many people would have heard the broadcast. 56. Marable, African and Caribbean Politics, 258. 57. “Resolution of People’s Revolutionary Armed Forces Branch of the New Jewel Movement,” The Grenada Revolution Online, http://www.thegrenadarevolutiononline.com/praresolution.html (January 29, 2007). 58. Beck, The Grenada Invasion, 14. 59. Vincent Noel, “Letter from Noel to Central Committee, October 17, 1983,” The Grenada Revolution Online, http://www.thegrenadarevolutiononline.com/noelletter. html (accessed January 29, 2007). 60. Clark, “The Second Assassination of Maurice Bishop,” 55. 61. Beck, The Grenada Invasion, 116. 62. Constantine Menges, Inside the National Security Council: The True Story of the Making and Unmaking of Reagan’s Foreign Policy (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1988), 60. 63. Ibid. Menges’s forwardness might be partly explained by the fact that a week earlier, on October 4, he had secured presidential approval for a review of Eastern Caribbean regional security policy with National Security Decision Directive (NSDD) 105. Christopher Simpson, National Security Directives of the Reagan and Bush Administrations: The Declassified History of U.S. Political and Military Policy, 1981–1991 (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1995), 333. 220 ● Notes

64. The RIG was an offshoot of the five Inter-Agency Groups (IGs) that existed to handle each of the main regions of the world. IGs commonly had about 20 members; representatives from the Departments of Agriculture, Commerce, the Treasury, and so on. Motley was in charge of the IG for Latin America. He created the RIG so that only the key actors—the secretary of state, JCS, CIA, and NSC—would be involved. The RIG reported to the National Security Planning Group. 65. Author interview with Langhorne Motley, former assistant secretary of state for Inter-American Affairs, August 25, 1994. Motley also contacted a JCS representative to advise that it might be necessary to plan on short notice a military operation in support of an evacuation. Ronald Cole, Operation Urgent Fury: The Planning and Execution of Joint Operations in Grenada 12 October–2 November 1983 (Washington, D.C.: Joint History Office, Office of the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, 1997), http://www.dtic.mil/doctrine/jel/history/urgfury.pdf (accessed January 29, 2007), 11. 66. Kelly had first reported rumors of Bishop’s house arrest and the danger to his life on Tuesday, October 11. He remained in contact with the high commission in Barbados throughout the crisis via the telephone and VHF radio. Author correspondence with John Kelly, former British representative in Grenada, British High Commission, Barbados, December 21, 1995. 67. Milan Bish, former US ambassador to Barbados, private papers. 68. Ibid. 69. Tom Adams, “Full Text of Speech by the Prime Minister of Barbados the Hon. Mr. Tom Adams Explaining His Reasons for Taking Part in the Invasion of Grenada,” in Documents on the Invasion of Grenada, Caribbean Monthly Bulletin, Supplement no. 1 (October 1983): 35. 70. Janet Higbie, Eugenia: The Caribbean’s Iron Lady (London: Macmillan, 1993), 223. 71. Adams, “Full Text of Speech by the Prime Minister of Barbados,” 35. 72. Author interview with Ludlow Flower, former deputy chief of mission, US Embassy, Barbados, October 27, 1994. 73. Author interview with Motley. 74. Stephen Edward Flynn, “Grenada as a ‘Reactive’ and a ‘Proactive’ Crisis: New Models of Crisis Decisionmaking” (PhD diss., Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University), 1991, 106. 75. John Quigley, “The United States Invasion of Grenada: Stranger Than Fiction,” The University of Miami Inter-American Law Review 18, no. 4 (Winter 1986–1987): 338. 76. Marable, African and Caribbean Politics, 259. This announcement directly contra- dicted the broadcast of a mere 30 minutes before. 77. Beck, The Grenada Invasion, 96. One of the authors of the plan, Major Mark Adkin, reveals that the rescue operation “assumed a hostile reception and was based on a surprise coup de main operation. The first phase would occur during darkness, with the troops arriving by helicopter. Key targets were Bishop’s house, the governor- general’s residence, Pearls and Salines airfields, the radio station, and a series of blocking or ambush positions to the north and south of St. George’s.” Mark Adkin, Urgent Fury: The Battle for Grenada (London: Leo Cooper, 1989), 92. 78. Author interview with Milan Bish, former US ambassador to Barbados, September 21, 1994. Notes ● 221

79. Author interview with Flower. 80. Payne et al., Grenada, 132. 81. Clark, “The Second Assassination of Maurice Bishop,” 59. Radix had resigned his post on October 13. 82. Bish’s private papers. 83. Schoenhals and Melanson, Revolution and Intervention in Grenada, 75. 84. Milan Bish, confidential telegram to secretary of state, “Subject: Grenada Current Situation,” undated, 1. 85. Milan Bish, confidential telegram to secretary of state, “Subject: Grenada Unrest: Political Solution Talks Apparently Going On: Military Divided Between Coard and Bishop,” 151602Z, October 15, 1983, Bridgetown 06249, 1. 86. Ibid. 87. Bish, “Subject: Grenada Current Situation,” 1. 88. Bish’s private papers. 89. John Ventour, “October 1983: The Missing Link,” in The Grenada Truth and Reconciliation Commission Report on Certain Political Events which Occurred in Grenada 1976–1991, vol. 2 (St. George’s, Grenada: Government Printery, 2006), Appendix 14, 22. Ventour was a trade union leader and later a member of the Political Bureau. 90. Fidel Castro, “Letter from Castro to Central Committee 10/15/83,” in The Grenada Papers, ed. Paul Seabury and Walter McDougall (San Francisco: ICS Press, 1984), 327. 91. Ibid., 328. 92. Bernard Diederich, “Interviewing George Louison: A PRG Minister Discusses the Killings,” Caribbean Review 12 (December 1984): 17. 93. Marable, African and Caribbean Politics, 259. 94. Hudson Austin, “Statement Broadcast by General Hudson Austin on Behalf of the Political Bureau and the Central Committee of the New Jewel Movement, 16th October 1983, at approximately 12:04 p.m., on Radio Free Grenada,” in Documents on the Invasion of Grenada, Caribbean Monthly Bulletin, Supplement no. 1 (October 1983): 5. 95. Ibid., 9. 96. Milan Bish, confidential telegram to the secretary of state, “Subject: Grenada: Army Plumps for Coard, but Bishop Not Yet Out. Where Do We Go from Here?” 162225Z, October 16, 1983, Bridgetown 06265, 3. 97. Ibid., 5. 98. Ralph Kinney Bennett, “Grenada: Anatomy of a ‘Go’ Decision,” Reader’s Digest, February 1984, 72. 99. Author interview with Motley. George Shultz, Turmoil and Triumph: My Years as Secretary of State (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1993), 328. 100. Beck, The Grenada Invasion, 98. 101. Don Oberdorfer, “Reagan Sought to End Cuban ‘Intervention,’” Washington Post, November 6, 1983, A21. 102. Author interview with Bish. 103. Bish’s private papers. 104. Ibid. 105. Larry Speakes, “Press Briefing by Larry Speakes, 9.21 A.M., October 17, 1983,” The White House: Office of the Press Secretary (WHOPS), no. 876 /10-17, Box 33, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library, 1. 222 ● Notes

106. Flohr was an experienced CIA case officer. Duane Clarridge, with Digby Diehl, A Spy For All Seasons: My Life in the CIA (New York: Scribner, 1997), 247–260. On Monday, October 17, two Barbadian military personnel, Alvin Quintyne and Marita Browne, visited Grenada under cover to assess the situation. They returned the next day. Adkin, Urgent Fury, 92. 107. US Department of State, Langhorne Motley, “The Decision to Assist Grenada,” Department of State Bulletin 84 (March 1984): 70. 108. The OECS was established in 1981 and consisted of Antigua and Barbuda, Dominica, Grenada, Montserrat, St. Kitts-Nevis, St. Lucia, and St. Vincent and the Grenadines. 109. Diederich, “Interviewing George Louison,” 17. 110. Hugh O’Shaughnessy, Grenada: Revolution, Invasion and Aftermath (London: Sphere Books, 1984), 129. 111. Ibid., 130. 112. Menges, Inside the National Security Council, 64. 113. Ibid., 65. 114. Shultz, Turmoil and Triumph, 326. 115. Ibid. 116. The Naval Task Force included the Navy’s Amphibious Squadron Four and the 22nd Marine Amphibious Unit (22d MAU). Ronald Spector, U.S. Marines in Grenada (Washington, D.C.: History and Museums Division Headquarters, US Marine Corps, 1984), 1. At the same time the USS Independent left the naval base at Hampton Roads, Virginia. Bennett, “Grenada,” 73. 117. Adkin, Urgent Fury, 117. 118. Bish’s private papers. 119. Motley, “The Decision to Assist Grenada,” 71. 120. Ibid. 121. US Embassy London, confidential telegram to secretary of state, “Subject: Grenada: [excised] Bishop’s ‘Slow Toppling’,” 181511Z, October 18, 1983, London 22273, 2. 122. Ibid. 123. Als, “Press Statement Presented by Michael Als,” 8. 124. Diederich, “Interviewing George Louison,” 18. 125. Milan Bish, confidential telegram to secretary of state, “Subject: Grenada Update: Cabinet Members Resign. Foreign Minister Criticizes Coard,” 191905Z, October 19, 1983, Bridgetown 06372, 1. 126. Marable, African and Caribbean Politics, 259. 127. Author correspondence with Kenneth Kurze, former counselor for political and economic affairs, US Embassy, Barbados, August 20, 1995. 128. Adams had apparently heard rumors a few weeks before that there was a serious threat to the prisoners’ lives. In a conversation with St. Vincent’s prime minister Milton Cato, Cato had questioned the propriety of rescuing Bishop while ignoring “many other political prisoners in Grenada, put there by Bishop’s government.” Patrick Tyler, “The Making of an Invasion: Chronology of the Planning,” Washington Post, October 30, 1983, A14. 129. Bish’s private papers. 130. Ibid. 131. Ibid. Adams was willing to offer Bishop asylum as well and had in fact done so previously. 132. Ibid. Notes ● 223

133. Ibid. 134. Ibid. 135. Adams, “Full Text of Speech by the Prime Minister of Barbados,” 36. 136. Interview with George Louison, former People’s Revolutionary Government minister, by Hugh O’Shaughnessy, undated transcript, 22. 137. Cotman, The Gorrion Tree, 216. 138. Thorndike, Grenada, 159. 139. Adkin, Urgent Fury, 51. 140. Thorndike, Grenada, 159. Creft was detained with Bishop when she visited him. 141. Adkin, Urgent Fury, 53. 142. Ibid., 55. 143. Ibid., 56. 144. Ibid., 57. 145. Ibid., 58. 146. Ibid. 147. Cotman, The Gorrion Tree, 216. 148. Ibid. It is uncertain what the offer contained. In a 1985 interview, Castro insisted that “I would never, under any circumstances, have authorized the Cuban personnel to have become involved. Of that you can be sure. Our answer would have been ‘no.’ But there wasn’t even time to answer. There was no need to answer.” Cotman, The Gorrion Tree, 217. 149. Ventour, “October 1983,” 19. 150. Adkin, Urgent Fury, 60. 151. Ibid. “Manners” is a colloquial Grenadian term for discipline or punishment. 152. Thorndike, Grenada, 160. 153. Adkin, Urgent Fury, 61. In 1996, Coard, imprisoned for life, confirmed that “on that fateful day, some of us were destined to die. If things had unfolded differently . . . there is no doubt in our minds that some or all of us now in prison would have been killed.” Bernard Coard and Colleagues, “Reflections and Apologies by Bernard Coard and His Colleagues,” The Grenada 17, http://www.grenada17. cwc.net/ (accessed January 29, 2007). Also published in the Grenadian Voice, February 1997, 2. 154. Thorndike, Grenada, 161. 155. Adkin, Urgent Fury, 61. Thorndike says that the alleged plan was to “take Fort Rupert with the minimum of force and to storm the communications building and, if possible, capture Bishop and his allies.” Thorndike, Grenada, 161. 156. Gordon Lewis, Grenada: The Jewel Despoiled (Baltimore, NJ: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1987), 57. 157. Thorndike, Grenada, 161. 158. Ibid., 162. Adkin says Redhead, Abdullah, and Stroude actually went to Fort Frederick to report to Coard who was not pleased. The Coards, Austin, Layne, James, Strachan, Cornwall, Ventour, McBarnette, Bartholemew, and St. Bernard then voted unanimously to execute the eight detainees. This chronology places the executions at 2:00 p.m. Adkin, Urgent Fury, 74. 159. Adkin, Urgent Fury, 76. 160. Ibid., 77. Although the PRG was disbanded and the cabinet dismissed, the 16- member RMC contained five former ministers. It was headed by Austin, with James and Layne as joint vice-chairmen. Cotman, The Gorrion Tree, 209. In reality the RMC was just a list of names and never formally met. 224 ● Notes

161. Coard had kept a low profile since resigning on Friday, October 14, and after the massacre the CIA was uncertain if he was still alive. CIA Memo, “Grenada Chronology, 7–25 October,” document no. 002449, Declassified Documents Catalog 14 (September–October 1988), 3. 162. Austin had led the March 1979 attack on the True Blue barracks and was appointed head of the PRA in 1981. Timothy O’Leary and Denise Cabrera, “Austin had close ties to Grenada’s Bishop,” Washington Times, October 21, 1983, A12. 163. O’Shaughnessy, Grenada, 139. 164. Ibid. 165. Hudson Austin, “Statement by General Hudson Austin on Behalf of the Revolutionary Military Council, Monitored on Radio Free Grenada, 10:00 P.M. October 19, 1983,” in Documents on the Invasion of Grenada, Caribbean Monthly Bulletin Supplement, no. 1 (October 1983): 11–12. 166. Ibid., 12. 167. Lewis, Grenada, 62. 168. Milan Bish, confidential telegram to secretary of state, “Subject: Grenada Update: Bishop Re-arrested,” 192034Z, October 19, 1983, Bridgetown 06380, 1. 169. Bish’s private papers. 170. Milan Bish, secret telegram to secretary of state, “Subject: Planning for Possible Emergency Evacuation of Amcits—Grenada,” 192356Z, October 19, 1983, Bridgetown 06387, 1. 171. Author interview with Bish. 172. Ibid. Regional radio had reported Manley’s call for “some kind of intervention.” Bish’s private papers. 173. Whilst in Jamaica, Gillespie heard of the massacre at Fort Rupert on a car radio. Author interview with Charles Gillespie, former deputy assistant secretary of state for Inter-American Affairs, November 27, 1995. Motley had suggested Gillespie be sent to the embassy to help Bish and Flower. Beck, The Grenada Invasion, 102. When the United States established an embassy in Grenada shortly after the intervention, Gillespie became the first ambassador there. 174. In a meeting with former Prime Minister Michael Manley, an ally of Grenada when in power, he told them that “I’m really worried. I think that Maurice Bishop is an honest and good man . . . However, there are people around him who are not good, who are bad, and who have really totalitarian ideas. I’m concerned about that, and we’ll have to watch that situation very carefully because, if the situation moves in that direction, for any reason, then we will have to take some action. We will not be able to abide that.” Charles Gillespie, interview with Charles Stuart Kennedy, September 19, 1995, Frontline Diplomacy, Manuscript Division Library of Congress, Washington, D.C., http://memory.loc.gov/ammem/collections/diplomacy/ (accessed March 17, 2007). 175. Author interview with Gillespie. 176. Author interview with Bish. 177. Author interview with Motley. 178. Cole, Operation Urgent Fury, 13. 179. Menges, Inside the National Security Council, 66. 180. The JCS emphasized that intelligence on Grenada was limited, human intelligence practically nonexistent, and intelligence on the Cuban presence inconsistent. They argued that the heavily overworked logistics system would be an impediment to anything more than a limited military operation. Donn-Erik Marshall, “Urgent Notes ● 225

Fury: The U.S. Military Intervention in Grenada” (MA diss., University of Virginia, 1989), 23. 181. James Herbet Anderson, “National Decisionmaking and Quick-Strike Interventions during the 1980s’: A Comparative Analysis of Operations Urgent Fury, El Dorado Canyon and Just Cause” (PhD diss., Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, 1993), 76. 182. Marshall, “Urgent Fury,” 32. 183. Oberdorfer, “Reagan Sought to End Cuban ‘Intervention,’”A12. 184. In late September 1983 the minister of tourism Lyden Ramdhanny was sent on an emergency trip to Libya to ask the government for $5 million to help complete the airport. Author interview with Lyden Ramdhanny, former People’s Revolutionary Government minister, June 22, 2006. The Grenada Revolution Online, http://www.thegrenadarevolutiononline.com/gaddafiletter.html (accessed January 29, 2007). 185. “Central Committee Report on First Plenary Session, 13–19 July, 1983,” 1. 186. Valenta and Valenta, “Leninism in Grenada,”16. 187. CIA Interagency Intelligence Report, “A First Look at the Mechanisms of Control,” A-3. 188. Meeks, Caribbean Revolutions and Revolutionary Theory, 178. 189. Ambursley and Dunkerley, Grenada, 73. 190. Ibid., 74. 191. Richard Hart, “Introduction,” in In Nobody’s Backyard: Maurice Bishop’s Speeches: 1979–1983 A Memorial Volume, ed Chris Searle (London: Zed Books, 1984), xxxvii. 192. Kenneth Dam, “Statement of Hon. Kenneth W. Dam, Deputy Secretary of State,” US Congress, Senate, Committee on Foreign Relations, The Situation in Grenada (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1983), 4. 193. Motley, “The Decision to Assist Grenada,” 70. 194. In the post-Vietnam era military caution has become a familiar trend, “the view of military leaders as aggressive and influential presidential advisers on the use of force has been more the premise of political debate than the conclusion of rigorous analysis.” David Petraeus, “Military Influence and the Post-Vietnam Use of Force,” Armed Forces and Society 15 (1989): 490. 195. Author interview with Motley.

Chapter 6 1. Jay Mallin, “Army Controls Grenada; Caricom Nations Shocked,” Washington Times, October 21, 1983, 5. At a morning White House press briefing, White House principle deputy Press Secretary Larry Speakes reported that “we’ve seen nothing to indicate that they were having particular problems.” “Press Briefing by Larry Speakes, 9:17 A.M., October 21, 1983,” no. 882-10/21, Container 33, The White House: Office of the Press Secretary (WHOPS), Ronald Reagan Presidential Library, 4. 2. US Department of State, Langhorne Motley, “The Decision to Assist Grenada,” Department of State Bulletin 84 (March 1984): 71. 3. In attendance were State Department representatives Tony Motley, Craig Johnstone, and Lawrence Eagleburger; NSC staffers Oliver North and Constantine Menges; Defense Department officials Nestor Sanchez and Fred Iklé; CIA officials John McMahon and Duane Clarridge; and US ambassador to the OAS William 226 ● Notes

Middendorf. The CPPG was formed in 1982 and served essentially the same purpose as the older Special Situations Group but apart from cabinet members it included deputy cabinet officers and their subordinates. 4. Author interview with Lawrence Rossin, Foreign Service officer, October 28, 1994. 5. “Background Briefing by Senior Administration Officials on U.S. Military Involvement in Grenada, 9:38 A.M.,” October 25, 1983, no. 890-10/25, Container 34, WHOPS, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library, 14. 6. Author interview with Craig Johnstone, former deputy assistant secretary of state for Inter-American Affairs, September 1, 1994. 7. Cole Blasier, The Hovering Giant: U.S. Responses to Revolutionary Change in Latin America, rev. ed. (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1985), 15, 19. 8. Author interview with Johnstone. 9. Ibid. 10. Constantine Menges, Inside the National Security Council: The True Story of the Making and Unmaking of Reagan’s Foreign Policy (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1988), 69. 11. Ibid. 12. Ibid. 13. US Information Agency, Grenada: Background and Facts (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1983), 4. 14. Hugh O’Shaughnessy, Grenada: Revolution, Invasion and Aftermath (London: Sphere Books, 1984), 147. 15. Ibid. 16. Tom Adams, “Full Text of Speech by the Prime Minister of Barbados the Hon. Mr. Tom Adams Explaining His Reasons for Taking Part in the Invasion of Grenada,” in Documents on the Invasion of Grenada, Caribbean Monthly Bulletin Supplement, no. 1 (October 1983): 36. 17. US Information Agency, Grenada: Background and Facts, 4. 18. Author interview with Charles Gillespie, former deputy assistant secretary of state for Inter-American Affairs, November 27, 1995. 19. Ibid. 20. Ibid. 21. Milan Bish, secret telegram to secretary of state, “Subject: Grenada: St. Lucian Prime Minister’s Scenario,” 210058Z, October 21, 1983, Bridgetown 06451, 3. 22. Ibid. 23. Ibid. 24. Ibid. 25. Ibid., 4. 26. Ibid. 27. F. A. Hoyos, Tom Adams: A Biography (London: Macmillan, 1988), 115. 28. Ibid. 29. Mark Adkin, Urgent Fury: The Battle for Grenada (London: Leo Cooper, 1989), 97. 30. Private papers of Milan Bish, the former and now late US ambassador to Barbados. 31. Ibid. The embassy had earlier come to a similar conclusion: “We might expect there to be further aligning of views and agreement on possible action plans when first meeting of EC leaders takes place on October 21. Whether that could remain intact in CARICOM is [a] tough question.” Bish, “Subject: Grenada: St. Lucian Prime Minister’s Scenario,” 4. Notes ● 227

32. Milan Bish, US embassy Bridgetown, Barbados, secret telegram to secretary of state, “Subject: Barbadian PM Tom Adams Pleas for U.S. Intervention in Grenada: Believes Leadership of the Region Would Strongly Support and fully Associate with U.S.,” 201954Z, October 20, 1983, Bridgetown 06430, 2. 33. Bish, “Subject: Grenada: St. Lucian Prime Minister’s Scenario,” 4. 34. Ibid. 35. Adkin, Urgent Fury, 98. 36. Bish’s private papers. 37. Ibid. 38. Ashley Hewitt, secret telegram to secretary of state, “Subject: Jamaica Considers Participation in Multilateral Force to Secure Grenada,” 210133Z, October 21, 1983, Kingston 10314, 1. 39. Ibid., 2. 40. Gregory Sandford and Richard Vigilante, Grenada: The Untold Story (New York: Madison Books, 1984), 3. 41. Author correspondence with Joe Knockaert, Canadian International Development Agency official, May 24, 2000. Knockaert was based in Barbados but visiting Grenada at the time. 42. Anthony Payne, Paul Sutton, and Tony Thorndike, Grenada: Revolution and Intervention (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1984), 137. 43. Christopher Stroude. “Statement Issued by Major Christopher Stroude, Member of the Grenadian Revolutionary Military Council on October 20, 1983,” in Documents on the Invasion of Grenada, Caribbean Monthly Bulletin Supplement, no. 1 (October 1983): 14. 44. Ibid. 45. Robert Pastor, “The Invasion of Grenada: A Pre- and Post-Mortem,” in The Caribbean after Grenada: Conflict and Democracy, ed. Scott MacDonald, Harald Sandstrom, and Paul Goodwin (New York: Praeger, 1988), 94. Clarke conveyed this message to other regional statesmen. 46. Payne et al., Grenada, 142. 47. Cuban Party, “Statement by the Cuban Party and Revolutionary Government on the Events in Grenada,” in Statements by CUBA on the Events in GRENADA, ed. Nora Madan (La Habana, Cuba: Editora Politica, 1983), 42. 48. Ibid., 43. 49. Adkin, Urgent Fury, 91. RMC efforts to coordinate defences were likewise rejected; Ambassador Rizo indicated that Cuban personnel would remain at the airport site and if the RMC soldiers crossed the perimeter or tried to coordinate defences then the Cubans would be evacuated by boat. John Walton Cotman, “Cuba and the Grenada Revolution: The Impact and Limits of Cuban International Aid Programs,” 2 vols. (PhD diss., Boston University Graduate School, 1992), 516. 50. Cuban Party, “Statement by the Cuban Party,” 43. 51. Jonathan Kwitny, Endless Enemies: The Making of an Unfriendly World (New York: Congdon & Weed, 1984), 412. Bourne told them the True Blue campus only had water for one night and within a couple of hours water trucks were sent there. 52. Author interview with John Kelly, former British representative in Grenada, British High Commision, Barbados, February 16, 1995. The curfew was lifted between 10:00 a.m. and 2:00 p.m. on Friday, October 21. Kelly met with some of the Grenadian military that day to discuss the curfew and the possibility of people leaving. 228 ● Notes

53. “Statement of Geoffrey Bourne, M.D., Vice Chancellor, St. George’s University School of Medicine, Grenada, West Indies,” US Congress, U.S. Military Actions in Grenada, 188. 54. Mitchell Leventhal, “Entrepreneurship and Nation Building: Proprietary Medical Schools and Development in the Caribbean, 1976–1990” (PhD diss., University of Chicago, 1995), 290. 55. “Statement by Geoffrey Bourne,” U.S. Military Actions in Grenada, 191. 56. Peter Bourne, “Was Intervention Necessary?” Los Angeles Times, November 6, 1983, section 4, 1. 57. Leventhal, “Entrepreneurship and Nation Building,” 290. 58. “Operation Urgent Fury,” Transcript no. 602, PBS Frontline (New York: Journal Graphics, 1988), 13. For a detailed study of the history of SGU see Leventhal, “Entrepreneurship and Nation Building.” 59. US Congress, House of Representatives, “U.S. House of Representatives Fact Finding Mission: The Grenada Diary of Congressman Louis Stokes,” Documents on the Invasion, 103. 60. Bish’s private papers. 61. Ibid. When Modica inquired if he should have SGU officials talk to the RMC about moving off-campus students on to university campuses, Ambassador Bish suggested that such measures might be premature and should be put on hold for the moment. Bish, secret telegram to secretary of state, “Subject: Grenada: Attitudes of the Grenada Medical School Toward Possible Evacuation of Their Students/Staff,” 200739Z, October 20, 1983, Bridgetown 06392, 4. 62. Bish, “Subject: Grenada: Attitudes of the Grenada Medical School,” 3. 63. Ibid., 4. 64. Ibid. 65. Payne et al., Grenada, 139. 66. Author interview with Kelly. 67. The SSG was a crisis management group that was chaired by the vice president and included the secretary of state, secretary of defense, heads of the CIA, and the JCS. 68. The meeting was chaired by Bush and also attended by McFarlane, North, Menges, Weinberger, Vessey, Iklé, McMahon, Eagleburger, Middendorf, and Meese. Shultz and Motley arrived about 5:15 p.m. after testifying at Congress. 69. Author telephone interview with a Foreign Service officer, January 31, 1995. 70. Caspar Weinberger, Fighting for Peace: Seven Critical Years at the Pentagon (London: Michael Joseph, 1990), 74. 71. Thomas Carothers, In the Name of Democracy: U.S. Policy toward Latin America in the Reagan Years (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), 114. 72. “Statement of Hon. Kenneth W. Dam, Deputy Secretary of State,” US Congress, Senate, The Situation in Grenada, 4. 73. “Operation Urgent Fury,” Frontline, 11. 74. Admiral McDonald’s staff had assumed the required forces would be available, no hostile country would intervene, and any evacuation would take place near Point Salines. Of the six options, two were under friendly conditions, three under hostile conditions, and the final one a “show of force” action. Adkin, Urgent Fury, 117–118. 75. Blasier, The Hovering Giant, 16. 76. Ibid., 2. Notes ● 229

77. Menges had prepared a one-page overview of “genuine democrats who could establish an interim government leading to fair and free elections.” Menges, Inside the National Security Council, 72. 78. Donn-Erik Marshall, “Urgent Fury: The U.S. Military Intervention in Grenada” (MA diss., University of Virginia, 1989). 24. Shultz and Motley were both propo- nents of the “diplomacy not backed by strength is ineffectual” school. As Shultz explained in his memoirs: “The use of force, and the credible threat of the use of force, are legitimate instruments of national policy and should be viewed as such . . . The use of force obviously should not be taken lightly, but better to use force when you should rather than when you must; last means no other, and by that time the level of force and the risk involved may have multiplied many times over.” George Shultz, Turmoil and Triumph: My Years as Secretary of State (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1993), 345. 79. US Congress, House of Representatives, Committee on Armed Services, Lessons Learned as a Result of the U.S. Military Operations in Grenada, 98th Congress, 2nd Session (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1984), 19. 80. Apparently some participants were astonished that no contingency plan existed and that the most recent aerial photos were five months old. Ralph Kinney Bennett, “Grenada: Anatomy of a ‘Go’ Decision,” Reader’s Digest, February 1984, 72. 81. The plan was to move as quickly as possible to secure Point Salines, Pearls, the medical school campuses, Scoon, and political prisoners. The Marines would land in the northeast near Pearls and the Rangers in the southeast at Point Salines and then link up and move north and west to rescue the students and work with the Special Forces to rescue Scoon and the political prisoners at Richmond Hill and capture Radio Free Grenada. Weinberger, Fighting for Peace, 76. 82. Motley, “The Decision to Assist Grenada,” 70. 83. Shultz, Turmoil and Triumph, 327. Admiral McDonald later explained that the diversion was designed to “provide that type of alertness and responsiveness to protect our citizens and to provide potential for evacuating those citizens in a peaceful environment.” US Congress, Senate, Committee on Armed Services, Organization, Structure, and Decisionmaking Procedures of the Department of Defense, Part 7 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1983), 285. 84. Duane Clarridge, with Digby Diehl, A Spy for All Seasons: My Life in the CIA (New York: Scribner, 1997), 250. 85. Menges, Inside the National Security Council, 72. 86. Author interview with William Middendorf, former US ambassador to the Organization of American States, August 17, 1994. Grenada had little support in Latin America. A resolution condemning intervention could not be introduced by Grenada because its representative, Dessima Williams, was absent. 87. By one official’s estimation, until the last day or so before intervention when the number of people who knew about the operation had to be expanded, only about 25 people in Washington knew what was going on. Author interview with Roger Fontaine, former National Security Council Latin American director, July 15, 1994. 88. Menges, Inside the National Security Council, 73. NSDDs differ from other presidential orders in that they do not have to be disclosed to any other branch of government, notably Congress; President Reagan issued over 200 NSDDs during his presidency. Eve Pell, “The Backbone of Hidden Government,” Nation, June 19, 1989, 838. 230 ● Notes

89. Bennett, “Grenada,” 74. The NSDD read in part: “All prudent measures should be taken to protect the lives and safety of American citizens on Grenada, should the situation so require. The United States should also be prepared to participate in a multi-lateral effort to restore order on Grenada and prevent further Cuban/Soviet intervention/involvement on the island.” Federation of American Scientists, http://www.fas.org/irp/offdocs/nsdd/nsdd-110.htm (accessed March 5, 2007). 90. Ronald Spector, U.S. Marines in Grenada (Washington, D.C.: History and Museums Division Headquarters, US Marine Corps, 1984), 2. 91. Blasier, The Hovering Giant, 18. 92. Robert Beck, The Grenada Invasion: Politics, Law, and Foreign Policy Decisionmaking (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1993), 107. 93. Menges, Inside the National Security Council, 74. 94. Bish’s private papers. Gibbs had been in Grenada since 1980, working as a teacher, and was sympathetic to the PRG’s ideology. After the intervention she was invited to leave as she was on a list of “those people who present[ed] a threat to the country.” “U.S. House of Representatives: Critics of American Invasion Detained—U.S. Troops Act on Request of Grenada’s Governor General,” Documents on the Invasion, 106. 95. Bish’s private papers. 96. Adams, “Full Text of Speech by the Prime Minister of Barbados,” 37. 97. Bullard had been keeping Adams in touch with developments on Grenada through his contacts. Hoyos, Tom Adams, 114. 98. Bish’s private papers. 99. Milan Bish, secret telegram to secretary of state, “Subject: Approach to Adams Re Grenada: Approach to Others Tomorrow,” 220057Z, October 22, 1983, Bridgetown 06505, 1. 100. Pastor, “The Invasion of Grenada,” 93. 101. John Walton Cotman, The Gorrion Tree: Cuba and the Grenada Revolution (New York: Peter Lang, 1993), 219. 102. Ibid. 103. Patrick Tyler, “The Making of an Invasion: Chronology of the Planning,” Washington Post, October 30, 1983, A14. 104. Pastor, “The Invasion of Grenada,” 93. When asked about the offer on Saturday, October 22, Cato simply replied, “I have no meeting with General Austin.” Tyler, “The Making of an Invasion,” A14. In fact London showed the greatest interest in the possibility of using Cato as an intermediary. The FCO cabled High Commissioner Bullard in Barbados asking for comments: “Do you think there would be anything to be gained by attempting or inspiring an attempt to promote negotiation about the restoration of constitutional government in Grenada? Is it in your view possible that Hudson Austin or Coard would entertain an approach of this kind? . . . This is only a most tentative idea. We have it in mind that those in control of Grenada must now be able to see dangers of the kind of intervention which would at least threaten their own position.” Geoffrey Howe confidential telegram to British High Commission, Barbados, “Grenada,” 221815Z, October 22, 1983, London 295. Bullard’s response was negative. 105. Bish’s private papers. 106. Intelligence reports offered two interpretations: “valid assurances, or a move to make it easier to hold the students hostage.” CIA Memo, “Grenada Chronology 7–25 October 1983,” Document no. 002449. Declassified Documents Catalog IV, no. 5 (1988): 2. 107. George Skelton and David Wood, “U.S. to Post Task Force Off Grenada,” Los Angeles Times, October 22, 1983, section 1, 3. Notes ● 231

108. Author interview with Kelly. There were about 200 Britons on Grenada but Kelly was approached by other nationalities as well as many Grenadians who had worked with the PRG. 109. Milan Bish, secret telegram to secretary of state, “Subject: Grenada: Welfare/ Whereabouts of St.George’s Medical School Students,” 212328Z, October 21, 1983, Bridgetown 06503, 1. 110. Ibid. 111. Author interview with Johnstone. 112. Beck, The Grenada Invasion, 91. 113. Menges, Inside the National Security Council, 75. The Caribbean nations would have been surprised if the United States had not helped considering their proximity, the plan to rescue Bishop and the general good relations they had with the Eastern Caribbean. Author interview with Joseph Edmunds, former St. Lucian ambassador to the United States, August 2, 1994. 114. Menges, Inside the National Security Council, 76. 115. Reagan, Shultz, McFarlane, Treasury Secretary Donald Regan, and former New Jersey senator Nicholas Brady left Washington, D.C. late Friday afternoon for a weekend of golf at the Augusta National Golf Club just outside Atlanta. According to Shultz, the situation in Grenada was part of the reason why McFarlane accompanied them. Shultz, Turmoil and Triumph, 323. 116. Ibid., 328. 117. Ibid. 118. “Statement of Hon. Kenneth W. Dam,” The Situation in Grenada, 5. 119. Shultz, Turmoil and Triumph, 328. 120. Author interview with Langhorne Motley, former assistant secretary of state for Inter-American Affairs, August 25, 1994. 121. Menges, Inside the National Security Council, 76. 122. O’Shaughnessy, Grenada, 155. 123. Vessey’s philosophy was to minimize casualties, which meant the use of overwhelming force. Author interview with Caspar Weinberger, former secretary of defense, October 7, 1994. Vessey’s was a typical post-Vietnam military doctrine. 124. Blasier, The Hovering Giant, 19. 125. Marshall, “Urgent Fury,” 33. 126. Weinberger, Fighting for Peace, 78. 127. Six of the seven OECS states were represented: Antigua and Barbuda, Dominica, Montserrat, St. Kitts, St. Lucia, and St. Vincent. Grenada was for obvious reasons not represented. This was the first time the OECS had met in a nonmember’s country. It was also the first time representatives of nonmember countries, Barbados and Jamaica, attended a meeting. Bish and Gillespie were also present at the Centre but did not participate in the meeting as some have suggested. Author interview with Milan Bish, former US ambassador to Barbados, September 21, 1994. Bish and Gillespie’s presence there does indicate the importance of the OECS request to the US. 128. George Shultz, secretary of state, secret telegram to US Embassy Bridgetown, “Subject: Approach Re Grenada to OECS and Barbados,” 210258Z, October 21, 1983, Washington D.C. 300202, 1–2. 129. Payne et al., Grenada, 149. 130. Edward Seaga, “Statement to the Nation by the Prime Minister of Jamaica, the Rt. Hon. Edward Seaga, on Developments in Grenada, Tuesday, October 25, 1983,” in Documents on the Invasion, Caribbean Monthly Bulletin Supplement no. 1 (October 1983): 69. 232 ● Notes

131. “Statement of Hon. Kenneth W. Dam, Deputy Secretary of State, Accompanied by Maj. Gen. George Crist, U.S. Marine Corps,” US Congress, U.S. Military Actions in Grenada, 10. 132. “Organization of Eastern Caribbean States Request for U.S. Assistance in Grenada,” October 23, 1983, American Foreign Policy Current Documents, document no. 656 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1983), 1397. 133. Janet Higbie, Eugenia: The Caribbean’s Iron Lady (London: Macmillan, 1993), 228. It seems that negotiations were half-heartedly discussed and the idea of the OAS as a peacekeeper suggested but ruled out as it was too time consuming and almost certain that the Latin nations would oppose action. Jacqueline Anne Braveboy- Wagner, The Caribbean in World Affairs: The Foreign Policies of the English-Speaking States (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1989), 184. 134. Author interview with Bish. 135. Braveboy-Wagner, The Caribbean in World Affairs, 189. 136. Higbie, Eugenia, 228. St. Kitts had only recently gained independence and had no forces, and Montserrat as a British dependency had to withhold its participation in any “decisions inconsistent with the views, directives, policies and obligations of Her Majesty’s Government of the United Kingdom.” William Gilmore, The Grenada Intervention: Analysis and Documentation (London: Mansell, 1984), 87. Apart from being outnumbered, the OECS forces also had no way of combating the PRA’s APCs and, more importantly, no way of transporting its forces en masse at short notice. Author interview with Peter Tomlin, former lieutenant commander, Barbados Defence Force, June 14, 2006. 137. Adams later claimed that the “preference would have been for our traditional pro- tector, Britain, to have taken a or the leading role in restoring democracy.” UK Parliament, House of Commons, Foreign Affairs Committee, Second Report, Grenada, Session 1983–84 (London: HMSO, 1984), xi. 138. Pastor, “The Invasion of Grenada,” 93. 139. “Grenada Invasion/Beirut Debate,” The MacNeil/Lehrer News Hour, transcript no. 2107, October 25, 1983, 6. 140. Vaughan Lewis, “Small States, Eastern Caribbean Security, and the Grenada Intervention,” in A Revolution Aborted: The Lessons of Grenada, ed. Jorge Heine (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1990), 260. 141. Paragraph four of Article 8 reads: “The Defence and Security Committee shall have responsibility for coordinating the efforts of Member States for collective defence and the preservation of peace and security against external aggression and for the development of close ties among the Member States of the Organisation in matters of external defence and security, including measures to combat the activities of mercenaries, operating with or without the support of internal or national elements, in the exercise of the inherent right of individual or collective self-defence recognised by Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations.” Gilmore, The Grenada Intervention, 81. 142. “Organization of Eastern Caribbean States Request,” 1398. 143. Gilmore, The Grenada Intervention, 92. 144. Bish’s private papers. 145. One account reports that Gillespie was informed of the OECS’s decision immediately after the meeting closed by Charles in an anteroom. Don Oberdorfer, “Reagan Sought to End Cuban ‘Intervention,’” Washington Post, November 6, 1983, A21. 146. Ibid. Notes ● 233

147. Author interview with Bish. Although news of the actual invitation had not been revealed, it was no secret in the Caribbean that something was afoot. According to Tyler, “Opponents . . . were leaking details of the proposed invasion from private council chambers to the news media and to supporters of Grenada’s leftist government.” Even Charles let slip to newsmen after the OECS meeting that “the range of options under consideration for Grenada included military intervention.” Tyler, “The Making of an Invasion,” A1. Seaga joined the meeting at 10:30 p.m. 148. Author interview with Bish. 149. Ibid. 150. George Shultz, secretary of state, secret telegram to US Embassy Bridgetown, “Subject: Grenada—Seaga Proposes Joint Caribbean Action and Naval Blockade of Grenada,” 211809Z, October 21, 1983, Washington D.C. 300927, 2. 151. Ibid. 152. Ibid. 153. US Department of State, “Secretary Shultz’s News Conference, October 25, 1983,” Department of State Bulletin 83 (December 1983): 70. 154. O’Shaughnessy, Grenada, 158. 155. Robert McFarlane and Zofia Smardz, Special Trust (New York: Cadell & Davies, 1994), 261. Whilst the request was expected, the fervor of it surprised some in Washington. Author interview with Johnstone. 156. Beck, The Grenada Invasion, 114. 157. Quigley, “The United States Invasion of Grenada: Stranger Than Fiction.” University of Miami Inter-American Law Review 18, no. 4 (Winter 1986–1987): 341. 158. Ibid., 330. 159. Author interview with Fontaine. 160. McFarlane and Smardz, Special Trust, 261. 161. Ronald Reagan, An American Life: The Autobiography (New York. Simon & Schuster, 1990), 450. 162. Lou Cannon, President Reagan: The Role of a Lifetime (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1990), 441. 163. Reagan, An American Life, 451. Given the concerns over the students already expressed by the administration, the students were undoubtedly discussed and played a role in Reagan’s decision. This statement was perhaps more a reason for accepting the invitation. 164. In his memoir Weinberger affirmed that Reagan “was aware of the difficulties, but generally seemed to me to be willing to accept the risks. He urged us to continue developing the detailed plans.” Weinberger, Fighting for Peace, 77. 165. Shultz, Turmoil and Triumph, 329. The secrecy aspect of planning was a high priority; Reagan felt that “Cuba was near enough that with forewarning it could send troops to the island in a hurry. If there were any leaks, the result could be war between us and Cuba . . . and the taking of hundreds of Americans as hostage.” Reagan, An American Life, 450. 166. McFarlane and Smardz, Special Trust, 262. The OECS leaders were not told that the United States had accepted their invitation until the eve of the intervention. 167. Shultz, Turmoil and Triumph, 329. 168. Ibid. 169. Present were Poindexter, North, Menges, McMahon, Clarridge, Eagleburger, Motley, Weinberger, Vessey, and Iklé. 170. CIA Memo, “Grenada Chronology 7–25 October 1983,” 3. 234 ● Notes

171. Author interview with Johnstone. 172. Ed Magnuson, Douglas Brew, Bernard Diederich, and William McWhirter, “D-Day in Grenada,” Time, November 7, 1983, 19. 173. Reynold Burrowes, Revolution and Rescue in Grenada: An Account of the U.S.- Caribbean Invasion (New York: Greenwood Press, 1988), 139. 174. Beck, The Grenada Invasion, 135. 175. Ibid. A cable was sent to Adams, Charles, and Seaga informing them of McNeil and Crist’s arrival, explaining that “the purpose of this trip would be to coordinate our response to this fast [breaking] situation.” Bish’s private papers. Ambassador McNeil was a career foreign service officer and former ambassador to Costa Rica. He was ambassador-at-large at Tufts University in 1983. 176. Author interview with Johnstone. 177. Beck, The Grenada Invasion, 133. 178. Weinberger, Fighting for Peace, 77. SEAL stands for the navy’s elite “sea, air and land” special forces. 179. “Britain’s Grenada Shut-Out: Say Something, If Only Goodbye,” The Economist, March 10, 1984, 22. 180. Clarridge, A Spy for All Seasons, 252. 181. Bennett, “Grenada,” 74. 182. Author interview with Johnstone. 183. Bennett, “Grenada,” 74. 184. Magnuson et al., “D-Day in Grenada,” 19. Speaking after the intervention about the negative European reaction Dam said, “We realized that the reaction would be on the critical side. We certainly did not expect enthusiasm about it.” US Congress, Senate, Committee on Foreign Relations, The Situation in Grenada, 98th Congress, 1st session (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1983), 16. 185. The War Powers Resolution passed by Congress in November 1973 required the president to consult with Congress before committing troops to combat and stip- ulated that if troops were used they would have to be withdrawn within 90 days unless Congress approved the deployment. See Michael Rubner, “The Reagan Administration, the 1973 War Powers Resolution, and the Invasion of Grenada,” Political Science Quarterly 100 (Winter 1985–86): 627–647. 186. Oberdorfer, “Reagan Sought to End Cuban ‘Intervention,’” A21. 187. Clarridge, A Spy for All Seasons, 252. 188. Reagan, An American Life, 451. When two British embassy officials met with the deputy director of Politico-Military Affairs Jonathan Howe at the State Department later that day they were only assured that Britain would be consulted by Washington before any final decision was made. Geoffrey Smith, Reagan and Thatcher (London: Bodley Head, 1990), 128. 189. Author telephone interview with Langhorne Motley, former assistant secretary of state for Inter-American Affairs, September 25, 1995. 190. Author interview with Motley. As Pearson points out, this was unusual because “deceptions generally persist only until an operation is underway. At that moment, the intentions of the source are obviously made clear, but this knowledge provides little benefit to the target audience since the deception has already given the source the advantage of surprise that was the purpose of the deception in the first place. During Operation Urgent Fury, to the contrary, much of the deception took place after the operation was history, and thus well after it could have served any practical military Notes ● 235

value with respect to the invasion itself.” David Eric Pearson, “The Betrayal of Truth and Trust by Government: Deception as Process and Practice” (PhD diss., Yale University, 1988), 448. 191. Martha Block and Geoff Mungham, “The Military, the Media and the Invasion of Grenada,” Contemporary Crises 13 (June 1989): 91. 192. George Quester, “Grenada and the News Media,” in American Intervention in Grenada: The Implications of Operation “Urgent Fury,” ed. Peter Dunn and Bruce Watson (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1985), 119. 193. Pearson, “The Betrayal of Truth and Trust by Government,” 228. 194. Ibid. 195. Author telephone interview with a former Department of Defense official, October 10, 1995. 196. “Statement of Hon. Kenneth W. Dam,” US Congress, The Situation in Grenada, 5. 197. Author telephone interview with Edwin Meese, former White House counselor, January 10, 1995. According to one official at the SSG meeting, “Everyone was gung-ho.” Magnuson et al., “D-Day in Grenada,” 19. 198. “Britain’s Grenada Shut-Out,” 22. Reagan had accepted the OECS offer and dis- patched McNeil to Barbados, ordered the JCS to proceed with planning for full- scale operation, implemented secrecy measures, and acknowledged and accepted the political fallout. 199. Weinberger, Fighting for Peace, 77. 200. Author interview with Weinberger. 201. The other two OECS leaders, Charles and Bird, had already left for Port-of-Spain. Author interview with Bish. 202. Washington feared getting bogged down in a long occupation operation to restore democracy. Ironically the OECS feared this would happen too and believed that if the United States acceded to their request they should hand over Grenada to the OECS as soon as possible after victory had been secured—one leader suggested 48 hours— and allow the restoration of democracy to be a predominantly Eastern Caribbean affair. Author interview with Bish. As it transpired, the last US forces involved in Urgent Fury left Grenada on December 15. Three hundred “support personnel” remained, including the 1st Psychological Operations Battalion. The last US peacekeeping troops departed on June 12, 1984. Vijay Tiwathia, The Grenada War: Anatomy of a Low-Intensity Conflict (New Delhi: Lancer International, 1987), 190. 203. Bish’s private papers. 204. Ibid. 205. Author interview with Bish. 206. Bish’s private papers. 207. Ibid. 208. Ibid. 209. Ibid. Emphasis added. 210. Geoffrey Bourne, “Revolution, Intervention and Nutrition: What Happened in Grenada,” Nutrition Today (January/February 1985): 21. 211. Author correspondence with Kenneth Kurze, former counselor for political and economic affairs, US Embassy, Barbados, August 20, 1995. 212. Ibid. As Gilmore concludes, “The RMC was through the instrumentalities of repression available to it, in effective control of the entire territory of the state within the meaning of international law.” Gilmore, The Grenada Intervention, 73. 236 ● Notes

213. Montgomery recalled that after about five minutes groups of somewhat scared students appeared out of nowhere all wanting to ask him questions, wanting to know what was happening as they had no idea. Author interview with David Montgomery, former deputy high commissioner, British High Commission, Barbados, November 8, 1995. 214. Bourne, “Was the U.S. Invasion Necessary?” 1. 215. Flohr visited SGU’s other campus, True Blue, the following morning. She also arranged to meet with about 150 students who lived off-campus in the same area as Bourne at Bourne’s house at 7:00 a.m. that morning. Bourne, “Revolution, Intervention and Nutrition,” 23. 216. Author correspondence with Kurze, August 20, 1995. Although Kurze felt that evacuation was a possibility, Flohr believed that whilst an evacuation was techni- cally feasible, there was no way out for the students under the present conditions. Author telephone interview with Linda Flohr, former third secretary, US embassy, Barbados, December 19, 1994 and April 19, 1997. 217. Author telephone interview with Peter Bourne, former special assistant to President Carter for health issues, September 6, 1995. 218. Author correspondence with Kurze, August 20, 1995. 219. Tyler, “The Making of an Invasion,” A14. 220. US Information Agency, Grenada: Background and Facts, 4. 221. Adkin, Urgent Fury, 85. 222. Ibid. 223. Beck, The Grenada Invasion, 142. 224. Author telephone interview with Bourne. 225. Kwitny, Endless Enemies, 414. 226. Ibid. 227. Cuban Party, “Statement by the Cuban Party and Revolutionary Government,” 6. 228. Ibid., 7. 229. Ibid. 230. Ibid. 231. Ibid., 8. 232. Cotman, The Gorrion Tree, 219. 233. Bennett, “Grenada,” 74. 234. Motley, “The Decision to Assist Grenada,” 71. 235. Robert Beck, “The McNeil Mission and the Decision to Invade Grenada,” Naval War College Review 44 (Spring 1991): 98. 236. Beck, The Grenada Invasion, 137. Gillespie specifically requested Rossin. At the time Rossin was the Peru desk officer in the State Department but prior to that, from 1980 to 1982, he had been a political officer at the US embassy in Barbados and had visited Grenada several times. Rossin was one of a number of political officers who had previously served at the Barbadian embassy and were hastily recalled to Barbados; the others included Barbro Owens and Ashley Wills. These measures were “an attempt to help the Embassy staff cope and to give Motley and Gillespie simultaneously more control over the Embassy.” Author correspondence with Kurze, March 11, 1996. 237. Beck, The Grenada Invasion, 138. 238. Adkin, Urgent Fury, 126. CINCLANT was responsible for the overall plan that the JCS would have to approve before Urgent Fury could be launched. However, CINCLANT lacked the intelligence and communications facilities and planning Notes ● 237

expertise for an operation of this magnitude, which would involve the navy, air force, and army contingents. As a result an ad hoc joint headquarters was established at Norfolk with an on-scene commander, Vice Admiral Joseph Metcalf III, in charge of the Joint Task Force. Ibid., 126. 239. Spector, U.S. Marines in Grenada, 3. 240. The estimated force strength on Grenada was 1,200 PRA soldiers, 2,000–5,000 militia members, 300–400 policemen, 30–50 Cuban military advisers, and 600 Cuban workers. Spector, U.S. Marines in Grenada, 3. 241. Ibid. 242. Cuban Party, “Statement by the Cuban Party and Revolutionary Government,” 8. It is uncertain whether Cuban intelligence had learnt of the OECS’s request to the United States by this time. 243. John Quigley, “Parachutes at Dawn: Issues of Use of Force and Status of Internees in the United States-Cuban Hostilities on Grenada, 1983,” University of Miami Inter-American Law Review 17, no. 2 (Summer 1986): 204. 244. The original intention was to inform Havana as soon as possible consistent with the safety of US troops, but this was thwarted by the fact that the cable link between the US Interest Section and Washington had been out of action since Sunday, October 23. Unaware of this, Washington believed that a 6:15 a.m. message had been delivered to Havana when in fact it had not. Kenneth Skoug, The United States and Cuba under Reagan and Shultz: A Foreign Service Officer Reports (Westport, CT: Praeger, 1996), 48. 245. Author telephone interview with Motley. 246. Dominica gained independence in 1978, St. Lucia in 1979, St. Vincent and the Grenadines in 1980, Antigua and Barbuda in 1981, and St. Kitts-Nevis in 1983. 247. UK Parliament, Grenada, xvi. 248. However, this formal written request was never received. Adams explained that “our attitude was that the formal request in writing would go when the oral request had been answered and since the oral request was never answered . . . the formal written request was overtaken by the operation itself.” UK Parliament, Grenada, xiv. Eugenia Charles, head of the OECS, recalled: “I was supposed to send letters to England and Canada . . . but I never got around to doing it because things were happening too fast after that and so they had only been invited verbally, never in writing.” Higbie, Eugenia, 229. 249. Paul Scoon, Survival for Service: My Years as Governor General of Grenada (London: Macmillan, 2003), 130. 250. Howe, “Grenada.” 251. John Dickie, Special No More: Anglo-American Relations—Rhetoric and Reality (London: Weidenfield & Nicolson, 1994), 186. See also Gary Williams, “‘A Matter of Regret’: Britain, the 1983 Grenada Crisis, and the Special Relationship,” Twentieth Century British History 12 (2001): 208–230. 252. UK Parliament, Grenada, xi. 253. Ibid. As Sutton observes, Britain’s relationship with the region contains “a sensitiv- ity to local context and a familiarity of approach which is often lacking in US assistance.” Sutton, “The Politics of Small State Security in the Caribbean,” Journal of Commonwealth and Comparative Politics 31, no. 2 (1993): 7. The Caribbean was used to dealing with Britain who remained a major export market. 254. The force consists of army, air force, and navy elements. The Military Balance, 1983–84 (Cambridge, England: Heffers, 1983), 42. Belize became independent in 238 ● Notes

1981 at which time an ongoing territorial dispute with neighboring Guatemala led Britain to maintain a military presence there to guard against Guatemalan aggression, assist in training the Belize army, gathering intelligence on the situation in Central America, and help with disaster relief. Ivelaw Lloyd Griffith, The Quest for Security in the Caribbean: Problems and Promises in Subordinate States (Armonk, N.Y.: M.E. Sharpe, 1993), 69. 255. Author interview with Montgomery. 256. CARICOM came into existence in 1973 with the Treaty of Chaguaramus, replac- ing the Caribbean Free Trade Association. CARICOM was primarily a trade organization and its treaty did not include any security provisions. 257. The participants at the meeting were: Lester Bird (Antigua and Barbuda), Eugenia Charles (Dominica), John Osbourne (Montserrat), Kennedy Simmonds (St. Kitts- Nevis), John Compton (St. Lucia), Milton Cato (St. Vincent and the Grenadines), Edward Seaga (Jamaica), Louis Tull (Barbados), George Price (Belize), Lynden Pindling (the Bahamas), George Chambers (Trinidad and Tobago), and Forbes Burnham (Guyana). 258. Adams and Seaga had met Price en route at the airport in Barbados. They lobbied him unsuccessfully to contribute troops to a Caribbean military force. Rasleigh Jackson, Guyana’s Diplomacy: Reflections of a Former Foreign Minister (Georgetown, Guyana: Free Press, 2003), 53. 259. George Chambers, “Statement by the Honourable Prime Minister George Chambers to the House of Representatives of the Parliament of Trinidad and Tobago on October 26, 1983 on the Grenada Crisis,” in Documents on the Invasion, Caribbean Monthly Bulletin Supplement, no. 1 (October 1983): 76. 260. Ibid., 77. 261. Jackson, Guyana’s Diplomacy, 53. 262. Chambers, “Statement by the Honourable Prime Minister George Chambers,” Documents on the Invasion, 77. 263. Ibid., 78. 264. Author interview with Bish. 265. Jackson, Guyana’s Diplomacy, 54. 266. The official reasons for the expulsion were: the manner of the RMC’s assumption of power; the RMC did not represent the rights and obligations of the government of Grenada; the situation was a security threat to the region; the integrity of the Caribbean must be restored; and the rights and property of Grenadians must be protected. “CARICOM Suspends Grenada,” Daily Nation, October 24, 1983, 1. As the OECS had expected, the sole opponent to these measures was Guyana, which had been a close socialist ally of Bishop’s Grenada.

Chapter 7 1. Lou Cannon, President Reagan: The Role of a Lifetime (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1990), 443. At that moment the number of known fatalities was 46. Don Oberdorfer, “Reagan Sought to End Cuban ‘Intervention,’” Washington Post, November 6, 1983, A21. 2. Cannon, President Reagan, 443. 3. Present were Bush, Weinberger, Shultz, McFarlane, Poindexter, McMahon, Baker, Deaver, and Vessey. The NSPG is the top-level group that meets to discuss foreign affairs. 4. Oberdorfer, “Reagan Sought to End Cuban ‘Intervention,’” A21. Notes ● 239

5. Cannon, President Reagan, 443. 6. Ibid., 418. 7. Duane Clarridge, with Digby Diehl, A Spy for All Seasons: My Life in the CIA (New York: Scribner, 1997), 254. 8. Interview with Robert McFarlane, former presidential National Security Adviser, by Robert Pfaltzgraff, Jr., Randall Bently, and Stephen Flynn, November 10–11, 1988, Washington, D.C., Oral History Project (International Security Studies Program, Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Medford, MA), 146. 9. When North had heard about Beirut he feared that Reagan would cancel Grenada. Ben Bradlee, Guts and Glory: The Rise and Fall of Oliver North (New York: Donald I. Fine, 1988), 179. Eugenia Charles was also concerned: “My God, this is going to prevent them from coming to help us.” Janet Higbie, Eugenia: The Caribbean’s Iron Lady (London: Macmillan, 1993), 229. 10. Ralph Kinney Bennett, “Grenada: Anatomy of a ‘Go’ Decision,” Reader’s Digest, February 1984, 75. Reagan reportedly also reasoned, “We cannot let an act of terrorism determine whether we aid or assist our allies in the region. If we do that, who will ever trust us again?” Ed Magnuson, Douglas Brew, Bernard Diederich, and William McWhirter, “D-Day in Grenada.” Time, November 7, 1983, 20. 11. Author interview with Craig Johnstone, former deputy assistant secretary of state for Inter-American Affairs, September 1, 1994. 12. Author interview with Langhorne Motley, former assistant secretary of state for Inter-American Affairs, August 25, 1994. 13. Author interview with Caspar Weinberger, former secretary of defense, October 7, 1994. It is ironic that in his televised Address to the Nation on October 27, Reagan specifically juxtaposed the two crises: “The events in Lebanon and Grenada, though oceans apart, are closely related. Not only has Moscow assisted and encouraged the violence in both countries, but it provides direct support through a net- work of surrogates and terrorists.” US President, “Address to the Nation on Events in Lebanon and Grenada, October 27, 1983,” Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library, http://www.reagan.utexas.edu/ archives/speeches/1983/102783b.htm (accessed March 27, 2007). This redefini- tion and simplification of events in both places diverted attention from Reagan’s foreign policy problems. Additionally, Grenada may not have been a response to Lebanon but Reagan’s “rhetoric about Grenada functioned in such a way to do so. Literally overnight, Grenada became a condensation symbol of victory and pride, reminding citizens of gains in tangible and symbolic resources. Lebanon’s failure seemed blunted—almost forgotten—in the aftermath of Grenada’s triumph.” Denise Bostdorff, “The Presidency and Promoted Crisis: Reagan, Grenada, and Issue Management,” Presidential Studies Quarterly 21 (1991): 741. 14. The meeting was headed by Motley with Crist, North, Kozak, and Johnstone also present. Beck, “The McNeil Mission and the Decision to Invade Grenada,” Naval War College Review 44 (Spring 1991): 99. 15. Ibid. The comprehensive list covered a US response to the OECS’s request, the governor general, a provisional government, elections, Caribbean Basin Initiative, action in the OAS, a Caribbean prime ministerial visit to Washington. A draft of an OECS request and an OAS resolution was also included. George Shultz, secretary of state, secret telegram to US Embassy Bridgetown, “Subject: Instructions for Dealing with Caribbean Friends’, 231833Z, October 23, 1983, Washington D.C. 302418, 1–7. 16. Beck, “The McNeil Mission,” 99. 240 ● Notes

17. Frank McNeil, War and Peace in Central America: Reality and Illusion (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1988), 174. 18. Ibid. 19. The flight arrived in Barbados at 4:56 p.m. Accompanying McNeil were Crist, Colonel James Connelly (USAF, chief of the Western Hemisphere Division, Plans and Policy Directorate), Larry Rossin, Gary Alexander (a State Department Administrative Support official), and a CIA official. Private papers of Milan Bish, the former and now late US ambassador to Barbados. McNeil reviewed his instructions with Crist and formulated a checklist of 28 points to be raised in the impending meeting with the Caribbean leaders. Robert Beck, The Grenada Invasion: Politics, Law, and Foreign Policy Decisionmaking (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1993), 153. 20. Tom Adams, “Full Text of Speech by the Prime Minister of Barbados the Hon. Mr. Tom Adams Explaining His Reasons for Taking Part in the Invasion of Grenada,” in Documents on the Invasion of Grenada, Caribbean Monthly Bulletin Supplement, no. 1 (October 1983): 39. 21. The Economist concluded that the request was “almost certainly a fabrication con- cocted between the OECS and Washington to calm the post-invasion diplomatic storm. As concoctions go, it was flimsy.” “Britain’s Grenada Shut-Out: Say Something, If Only Goodbye,” March 10, 1984, 24. A Parliamentary Foreign Affairs Committee report concluded: “Both the timing and nature of this request . . . remain shrouded in mystery, and it is evidently the intention of the parties directly involved that the mystery should not be dispelled.” UK Parliament, House of Commons, Foreign Affairs Committee, Second Report, Grenada, Session 1983–84 (London: HMSO, 1984), xvi. 22. Peter Fraser, “A Revolutionary Governor-General? The Grenada Crisis of 1983,” in Constitutional Heads and Political Crises: Commonwealth Episodes, 1945–85, ed. Donald Low (London: Macmillan, 1988), 154. 23. Paul Scoon, Survival for Service: My Experiences as Governor General of Grenada (Oxford: Macmillan, 2003), 126. He also felt that the United States was the only one who could help; the British would prevaricate and were too far away to act quickly. Author interview with Sir Paul Scoon, former governor general of Grenada, June 19, 2006. 24. Author interview with Scoon. 25. Author interview with David Montgomery, former deputy high commissioner, British High Commission, Barbados, November 8, 1995. Scoon did not have many options: if he had publicly condemned the events at Fort Rupert or condemned the RMC it would have most likely turned on him. Author interview with John Kelly, former British representative in Grenada, British High Commision, Barbados. March 8, 1996. 26. Author interview with Scoon. 27. Scoon, Survival for Service, 136. 28. “Statement of Geoffrey Bourne, M.D., Vice Chancellor, St. George’s University School of Medicine, Grenada, West Indies,” US Congress, U.S. Military Actions in Grenada: Implications for U.S. Policy in the Eastern Caribbean, 98th Congress, 1st session (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1983), 192. 29. The US diplomats had been instructed not to meet with Austin to avoid implying any sort of diplomatic recognition. Jonathan Kwitny, Endless Enemies: The Making of an Unfriendly World (New York: Congdon & Weed, 1984), 412. It was assumed Notes ● 241

that Austin, the number five in the RMC, was a puppet; possibly unstable and acting under duress as he was “too close to Bishop to go this far wholeheartedly.” Milan Bish, secret telegram to secretary of state, “Subject: Grenada: Comments/Plans of Grenada Democratic Movement,” 202026Z, October 20, 1983, Bridgetown 06431, 1. 30. Author interview with Montgomery. 31. Ibid. Cornwall was well aware that Montgomery and Kurze were scheduled to leave that afternoon. 32. Author interview with Montgomery. 33. Author correspondence with Kenneth Kurze, former counselor for political and economic affairs, US Embassy, Barbados (August 20, 1995–March 26, 1996), August 20, 1995. 34. Patrick Tyler, “The Making of an Invasion: Chronology of the Planning,” Washington Post, October 30, 1983, A14. Cornwall also approved the use of civilian charter planes. Kwitny, Endless Enemies, 413. Beck reports that charter flights were not allowed. Beck, The Grenada Invasion, 144. Motley had leased three Pan- American jets in Miami but was unable to get landing permission for them from the RMC. Author interview with Motley. 35. Gregory Sandford and Richard Vigilante, Grenada: The Untold Story (New York: Madison Books, 1984), 8. The RMC wanted a list of those who wanted to leave and opened the passport facilities especially on Sunday so that students could obtain the necessary paperwork. Author telephone interview with Peter Bourne, former special assistant to President Carter for health issues, September 6, 1995. 36. Author correspondence with Kurze, August 20, 1995. 37. Beck, The Grenada Invasion, 144. 38. The Countess was apparently an embassy initiative but not one authorized by Bish. He told the political officer who had made the inquiry to “forget it” as the United States had its own resources to call upon. Author interview with Milan Bish, former US ambassador to Barbados, September 21, 1994. Motley states that “we explored the possibility of using a Cunard-line cruise ship then in the vicinity to evacuate Americans. It became apparent, however, that conditions on the island would not permit evacuation by civilian carrier.” US Department of State, Langhorne Motley, “The Decision to Assist Grenada,” Department of State Bulletin 84 (March 1984): 71 The Countess had been due to call in Grenada on Tuesday, October 25, but Cunard decided that the ship would only stop if Washington so desired and even then only with a US naval escort and a request from the RMC. 39. Author correspondence with Kurze, August 20, 1995. 40. Chafin was a political officer and had instructions to get information on the political situation and as well as the students. Wanting to know exactly what type of situation he was going into he had been told by DCM Flower in Barbados that no action decision had been made but that he should expect something to happen. Author interview with Gary Chafin, former political officer, US Embassy, Barbados, November 21, 1995. 41. Bourne recalled later that “we were doubled up with laughter during this period . . . It was just a bunch of people inexperienced at running that kind of operation and unable to make command decisions.” Kwitny, Endless Enemies, 414. 42. Geoffrey Bourne, “Revolution, Intervention and Nutrition: What Happened in Grenada,” Nutrition Today (January/February 1985): 22. 43. Author interview with Chafin. 242 ● Notes

44. Kwitny, Endless Enemies, 415. 45. Kurze estimated that 22 of 85 Canadians, 40–50 of 200 British and 200–-500 of 1,000 Americans wanted to leave. George Shultz, secretary of state, secret telegram to all American Republic Diplomatic Posts, “Subject: Grenada Situation Report No. Eight,” 241128Z, October 24, 1983, Washington D.C. 302451, 1. 46. Kwitny, Endless Enemies, 414. Kurze told the press that before he left Grenada “he did not recommend . . . that the American citizens leave in any particular time.” “Results of US Survey by Today,” Daily Nation, October 24, 1983, 16. This was because he believed they could not be got out rather than because there was no danger as many assumed. 47. Beck, The Grenada Invasion, 182. 48. Author correspondence with Kurze, August 20, 1995. Flohr later stated that the students’ “food and water supply was totally controlled by the government. These students were in effect at that point hostages for four days.” NBC Evening News, November 7, 1983, Weekly News Summary, Week of 07–13 November 1983, White House Communications Agency Videotapes, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library. Back in Washington, Motley was concerned that the RMC would develop a “bunker mentality” and seize hostages. Author telephone interview with Motley. 49. Author telephone interview with Linda Flohr, former third secretary, US Embassy, Barbados, December 19, 1994. 50. Larry Speakes, “Press Briefing by Larry Speakes, 1:00 P.M., October 26, 1983,” White House Office of the Press Secretary, no. 892-10/26, Container 34, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library, 34. 51. “Still No Word on Coard,” Daily Nation, October 24, 1983, 16. 52. George Shultz, Secretary of State, secret telegram to US Embassy Bridgetown, “Subject: Suggested Points for OECS Approach to Grenadian Governor General,” 241947Z, October 24, 1983, Washington D.C. 302848, 1. 53. UK Parliament, Grenada, xv. 54. Vice Admiral Metcalf, who would be in command of JTF 120, thought it was a “lousy” plan, weakened by the jointness philosophy that advocated the use of all the military forces rather than just the marines. Author interview with Joseph Metcalf, former vice admiral and commander of the Second Fleet, August 16, 1994. 55. George Shultz, Turmoil and Triumph: My Years as Secretary of State (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1993), 331. 56. Ibid., 9. 57. Bennett, “Grenada,” 76. 58. “Britain’s Grenada Shut-Out,” 22. 59. Author interview with Weinberger. 60. Beck, The Grenada Invasion, 149. 61. Edwin Meese III, With Reagan: The Inside Story (Washington, D.C.: Regney Gateway, 1992), 217. 62. James Herbert Anderson, “National Decisionmaking and Quick-Strike Interventions during the 1980s’: A Comparative Analysis of Operations Urgent Fury, El Dorado Canyon and Just Cause” (PhD diss., Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, 1993), 63. 63. Roger Cohen and Claudio Gatti, In the Eye of the Storm: The Life of General H. Norman Schwarzkopf (New York: Farrarm Strauss and Giroux, 1991), 171. 64. Author interview with Weinberger. Notes ● 243

65. Ronald Cole, Operation Urgent Fury: The Planning and Execution of Joint Operations in Grenada 12 October – 2 November 1983 (Washington, D.C.: Joint History Office, Office of the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, 1997), http://www.dtic.mil/doctrine/jel/history/urgfury.pdf (accessed January 29, 2007), 26. 66. Author telephone interview with Motley. Motley joked that Weinberger was “more Catholic than the Pope in his reluctance to use force.” Langhorne Motley interview with Charles Stuart Kennedy, March 3, 1991, Frontline Diplomacy, Library of Congress, Manuscript Division, Washington, D.C., http://memory.loc.gov/ ammem/collections/diplomacy/ (accessed March 23, 2007). 67. Oberdorfer, “Reagan Sought to End Cuban ‘Intervention,’” A21. 68. Clarridge, A Spy for All Seasons, 254. 69. Ibid., 255. According to Bish, Reagan warned Vessey that if he ever heard talk like that again he would be looking for a new chief of the JCS. Author interview with Bish. 70. “Britain’s Grenada Shut-Out,” 22. 71. Speakes, “Press Briefing by Larry Speakes, 1:00 P.M.,” 11. 72. D. Brent Hardt, “Grenada Reconsidered,” Fletcher Forum: A Journal of Studies in International Affairs 11, no. 2 (Summer 1987): 303. 73. Higbie, Eugenia, 230. Motley confirmed that the United States almost had to drag Charles back from acting without US support. Author telephone interview with Motley. 74. Author interview with Ludlow Flower, former deputy chief of mission, US Embassy, Barbados, October 27, 1994. 75. Author interview with Bish. Doubts about the outspoken ambassador led the State Department to send an emissary from the Bureau of American Republic Affairs (ARA) to “check Bish out”; he reported back that nothing was amiss at the embassy. Author interview with Flower. 76. Shultz, Turmoil and Triumph, 327. 77. Author correspondence with Kurze, August 20, 1995. Other interviewees concur with this. Bish admits that he was dismayed that embassy staff had been discussing the need to increase travel to Grenada behind his back but that was all. Author interview with Bish. 78. William Nylen, United States-Grenada Relations, 1979–1983: American Foreign Policy towards a ‘Backyard’ Revolution, Pew Case Studies in International Affairs: Case 306 (Washington, D.C.: Institute for the Study of Diplomacy, Georgetown University, 1988), 34. According to Nylen, Gillespie cabled a similar assessment to Washington. 79. Milan Bish, secret telegram to secretary of state, “Subject: Ambassador’s Assessment of the Situation on Grenada,” 200749Z, October 20, 1983, Bridgetown 06393, 3. 80. Author telephone interview with Frank McNeil, former special emissary of the president, December 13, 1995. 81. Clarridge, A Spy for All Seasons, 249. On one occasion Bish cabled President Reagan directly: “I believe it is necessary to express my sincere opinion for your upcoming decision with regard to Grenada . . . In order to stop the carnage and spread of communism, I recommend that you positively support the call for help by our friends and neighbors.” Milan Bish, secret telegram to secretary of state, “Personal Message for the Secretary,” 221310Z, October 22, 1983, Bridgetown 06515, 1. 244 ● Notes

82. Author interview with Charles Gillespie, former deputy assistant secretary of state for Inter-American Affairs, November 27, 1995. 83. Nylen, United States-Grenada Relations, 1979–1983, 34. 84. Carol Bryant, Milan Bish: The Measure You Give (Kearney, NE: Morris Publishing, 2000), 219. 85. Beck, The Grenada Invasion, 103. 86. Author telephone interview with McNeil. 87. Author correspondence with Kurze, March 11, 1996. 88. Milan Bish, secret telegram to secretary of state, “Subject: Uncleared Informal Minutes of Meeting between Ambassadors Bish and McNeil with West Indian Heads of Government to Discuss Grenada Situation,” 252203Z, October 25, 1983, Bridgetown 06654, section 1, 3. 89. Ibid. 90. Ibid. 91. Author telephone interview with McNeil. 92. Bish, “Subject: Uncleared Informal Minutes,” section 1, 4. 93. Ibid. 94. Ibid., section 3, 2. 95. Adams told McNeil that he saw “a typical Soviet footprint in the fact that the pre- vious political arrangement between the factions of the PRG had now come apart in violent ideological warfare . . . a typical Russian tactic for destabilization.” He felt that the Cubans “might be as shocked as others by the brutality of the violent schism now apparent in the New Jewel Movement.” Bish, “Subject: Uncleared Informal Minutes,” section 2, 4. 96. Ibid. 97. Ibid. 98. Ibid. 99. Author telephone interview with McNeil. 100. Adams, “Full Text of Speech of the Prime Minister of Barbados,” 38. 101. Department of State, “Consultations Chronology,” 6. Following up on this the next day the State Department provided the text of a draft letter the OECS might want to send to Scoon to elicit a request. The draft contained an “assurance that any request received from the Governor General would be kept private until he is safe” and promised “assistance as long as necessary to permit the people of Grenada to reconstitute governmental institutions.” Ibid. Gillespie recalls that “the word I was getting which helped me set my priorities was that we simply, absolutely, positively must have a request for assistance from Sir Paul Scoon . . . in writing. If we didn’t have that, we would have to accept the possibility that we would have major problems around the world, politically . . . but especially in Washington.” Interview with Charles Gillespie by Charles Stuart Kennedy, September 19, 1995, Frontline Diplomacy, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. http://memory.loc.gov/ammem/collections/diplomacy/ (accessed March 17, 2007). 102. Author interview with Gillespie. Deputy Secretary of State Dam later stated that Scoon’s request “carried exceptional legal and moral weight.” “Statement of Hon. Kenneth W. Dam,” US Congress, The Situation in Grenada, 5. 103. Beck, “The McNeil Mission,” 101. 104. Bish, “Subject: Uncleared Informal Minutes,” section 3, 3. 105. A CBS News poll taken immediately after the intervention recorded 91 percent of Grenadians in favor of the intervention. Sandford and Vigilante, Grenada, 16. Notes ● 245

106. Bish, “Subject: Uncleared Informal Minutes,” section 4, 2. 107. Ibid., section 4, p. 3. 108. Ibid. 109. Ibid. McNeil made a hypothetical offer of $750,000 of assistance that Adams read- ily accepted. 110. Ibid., section 4, 3. 111. Author telephone interview with McNeil. 112. Bish, “Subject: Uncleared Informal Minutes,” section 4, 4. 113. Ibid., section 5, 3. 114. Unknown to all the participants Reagan had made a “tentative” decision to respond to the OECS request during the meeting. 115. Author telephone interview with Bish, November 11, 1995. 116. Author telephone interview with McNeil. 117. Ibid. 118. US Congress, House of Representatives, Subcommittees on International Security and Scientific Affairs and on Western Hemisphere Affairs of the Committee of Foreign Affairs, U.S. Military Actions in Grenada: Implications for U.S. Policy in the Eastern Caribbean, 98th Congress, 1st session (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1983), 42. Castro knew this and communicated it to the RMC: “Jamaica, Saint Lucia and Barbados have no forces to invade Grenada, and in that case they [RMC] could defeat them with their own forces without greater difficulties.” Cuban Party, “Statement by the Cuban Party and Revolutionary Government on the Events in Grenada,” Documents on the Invasion, Carribbean Monthly Bulletin Supplement, no. 1 (October 1983): 9. 119. Beck, “The McNeil Mission,” 101. 120. Author interview with Flower. 121. Cole, Operation Urgent Fury, 3. 122. Cole, Operation Urgent Fury, 36. 123. Author interview with Chafin. 124. Ed Cody, “Medical School Director Says He Backs Invasion,” Washington Post, November 1, 1983, A12. Apparently when Budeit was asked by a student what he would do in their situation he replied, “Get the hell out.” Kwitny, Endless Enemies, 413. Having previously reassured the students to keep them calm, Flohr was stunned by the diplomats encouraging students to leave. Author interview with Flohr. On Monday, October 24, Budeit visited the married students’ homes near RFG. He explained the danger they would be in in the event of a countercoup because RFG would be a prime target. Budeit admitted “scaring the hell out of those people” and when he saw them later “they were weeping, crying . . . I stayed the hell away from them. I had done my bit, and gotten them out of there.” Kwitny, Endless Enemies, 414. The diplomats never discussed evacuation arrangements with SGU officials. Author telephone interview with Bourne. 125. Maurice Waters, “The Invasion of Grenada, 1983 and the Collapse of Legal Norms,” Journal of Peace Research 23, no. 3 (1986): 243. 126. Author telephone interview with David Ostroff, former consular officer, US Embassy, Barbados, October 27, 1995. 127. David Ettlin, “Invasion Abruptly Ended Medical Students’ Doubts,” Baltimore Sun, October 30, 1983, 3. At the embassy in Barbados a student who had left Grenada by boat on Friday, October 21, told officials that “many medical students were terrified and Bourne [was] not being honest with the students on the political danger.” US Congress, House of Representatives, Committee on Foreign Affairs, 246 ● Notes

Miscellaneous Legislation Concerning Various Foreign Policy Issues, 98th Congress, 2nd session (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1984), 64. 128. Kwitny, Endless Enemies, 414. 129. Bourne, “Revolution, Intervention and Nutrition,” 24. According to one student, “The only reason why one hundred percent of the students didn’t want to go right away is because we didn’t know what was going on.” ABC News, Thursday, October 27, 1983, Weekly News Summary, Week of October 24–30, 1983, WHCAV, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library, Tape 4. 130. Mitchel Arthur Leventhal, “Entrepreneurship and Nation Building: Proprietary Medical Schools and Development in the Caribbean, 1976–1990” (PhD diss., University of Chicago, 1995), 264. Bourne estimated that SGU contributed around US$5 million dollars to the Grenadian economy per annum and was the largest employer on the island. “Statement of Dr. Geoffrey Bourne,” US Congress, U.S. Military Actions in Grenada, 185. 131. Author telephone interview with Bourne. 132. According to Peter Bourne, Austin sent a cable to former Carter official Robert Pastor in Washington, D.C., saying that he was ready to do whatever was necessary to resolve the impending conflict. Author telephone interview with Bourne. 133. “Grenada Aftermath/Coronary Bypass Report/Argentine Elections,” The MacNeil/Lehrer News Hour, October 27, 1983, transcript no. 2109, 2. 134. Kwitny, Endless Enemies, 413. 135. As Leventhal speculates: “It is likely that the paranoid Coard faction, with its monopoly over the security apparatus, saw the medical school as a much more real and immediate security threat. From the perspective of internal security, therefore, it appears medical school prospects would have been unpromising under hardline rule.” Leventhal, “Entrepreneurship and Nation Building,” 284. Leventhal concludes that “the economic argument may still have held sway in a post-Bishop environment, despite the ideological unpalatability.” Ibid., 285. SGU had had a contingency plan to leave Grenada if necessary since December 1978 when plans for a subsidiary campus in St. Vincent were formulated. SGU never made any major infrastructural investments during the PRG era and in spring 1983 a proposal to relocate to Barbados was blocked and a move to Antigua fell through. Author interview with Vishnath Rao, St. George’s University dean of students, June 23, 2006. 136. Author telephone interview with Bourne. 137. Bish’s private papers. 138. Author interview with Chafin. 139. Kwitny, Endless Enemies, 416. 140. Author interview with Chafin. 141. Ibid. 142. “Statement of Dr. Geoffrey Bourne,” US Congress, U.S. Military Actions in Grenada, 177. 143. Shultz, “Subject: Grenada Situation Report No. Eight,” 1. 144. “Invasion Fears,” Daily Nation, October 24, 1983, 1. Adams suspected that Forbes Burnham had leaked details of the CARICOM meeting to the RMC. 145. Ibid. 146. William Gilmore, The Grenada Intervention: Analysis and Documentation (London: Mansell, 1984), 93–94. 147. The US embassy finally replied at midnight on Monday, October 24, that under Grenada’s 1973 constitution Governor-General Scoon was the “remaining legitimate Notes ● 247

authority, and not the ruling military council” and therefore the United States “could not respond to the message received, but reiterated U.S. concern over recent violence and the safety of American citizens on Grenada.” Speakes, “Press Briefing by Larry Speakes, 1:00 P.M.,” 9. 148. The comedy of errors continued: the RMC was using an out-of-date fax number that had been reallocated to a plastering company, Scanplast. Hugh O’Shaughnessy, Grenada: Revolution, Invasion and Aftermath (London: Sphere Books, 1984), 152. 149. Author telephone interview with McNeil. 150. Milan Bish, secret telegram to secretary of state, “Subject: Grenada: Request for Talks,” 240639Z, October 24, 1983, Bridgetown 06575, 2. 151. Ibid. 152. Ibid., 3. Adams’s ultimatum envisaged the RMC surrendering peacefully and therefore possibly going into exile rather than facing trial although this plan had its problems. 153. Ibid., 3. 154. Ibid., 4. 155. Bish, “Subject: Uncleared Informal Minutes,” section 4, 4. 156. Author interview with Motley. Legally Scoon’s request was an embellishment; even the Statement Department’s legal adviser conceded that the legal justifications for the intervention would have been no weaker without the request. Author interview with Davis Robinson, former State Department legal adviser, August 17, 1994. 157. McNeil, War and Peace in Central America, 174. Gillespie recalls McNeil telling him in private that “we’ve got to do this. There’s no other way. I’m convinced.” Charles Gillespie, interviewed by Charles Stuart Kennedy, September 19, 1995, Frontline Diplomacy, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. http://memory.loc.gov/ammem/collections/diplomacy/ (accessed March 17, 2007). 158. Metcalf “assigned the amphibious force, now designated Task Force 124, the mission of seizing Pearls Airport and the port of Grenville, and of neutralizing any opposing forces in the area. Simultaneously, Army Rangers (Task Force 121)— together with elements of the 82nd Airborne Division (Task Force 123)—would secure points at the southern end of the island, including the nearly completed jet airfield under construction at Point Salines. A carrier battle group (Task Force 20.5) and air force elements would support the ground forces.” Ronald Spector, U.S. Marines in Grenada (Washington, D.C.: History and Museums Division Headquarters, US Marine Corps, 1984), 5. 159. Joseph Metcalf, “Decision Making and the Grenada Rescue Operation,” in Ambiguity and Command: Organizational Perspectives on Military Decision Making, ed. James March, Roger Weissinger-Baylon, and Pauline Ryan (London: Pitman, 1988), 283. Present at the meeting were Metcalf, McDonald, deputy commander of JTF 120 Major General Norman Schwarzkopf, commander of the 82nd Airborne forces Major General Edward Trobaugh, commander of the Special Operations forces Major General Richard Scholtes, the JCS’s deputy director for plans and policy Commodore Jack Darby, and Craig Johnstone from the State Department. In a highly unusual arrangement State had sent Darby and Johnstone to ensure that the military did not find a reason to delay the operation. 160. Author interview with Johnstone. 161. Norman Schwarzkopf, with Peter Petre, General H. Norman Schwarzkopf: The Autobiography; It Doesn’t Take a Hero (London: Bantam Press, 1992), 246. 248 ● Notes

Johnstone apparently confirmed this although by this stage it was unlikely that a diplomatic solution was possible. 162. Donn-Erik Marshall, “Urgent Fury: The U.S. Military Intervention in Grenada” (MA diss., University of Virginia, 1989), 14. 163. Schwarzkopf, General H. Norman Schwarzkopf, 248. 164. Author interview with Johnstone. 165. Ibid. Motley echoed this: “If the Pentagon can’t knock it over overnight then it ought to disappear.” Author telephone interview with Motley. 166. Interview with Gillespie, Frontline Diplomacy. 167. Shultz, Turmoil and Triumph, 334. 168. Author interview with Johnstone. 169. Adams had previously claimed that he had learnt of a number of political prisoners being held in the condemned cell who were to be executed at an early date. F. A. Hoyos, Tom Adams: A Biography (London: Macmillan, 1988), 114. It transpired that the political prisoners were not in danger and therefore not a political priority, and it would not have been unacceptable if fatalities had been incurred. Author interview with Johnstone. 170. Shultz, Turmoil and Triumph, 331. Weinberger’s position was most likely the result of McNeil’s report from Barbados. 171. Caspar Weinberger, Fighting for Peace: Seven Critical Years at the Pentagon (London: Michael Joseph, 1990), 77. 172. Robert McFarlane and Zofia Smardz, Special Trust (New York: Cadell & Davies, 1994), 264. 173. Author telephone interview with Edwin Meese, former White House counselor, January 9, 1995. 174. Meese, With Reagan, 218. 175. Shultz speculated that Reagan’s resoluteness was probably “bolstered by the fact that, by chance, he had been in Augusta with McFarlane and me, two strong supporters of the action, and therefore was insulated somewhat from the Pentagon’s reluctance.” Shultz, Turmoil and Triumph, 344. 176. Author telephone interview with Meese. As Cannon says, “California had been on the cutting edge of the peace movement . . . and the student protests against the Vietnam War had left a lasting impression.” Cannon, President Reagan, 78. Reagan had also taken decisive action to end an air traffic controllers’ dispute with mass dismissals. 177. Meese, With Reagan, 218. 178. US Department of State, “Secretary Shultz’s News Conference. October 25, 1983,” Department of State Bulletin 83 (December 1983): 70. 179. Weinberger, Fighting for Peace, 77. 180. Bish’s private papers. Crist was subsequently informed that Scoon’s rescue would be a priority. 181. Ibid. 182. Beck, The Grenada Invasion, 166. 183. Charles had been invited to Washington by Bish who was talked into it by Motley. Author interview with Bish. 184. Allan Gerson, The Kirkpatrick Mission: Diplomacy Without Apology; America at the United Nations 1981–1985 (New York: Free Press, 1991), 221–222. 185. Soviet Foreign Minister Sergei Tarasenko recalled that “in Moscow we had no interest in this affair. We refused that sum. Grenada would fall by itself.” Deborah Strober and Gerald Strober, Reagan: The Man and His Presidency (New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1998), 257. Notes ● 249

186. Hedrick Smith, “Reagan Aide Says U.S. Invasion Forestalled Cuban Arms Buildup,” New York Times, October 27, 1983, A10. 187. Author telephone interview with Flohr. 188. US Congress, U.S. Military Actions in Grenada, 37. 189. Larry Speakes, “Press Briefing by Larry Speakes, 12:16 P.M., October 24, 1983,” no. 889-10/24, Container 34, White House Office of the Press Secretary, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library, 15. In fact four planes did land at Pearls that day. 190. Clarridge, A Spy for All Seasons, 255. 191. US Congress, U.S. Military Actions in Grenada, 46. It is reasonable to assume that the embassy in Barbados was aware of which planes were leaving. Chafin returned from Grenada that afternoon and Consular Officer David Ostroff flew to Grenada to replace him. Bish’s private papers. 192. Milan Bish, unclassified telegram to secretary of state, “Subject: W/W: Amcits in Grenada,” 241339Z, October 24, 1983, Bridgetown 06547, 1. 193. Gilmore, The Grenada Intervention, 63. Following British and Canadian pressure, flights on humanitarian grounds were permitted. 194. Thomas Walkon and Charlotte Montgomery, “Canada and the Grenada Invasion,” Toronto Globe and Mail, November 17, 1983, 4. Vere Bird was the strongest opponent of flights to Grenada. Author interview with Kelly. Canada suspected that the United States and the OECS had pressurized LIAT. “Ottawa Probing If Grenada Flights Purposely Scuttled,” Toronto Globe and Mail, November 12, 1983, 1. 195. “Ottawa Probing If Grenada Flights Purposely Scuttled,” Toronto Globe and Mail, 1. 196. “Grenada Aftermath/Marines’ Families,” The MacNeil/Lehrer News Hour, October 28, 1983, transcript no. 2110, 7. Robert Myers was a retired director of the Social Security administration and had been hired by the OAS as a technical adviser to Grenada. Spencer Rich, “Ex-U.S. Official Saw Grenada after Coup,” Washington Post, October 27, 1983, A10. 197. John Walton Cotman, The Gorrion Tree: Cuba and the Grenada Revolution (New York: Peter Lang, 1993), 220. Tortolo was chief of staff of the Army of the Centre in Cuba. He had also been head of the Cuban military mission on Grenada from 1981 until May 1983. Daniel Bolger, Americans at War: 1975–1986, An Era of Violent Peace (Novato, CA: Presidio, 1988), 280. Larranga was an expert on Grenada; he was killed during the intervention. Cotman, The Gorrion Tree, 220. 198. Cuban Party, “Statement by the Cuban Party,” 10. 199. Tortolo’s arrival was observed by Chafin who was at the airport to meet his replacement and return to Barbados with the RMC’s diplomatic note. 200. Motley never believed Castro would try to reinforce Grenada but he knew that Tortolo had been sent to establish good command and control over the available forces there and that the US forces job had been made a little bit harder. Any delay would only give the Cubans more time to organize themselves. Author telephone interview with Motley. Tortolo later admitted that “I never thought they were going to launch an invasion,” rather a rescue mission to extricate the students. Hence “the U.S. troops captured several of our comrades who had run out of ammo along with another group that was unarmed.” Jorge Dominguez, To Make a World Safe for Revolution: Cuban Foreign Policy (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1989), 168. 201. John Kelly was told of the action and that it would be a “pushover.” Author interview with Kelly. Chafin left with a clear picture of the timing of the intervention and that it might be as early as that evening. Author interview with Chafin. 202. Clarridge, A Spy for All Seasons, 256. 203. Michael Ryan, “Scenes of a War,” People Weekly, November 14, 1983, 42. 250 ● Notes

204. Bourne, “Revolution, Intervention and Nutrition,” 24. 205. Peter Bourne, “Was the U.S. Invasion Necessary?” Los Angeles Times, November 6, 1983, section 4, 1. 206. “Statement by Dr. Geoffrey Bourne,” US Congress, U.S. Military Actions in Grenada, 178. 207. Present were Reagan, Shultz, Weinberger, Vessey, McFarlane, Motley, and a few others. 208. Shultz, Turmoil and Triumph, 334. 209. “Operation Urgent Fury,” PBS Frontline (New York: Journal Graphics, 1988), 16. 210. UK Parliament, Hansard Parliamentary Debates (Commons), 6th Series, vol. 47, Session 1983–84, October 24–November 4, 1983, Grenada, 24, col. 30. 211. Ibid., col. 27. 212. Geoffrey Howe, Conflict of Loyalty (London: Macmillan, 1994), 327. 213. Executive Secretariat NSC to Downing Street, secret telegram, “Reagan Letter to Thatcher (Thinking of Intervening),” 241847Z, October 24, 1983. The Thatcher Foundation, http://www.margaretthatcher.org/archive/displaydocument.asp?docid= 109428 (accessed February 5, 2007), 2. 214. Ibid. 215. Executive Secretariat NSC to Downing Street, secret telegram, “Reagan Letter to Thatcher (Decided to Intervene),” 242200Z, October 24, 1983, The Thatcher Foundation, http://www.margaretthatcher.org/archive/displaydocument.asp?docid= 109429 (accessed February 5, 2007), 1. 216. Howe, Conflict of Loyalty, 330. 217. Margaret Thatcher, The Downing Street Years (London: HarperCollins, 1993), 331. 218. According to McNeil, Charles was slightly surprised and said, “My, that’s fast!” Author telephone interview with McNeil. In a biography Charles recalls saying: “Why didn’t you tell me so in Guadeloupe before we went . . .The only reason for coming was to make them hurry up and make a decision!” Higbie, Eugenia, 231. After letting her finish, McNeil told Charles that she would be meeting Reagan the following morning. 219. Shultz, secretary of state, secret telegram to US Embassy Bridgetown, “Subject: U.S. Response to OECS Request for Assistance,” 242324Z, October 24, 1983, Washington D.C. 303362, 2. 220. “U.S. ’copters Seen in Barbados; Grenada Landings Denied in U.S.,” Washington Times, October 25, 1983, 1. 221. Larry Speakes with Robert Pack, Speaking Out: The Reagan Presidency from Inside the White House (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1988), 152. As Pearson concludes, the administration followed a pattern of deception throughout the period: “Its initial manifestation was secrecy—hiding the U.S.’ actual intentions. When information about the movement of forces could not be concealed, these were described in as innocent a fashion as possible . . . It was only when administration officials were directly asked whether there would be an invasion was the response to flatly lie, saying reports to that effect were ‘preposterous.’” David Eric Pearson, “The Betrayal of Truth and Trust by Government: Deception as Process and Practice” (PhD diss., Yale University, 1988), 177. 222. As Plante explained: “There are unwritten rules concerning the qualifiers and statements made by White House spokesmen and with that much of a knockdown, there wasn’t much choice . . . you have to assume they’re not lying.” Mark Hertsgaard, Notes ● 251

On Bended Knee: The Press and the Reagan Presidency (New York: Shocken Books, 1991), 214. 223. Speakes, Speaking Out, 152. Speakes was only given the full story at 5:45 a.m. on the day of the intervention, with a thick wad of papers to digest before the 7:00 a.m. press briefing. Author interview with Larry Speakes, former principal deputy White House press secretary, July 27, 1994. 224. Present at the meeting were Speaker of the House Tip O’Neill, Senators Howard Baker and Robert C. Byrd; Congressmen Robert H. Michel and James C. Wright; Reagan; Shultz; Weinberger; Vessey; McFarlane; Meese; Deaver; Baker; Darman; and Duberstein. 225. Anderson, “National Decisionmaking and Quick-Strike Interventions,” 79. 226. Thomas O’Neill, Man of the House (New York: Random House, 1987), 365. 227. Weinberger, Fighting for Peace, 81. 228. McFarlane and Smardz, Special Trust, 265. 229. Ibid., 264. Elsewhere, McFarlane had said of the Congressional leadership that “not one of them supported it” and that O’Neill was “violently opposed” and thought it was a “nutty idea.” Interview with McFarlane, Oral History Project, 149. 230. Author interview with Weinberger. 231. Shultz, Turmoil and Triumph, 335. In defence of the administration, Hall argues that under the War Powers Resolution congressional participation in a presidential decision to use force is unnecessary; “The President is free . . . to decide, without the benefit of congressional advice, that the use of armed force is warranted under a particular set of circumstances and to consult with Congress after making the initial determination. What the President must do . . . is give Congress the opportunity to offer an opinion and to engage the President in debate prior to the commencement of hostilities.” Hall admits that the definition of “Congress” in these circumstances is problematical but concludes that “the most reasonable interpretation . . . is that it requires the President to consult with the congressional leadership.” David Locke Hall, The Reagan Wars: A Constitutional Perspective on the War Powers and the Presidency (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1991), 196–7. 232. Ronald Reagan, An American Life: The Autobiography (New York. Simon & Schuster, 1990), 454. 233. Interview with McFarlane, Oral History Project, 153. 234. Margaret Thatcher, The Downing Street Years (London: HarperCollins, 1993), 331. 235. Executive Secretariat NSC to Downing Street, secret telegram, “Grenada: Reagan Letter to Thatcher (Intervention Goes Ahead),” 250656Z, October 25, 1983, The Thatcher Foundation, http://www.margaretthatcher.org/archive/displaydocument.asp?docid=109430 (accessed February 5, 2007), 1. 236. Ibid. 237. Ibid., 2. 238. Other officials were irritated by Thatcher’s position. In 1982 Weinberger had “bent over backwards” to help Britain in the Falklands. Author interview with Motley. There was probably a feeling in Washington that London should return the favor over Grenada. Another view in Washington was that Britain had no need to participate; they had demonstrated their resolve in the Falklands and nonparticipation put them back in the political mainstream in Latin American eyes after the harm caused by the Falklands conflict. Author interview with Johnstone. The Foreign Affairs Committee report noted that British noninvolvement 252 ● Notes

had avoided damaging relations with the rest of the Commonwealth. UK Parliament. Grenada, xix. 239. Geoffrey Smith, Reagan and Thatcher (London: Bodley Head, 1990), 129. 240. Thatcher, The Downing Street Years, 331. At the time the lack of consultation was also interpreted in terms of the state of US-British relations in general and the impending stationing of US Cruise missiles in England. 241. Weinberger, Fighting for Peace, 82. 242. Constantine Menges, Inside the National Security Council: The True Story of the Making and Unmaking of Reagan’s Foreign Policy (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1988), 83. 243. Reynold Burrowes, Revolution and Rescue in Grenada: An Account of the U.S.- Caribbean Intervention (New York: Greenwood Press, 1988), 134. 244. Castro had given his troops specific instructions: “If the United States intervenes, we must vigorously defend ourselves . . . but only if we are directly attacked. I repeat: only if we are directly attacked.” Cuban Party, “Statement by the Cuban Party and Revolutionary Government on the Imperialist Intervention of Grenada,” in Statements by CUBA on the events in GRENADA, ed. Nora Madan (La Habana, Cuba: Editora Politica, 1983), 7. 245. There were 103 students who lived at True Blue, but there were another 224 at Grand Anse and 202 in the Lance-aux-Epines area. 246. US Department of State, Motley, “The Decision to Assist Grenada,” 70. The official casualty toll was 18 US soldiers killed, 116 wounded; 24 Cubans killed, 59 wounded; and 45 Grenadians killed and 337 wounded. 247. Rich Jaroslovsky, “U.S. Sees Military Victory in Grenada Despite Stiff Resistance from Cubans,” Wall Street Journal, October 27, 1983, 1. 248. Richard Gabriel, Military Incompetence (New York: Hill & Wang, 1985), 143–186; and Edward Luttwak, The Pentagon and the Art of War (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1985), 39–67, are both highly critical accounts. See also Peter Dunn and Bruce Watson, ed., American Intervention in Grenada: The Implications of Operation “Urgent Fury ” (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1985); Mark Adkin, Urgent Fury: The Battle for Grenada (London: Leo Cooper, 1989); and Cole, Operation Urgent Fury. 249. Charles Kaiser, with Lucy Howard, “An Off-the-Record War,” Newsweek, November 7, 1983, 83. See also Marlene Cuthbert, Journalistic Perspectives on the Grenada Crisis: Media Coverage in the Caribbean, Canada, the United States and Europe (Kingston, Jamaica: Press Association of Jamaica, 1985) and Jan Servaes, “European Press Coverage of the Grenada Crisis,” Journal of Communication 41, no. 4 (1991): 28–41. 250. Shultz, Turmoil and Triumph, 339. 251. Russell Crandall, Gunboat Democracy: US Interventions in the Dominican Republic, Grenada, and Panama (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2006), 156. 252. See James Goodsell, “Latin America’s Quiet Support for US Intervention in Grenada,” Christian Science Monitor, November 1, 1983. 253. Beck, The Grenada Invasion, 2. 254. Ibid., 66. 255. Smith, Reagan and Thatcher, 131. 256. Crandall, Gunboat Democracy, 152. 257. Ibid., 160. Trinidadian Prime Minister George Chambers did not support the intervention and faced strong criticism from the local media who labeled him a “black Notes ● 253

sheep” and accused him of a “lack of leadership.” Juan Williams, “Trinidadian Leader Faces Criticism for Opposing Invasion,” Washington Post, October 31, 1983. 258. Speakes, Speaking Out, 159. For a skeptical media account see David Ettlin, “Invasion Abruptly Ended Medical Students’ Doubts,” Baltimore Sun, October 30, 1983. A January 1984 poll of students after they had returned to the island and US forces left, revealed continued strong support for the intervention. See Michael Jay Robinson, Maura Clancey, and William Adams, “Grenada Update,” Public Opinion (February/March 1984): 51–55. 259. Interview with Gillespie, Frontline Diplomacy. 260. Author interview with Joseph Edmunds, former St. Lucian ambassador to the United States, August 2, 1994. 261. Author interview with Bish. 262. MacNeil/Lehrer, “Grenada Aftermath/Coronary Bypass Report,” 8. 263. UK Parliament, Grenada, xvii. 264. Jacqueline Anne Braveboy-Wagner, The Caribbean in World Affairs: The Foreign Policies of the English-Speaking States (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1989), 189. 265. Burrowes, Revolution and Rescue in Grenada, 138. 266. Dam later admitted that the administration had “no information” on any harm/threat to the students after October 19. Reagan clarified the situation on Tuesday, October 25: “They were in no danger in the sense of that, right now, anything was being done to them. But we know that there was concern on the part of those, because already we’d been informed of several hundred who wanted to leave. But the airports were closed. There was no way of leaving.” US President, “Remarks of the President and Prime Minister Eugenia Charles of Dominica Announcing the Deployment of United States Forces in Grenada, October 25, 1983,” Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States. Ronald Reagan Presidential Library, http://www.reagan.utexas.edu/archives/speeches/1983/102583a.htm (accessed March 27, 2007). 267. Author interview with Weinberger. 268. Speakes, “Press Briefing by Larry Speakes, 1:00 P.M.,” 20. 269. Author interview with Motley. 270. US Department of State, Motley, “The Decision to Assist Grenada,” 71. 271. US Congress, U.S. Military Actions in Grenada, 32. 272. Congressman William Broomfield quoted in Beck, The Grenada Invasion, 202. 273. H. W. Brands Jr., “Decisions on American Armed Intervention: Lebanon, Dominican Republic, and Grenada,” Political Science Quarterly 102 (1987): 621. Domestic instability has long been recognized as a cause of external intervention but, as Pearson concludes, “assassinations, coups (successful or unsuccessful), political executions, purges, and governmental crises were quite unlikely to result in . . . intervention from abroad” and that foreign intervention is usually aimed at “preserving rather than destroying a target government.” Frederic Pearson, “Foreign Military Interventions and Domestic Disputes,” International Studies Quarterly 18, no. 3 (1974): 286. In Grenada’s case the political violence, deaths, and curfew associated with the instability were repugnant to the particularly close-knit Eastern Caribbean states and promoted intervention to remove a government. 274. Anderson, “National Decisionmaking and Quick-Strike Interventions,” 63. 275. Adkin, Urgent Fury, 107. 276. Author telephone interview with Motley. 254 ● Notes

Conclusion

1. George Brizan, Grenada: Island of Conflict (London: Macmillan, 1998), 378. 2. Kai Schoenhals and Richard Melanson, Revolution and Intervention in Grenada: The New Jewel Movement, the United States and the Caribbean (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1985), 34. 3. Robert Pastor, National Security Council, secret memorandum, “Subject: Mini- SCC Meeting on Grenada,” March 14, 1979, no. 1629, 1. 4. Frank Ortiz, Confidential telegram to US Department of State, Washington D.C., “Subject: Grenada: Prime Minister Bishop Accuses U.S. of Destabilization Program,” 101256Z, May 10, 1979. 5. Lawrence Rossin, Secret Airgram to secretary of state, “United States-Grenada Relations since the Coup: A Background Paper,” Bridgetown, Barbados, US Embassy, 1983, 31. 6. See Robert Pastor, “Does the United States Push Revolutions to Cuba? The Case of Grenada,” Journal of Inter-American Studies and World Affairs 28, no. 1 (Spring 1986), and more generally Cole Blasier, The Hovering Giant: U.S. Responses to Revolutionary Change in Latin America, rev. ed. (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1985). 7. Author’s correspondence with Larry Rossin, Foreign Service officer, April 15, 1996. 8. The manifesto stated: “We stand firmly committed to a nationalist, anti-imperialist, anti-colonialist position. We fully support the Organisation of Non-Aligned Nations in their courageous attempts to prevent big-power domination of their economies and internal politics . . . For as long as the present composition of the OAS is main- tained, we will not apply for admission to that body. We condemn in the strongest possible terms the intervention of the U.S.A. in the internal affairs of the South East Asian countries . . . We support fully the liberation struggles being waged by our African Brothers in South Africa, S.W. Africa, Rhodesia, Mozambique, Angola and Guinea-Bissau for self-determination.” New Jewel Movement, “The Manifesto of the New Jewel Movement,” The Grenada Revolution Online, http://www. thegrenadarevolutiononline.com/73regionintl. html (accessed March 27, 2007). 9. Frank Ortiz, “Letter to the Editor,” Atlantic Monthly 253 (June 1984): 12. 10. Warren Christopher, Confidential telegram to US embassy, Bridgetown, “Subject: Talking Points for Meeting with PM Bishop,” 150133Z, December 15, 1979, Washington D.C. 322604, 2. 11. Author correspondence with Robert Pastor, former National Security Council member, February 18, 2003. 12. Rossin, “United States-Grenada Relations since the Coup,” 33. 13. Anthony Maingot, “Grenada and the Caribbean: Mutual Linkages and Influences,” in Grenada and Soviet/Cuban Policy: Internal Crisis and U.S./OECS Intervention, ed. Jiri Valenta and Herbert Ellison (Boulder, CO.: Westview Press, 1986), 144. 14. Tony Thorndike, Grenada: Politics, Economics and Society (London: Frances Pinter, 1985), 118. 15. Author interview with Vincent Roberts, former head of CID, Grenadian Police, June 21, 2006. 16. Under Gairy two government scholarships were awarded each year. By 1983, 330 scholarships had been awarded. James Ferguson, Grenada: Revolution in Reverse (London: Latin America Bureau, 1991), 7. Cuba offered the PRG more scholarships but the PRG struggled to find suitable candidates for them. 17. Gail Pool, “Shifts in Grenadian Migration: An Historical Perspective,” International Migration Review 23, no. 2 (Summer 1989): 253. In 1979 the net migration rate Notes ● 255

was approximately 1.6 migrants per thousand of the population. In 1980 the rate increased to 2.8 and in 1981 it reached 3.5. Ibid., 245. 18. National Security Decision Directive 110a, October 23, 1983, Federation of American Scientists, http://www.fas.org/irp/offdocs/nsdd/23-2171t.gif (accessed March 4, 2007). 19. Ronald Reagan, “Presidential Address to the Nation: Foreign Policy, Thursday, October 27, 1983,” (Elliot/Myer) October 26, 1983, 9:00 a.m., White House Office of Speechwriting: Speech Drafts, OA8206, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library, 9. 20. H. W. Brands, Jr., “Decisions on American Armed Intervention: Lebanon, Dominican Republic, and Grenada,” Political Science Quarterly 102 (1987): 620. In November 1979, 53 US embassy staff in Tehran were taken hostage by Iranian mil- itants. After diplomatic efforts and economic sanctions were unsuccessful, President Carter approved a military operation to rescue the hostages. The mission ended prematurely in the Iranian desert when two helicopters suffered mechanical malfunctions and a third one crashed killing eight Americans. The crisis effectively destroyed Carter’s reelection chances; the hostages were eventually released the day Carter left office after 444 days in captivity. See David Houghton, US Foreign Policy and the Iran Hostage Crisis (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001). 21. Christopher Hemmer, “Historical Analogies and the Definition of Interests: The Iranian Hostage Crisis and Ronald Reagan’s Policy toward the Hostages in Lebanon,” Political Psychology 20, no. 2 (1999): 271. 22. Ibid., 69. The majority, about 650, of these citizens were students at the privately owned American SGU. As McNeil pointed out, the fact that they were students only there to study, rather than retirees or businessmen who had chosen to go there, seemed to increase the emotional image of them as “innocents abroad.” Author telephone interview with Francis McNeil, former special emissary of the president, December 13, 1995. 23. Milan Bish, confidential telegram to secretary of state, “Subject: Current Situation,” undated [c. October 15, 1983], 1. 24. Langhorne Motley, “The Decision to Assist Grenada,” Department of State Bulletin 84 (March 1984), 71. 25. Milan Bish, secret telegram to secretary of state, “Subject: Grenada: Ambassador’s Assessment of the Situation on Grenada,” 200749Z, October 1983, Bridgetown 06393, 2. 26. Author interview with Caspar Weinberger, former secretary of defense, October 7, 1994. 27. Mark Adkin, Urgent Fury: The Battle for Grenada (London: Leo Cooper, 1989), 108. 28. Ibid., 158. 29. Gregory Sandford and Richard Vigilante, Grenada: The Untold Story (New York: Madison Books, 1984), 8. 30. Author interview with Charles Gillespie, former deputy assistant secretary of state for Inter-American Affairs, November 27, 1995. 31. Richard Halloran, “Joint Chiefs Supported U.S. Action as Feasible,” New York Times, October 27, 1983, 23. 32. US Department of State, “President’s Remarks, October 25, 1983,” Department of State Bulletin 83 (December 1983): 67. The same point was made by a number of government officials over the following days. 33. Reagan, “Address to the Nation.” An earlier draft read: “A few years ago we all watched in agony for 444 days as a tyrannical regime held more than 50 of our fellow citizens hostage. I could not risk seeing that tragedy repeated.” Ibid., 12. 256 ● Notes

34. US President, “Text of Remarks by the President to Cherry Point Marine Corps Air Station Personnel and Families, Cherry Point Marine Corps Air Station, Cherry Point, North Carolina, November 4, 1983,” Ronald Reagan Presidential Library, http://www.reagan.utexas.edu/archives/speeches/1983/110483a.htm (accessed February 3, 2007). 35. See John McQuiston, “School’s Chancellor Says Invasion Was Not Necessary to Save Lives,” New York Times, October 26, 1983; Robert Pastor, “Outrage Follows Outrage,” Washington Post, October 26, 1983; and John Quigley, “The United States Invasion of Grenada: Stranger Than Fiction,” University of Miami Inter- American Law Review 18, no. 4 (Winter 1986–1987): 271–305. 36. See Bernard Gwertzman, “Fear of ‘Another Iran’ Haunted the White House,” New York Times, October 26, 1983; and Robert Toth, “U.S. Feared 2nd Hostage Crisis: Shultz,” Los Angeles Times, October 26, 1983. 37. Robert Beck, The Grenada Invasion: Politics, Law, and Foreign Policy Decisionmaking (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1993), 202. 38. See Abraham Lowenthal, Exporting Democracy: The United States and Latin America (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1991); Mark Peceny, Democracy at the Point of Bayonets (University Park: Pennsylvania State University, 1999); and Tony Smith, America’s Mission: The United States and the Worldwide Struggle for Democracy in the Twentieth Century (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994). 39. US President, “Address to the British Parliament, June 8, 1982,” Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library, http://www.reagan. utexas.edu/archives/speeches/1982/60882a.htm (accessed March 6, 2007). 40. Interestingly, US officials post-intervention made it clear that Washington’s aims did “not encompass the imposition on the Grenadians of any particular form of government.” Deputy Secretary of State Kenneth Dam quoted in Beck, The Grenada Invasion, 74. In a November 1983 State Department “Next Steps” paper, the objective was to “create a climate in which democratic government can be restarted and sustained.” Department of State, Secret Memorandum, “Grenada: Next Steps,” November 1983. 41. David Eric Pearson, “The Betrayal of Truth and Trust by Government: Deception as Process and Practice” (PhD diss., Yale University, 1988), 240. 42. Tom Adams, “Speech by the Prime Minister of Barbados to Barbadian Parliament, 15/11/83,” in UK Parliament, House of Commons, Foreign Affairs Committee, Second Report, Grenada, Session 1983–84 (London: HMSO, 1984), lv. 43. Reagan, “Address to the Nation.” 44. Ibid., 11. 45. Leslie Manigat, “Revolutionary Shockwave, Crisis and Intervention,” in The Caribbean and World Politics: Cross Currents and Cleavages, ed. Jorge Heine and Leslie Manigat (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1988), 187. 46. US President, “Remarks in Bridgetown, Barbados, Following a Luncheon Meeting with Leaders of Eastern Caribbean Countries, April 8, 1982,” Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library. http://www.reagan. utexas.edu/archives/speeches/1982/40882a.htm (accessed March 27, 2007). 47. Robert McFarlane and Zofia Smardz, Special Trust (New York: Cadell & Davies, 1994), 257. 48. Interview with Robert McFarlane, former presidential National Security Adviser, by Robert Pfaltzgraff, Jr., Randall Bently, and Stephen Flynn, November 10–11, 1988, Notes ● 257

Washington, D.C., Oral History Project (International Security Studies Program, Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Medford, MA). 49. Caspar Weinberger, Fighting for Peace: Seven Critical Years at the Pentagon (London: Michael Joseph, 1990), 87. 50. Interview with Yuri Pavlov, former head of the Latin American Division, Soviet Foreign Ministry, CNN.com Cold War, Episode 18, “Backyard,” http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/coldwar/interviews/episode-18/pavlov3.html (accessed March 13, 2007). Pavlov later became Latin American director. 51. Holly Sklar, Washington’s War on Nicaragua (Boston: South End Press, 1985), 174. 52. Robert McMahon, “Credibility and World Power: Exploring the Psychological Dimension in Postwar American Diplomacy,” Diplomatic History 15 (1991): 455. 53. Shultz quoted in interview with McFarlane, Oral History Project, 147. Whether any of the United States’ allies were reassured, or felt the need to be at that time, by Washington’s honoring of the OECS request is moot. European governments were more concerned about Washington’s willingness to use force. 54. Author interview with Langhorne Motley, former assistant secretary of state for Inter-American Affairs, August 25, 1994. 55. President Reagan quoted in Juan Williams, “President Defends Using Force,” Washington Post, December 13, 1983, A1. 56. Bob Woodward, VEIL: The Secret Wars of the CIA, 1981–1987 (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1987), 336. 57. Vijay Tiwathia, The Grenada War: Anatomy of a Low-Intensity Conflict (New Delhi: Lancer International, 1987), 166. 58. US Department of State, “Secretary Shultz’s News Conference, October 25, 1983,” Department of State Bulletin 83 (December 1983): 70. Gerson explains the reason for this: “How we chose to characterize the Grenada operation—whether as a fluke, as an isolated incident in U.S. foreign relations” or “as part of the pattern and strategy of U.S. foreign policy—would help determine U.S. foreign policy. Our expla- nations . . . would give the world notice on how the Administration perceived the Grenada operation, and whether other ‘Grenadas’ might be in store in the future.” Allan Gerson, The Kirkpatrick Mission: Diplomacy Without Apology; America at the United Nations 1981–1985. New York: Free Press, 1991), 225. The US ambassador to the UN, Jeane Kirkpatrick, “saw nothing wrong with putting Nicaragua’s Daniel Ortega on notice about the capabilities of U.S. power and the limits of U.S. patience.” Ibid., 232. See also Fred Barnes, “Weinberger Refuses to Rule out American Invasion of Nicaragua,” Baltimore Sun, November 7, 1983, 1. 59. Frank McNeil, War and Peace in Central America: Reality and Illusion (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1988), 175. McNeil felt that the success in Grenada “created a magnificent opportunity for a durable peace in Central America.” Ibid. Johnstone concurred that Grenada opened up certain avenues that resulted in two rounds of negotiations in Nicaragua. Author interview with Craig Johnstone, former deputy assistant secretary of state for Inter-American Affairs, September 1, 1994. 60. It is likely that the decision to expel the Cubans was made before the intervention rather than being a knee-jerk reaction to it. However, “it is possible that the move was a more calculated and opportunistic gesture to woo, or at least disarm, Brazil, the United States and The Netherlands.” Edward Dew, “Did Suriname Switch? Dialectics a la Dante,” Caribbean Review 12, no. 4 (December 1983): 29. 258 ● Notes

61. Robert Pastor, “The Invasion of Grenada: A Pre- and Post-Mortem,” in The Caribbean after Grenada: Conflict and Democracy, ed. Scott MacDonald, Harald Sandstrom, and Paul Goodwin (New York: Praeger, 1988), 103. 62. Yaacov Vertzberger, Risk Taking and Decisionmaking: Foreign Military Intervention Decisions (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1998), 192. 63. George Chambers, “Statement by the Honourable Prime Minister George Chambers to the House of Representatives of the Parliament of Trinidad and Tobago on October 26, 1983 on the Grenada Crisis,” in Documents on the Invasion, Caribbean Monthly Bulletin Supplement, no. 1 (October 1983): 76. 64. Motley, “The Decision to Assist Grenada,” 71. 65. Interview with Charles Gillespie by Charles Stuart Kennedy, September 19, 1995, Frontline Diplomacy, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. http://memory.loc.gov/ammem/collections/diplomacy/ (accessed March 17, 2007). 66. Milan Bish, secret telegram to secretary of state, “Subject: Grenada: Request for Talks,” 240639Z, October 1983, Bridgetown 06576, 3. 67. Deputy Secretary of State Kenneth Dam quoted in Beck, The Grenada Invasion, 64. 68. US Congress, House of Representatives, Committee on Armed Services, Lessons Learned as a Result of the U.S. Military Operations in Grenada, 98th Congress, 2nd session (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1984), 37. 69. Beck, The Grenada Invasion, 207. 70. See Robert Beck, “Grenada’s Echoes in Iraq: International Security and International Law,” The Long Term View 5, no. 1 (2003): 73–87; and Jonathan Steele, “Regime Change, the Prequel,” Guardian, October 11, 2003, Guardian Unlimited, http://www.guardian.co.uk/comment/story/0,1060745,00.html (accessed March 22, 2007). Preemption is firmly emphasized in the United States’ National Security Strategy. The White House, http://www.whitehouse.gov/nsc/ nss.html (accessed March 23, 2007). 71. Richard Haass, Intervention: Use of American Military Force in the Post-Cold War World (Washington D.C.: Brookings Institution, 1999), 154. 72. Author telephone interview with Flower. 73. Author interview with McNeil. 74. Brands, 616. 75. Reagan, “Remarks of the President and Prime Minister Eugenia Charles.” 76. Anthony Maingot, “American foreign policy in the Caribbean: continuities, changes, and contingencies,” International Journal XL (Spring 1985): 327. 77. Adams, “Full Text of Speech by the Prime Minister of Barbados,” 35.

Epilogue 1. James Ferguson, Grenada: Revolution in Reverse (London: Latin America Bureau, 1991), 37. 2. By the time President Reagan visited Grenada in 1986, the gross domestic product had declined each year since 1983, unemployment had reached 40 percent, and emigration had increased. “Grenada: Reagan’s Four Hours in Paradise,” News and Analysis, February 19, 1986, Council on Hemispheric Affairs (COHA), http://www.coha.org/Press%20Release%20Archives/1986/003.pdf (accessed March 20, 2007). Nonetheless, “Uncle Reagan” received a rapturous welcome from around 40,000 Grenadians who had packed out Queen’s Park to hear Reagan say that “I will never be sorry that I made the decision to help you.” Richard Stengel, “In Grenada, Notes ● 259

Apocalypso Now, Time, March 3, 1986, http://www.time.com/time/magazine/ article/0,9171,960811-1,00.html (accessed September 3, 2007). 3. Ferguson, Grenada, 46. 4. W. Marvin Will, “From Authoritarianism to Political Democracy in grenada: Questions for U.S. Policy,” Studies in Comparative International Development 26, no. 3 (Fall 1991): 50. 5. Ibid., 65. 6. “Hurricane Ivan Blasts Caribbean,” September 9, 2004, BBC News, http://news. bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/americas/3634898.stm (accessed March 20, 2007). 7. “Statement by the IMF Staff Mission to Grenada,” Press Release No. 06/256, November 17, 2006, 1 (Washington, D.C.: IMF), http://www.imf.org/external/ np/sec/pr/2006/pr06256.htm (accessed March 18, 2007). 8. “China in, Taiwan out,” Grenada Today, February 5, 2005, http://www.belgrafix. com/gtoday/2005news/Feb/Feb05/China-Taiwan.htm (accessed March 13, 2007). 9. Grenada had previously established diplomatic relations with China in October 1985 before breaking them off in favor of Taiwan in August 1989. 10. “China in, Taiwan out.” 11. “Grenada Investigates Anthem Gaffe,” February 4, 2007, BBC News, http://news. bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/americas/6328881.stm (accessed March 13, 2007). 12. “Castro Gets Hero’s Reception in Grenada,” BBC News, August 4, 1998, http://news. bbc.co.uk/1/ hi/world/americas/144860.stm (accessed February 27, 2007). 13. The 17 included the main protagonists Bernard Coard, Phyllis Coard, Hudson Austin, Ewart Layne, Selwyn Strachan, Liam James, and Leon Cornwall. 14. “Law Lords Uphold Grenada Appeal,” February 7, 2007, BBC Caribbean, http://www.bbc.co.uk/caribbean/news/story/2007/02/070207_privyquash.shtml (accessed March 23, 2007). There are now 13 prisoners; Phyllis Coard was allowed to travel to Jamaica to receive medical treatment in 2000 (whilst she does remain there she has not been released) and three others were released in 2006 having served their sentences. See Amnesty International, The Grenada 17: The Last of the Cold War Prisoners? (London: Amnesty International, 2003, http://web.amnesty.org/ library/ index/engamr320012003 (accessed March 13, 2007). 15. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission Report, Grenada: Redeeming the Past: A Time for Healing, 3 vols. (St. George’s, Grenada: Government Printery, 2006), 53. Vol. 1 is available at http://www.thegrenadarevolutiononline.com/trccontents.html (accessed July 4, 2007). 16. “Grenada 13 Urge Leniency,” BBC Caribbean News, http://www.bbc.co.uk/ Caribbean/news/story/2007/06/070619_grenadaupdate. shtml (accessed July 10, 2007). 17. “Grenada 13: Three released,” June 27, 2007, BBC Caribbean, http://www.bbc.co.uk/ caribbean/news/story/2007/06/070627_grenada13sentencing.shtml (accessed on July 10, 2007). The three released were Christopher Stroude, Lester Redhead, and Cecil Prime who were deemed to have played minor roles. Two others will have a review on health grounds by the end of 2007. 18. “Government Calls for Prayer for Families Affected,” June 28, 2007, The Prime Minister’s Office, Government of Grenada, http://pmoffice.gov.gd/newsitem. aspx?nid=1232 (accessed July 10, 2007). Bibliography

Author Interviews and Correspondence Anonymous. Former Department of Defense official. Telephone interviews conducted on October 10, 1994 and February 9, 1995. Anonymous. Foreign Service officer. Telephone interview conducted on January 31, 1995. Barnard, Mike. Former Plessey contractor. Interview with author, October 25, 2006. Bish, Milan. Former US ambassador to Barbados. Interview with author, September 21, 1994. Telephone interview conducted on November 2, 1995. Blaker, Peter. Former parliamentary under-secretary at the Foreign and Commonwealth Office. Telephone interview conducted on September 2, 2006. Bourne, Peter. Former special assistant to President Carter for health issues. Telephone interview conducted on September 6, 1995. Britton, Theodore. Former US ambassador to Barbados. Correspondence with the author September 25, 2005. Bushnell, John. Former assistant secretary of state for Inter-American Affairs. Telephone interview conducted on July 29, 1995. Chafin, Gary. Former political officer, US Embassy, Barbados. Interview with author, November 20, 1995. Clarridge, Duane. Former Latin American Division Chief of the Directorate of Operations, Central Intelligence Agency. Telephone interview conducted on May 23, 1997. Dam, Kenneth. Former deputy secretary of state. Telephone interviews conducted on August 26, 1994 and August 17, 1999. Edmunds, Joseph. Former St. Lucian ambassador to the United States. Interview with author, August 2, 1994. Evans, Bob. Former Point Salines International Airport project manager. Interview with author, June 14, 2006. Flohr, Linda. Former third secretary, US Embassy, Barbados. Telephone interviews conducted on December 19, 1994 and April 19, 1997. Flower, Ludlow. Former deputy chief of mission, US Embassy, Barbados. Interview with author, October 27, 1994. Telephone interview conducted on November 2, 1995. Fontaine, Roger. Former National Security Council Latin American director. Interview with author, July 15, 1994. 262 ● Bibliography

Gillespie, Charles. Former deputy assistant secretary of state for Inter-American Affairs. Interview with author, November 27, 1995. Howe, Jonathan Trumbull. Former director of Political-Military Affairs. Telephone interview conducted on May 2, 1995. Johnstone, Craig. Former deputy assistant secretary of state for Inter-American Affairs. Interview with author, September 1, 1994. Kelly, John. Former British representative in Grenada, British High Commission, Barbados. Interviews with author, February 16, 1995 and March 8, 1996. Correspondence with the author, December 21, 1995. Knockaert, Joe. Canadian International Development Agency official. Correspondence with the author, May 24, 2000. Kurze, Kenneth. Former counselor for political and economic affairs, US Embassy, Barbados. Correspondence with the author, August 20, 1995–March 26, 1996. Lewis, Rudyard. Former Head of the Caribbean Regional Security Service. Interview with the author, June 14, 2006. McNeil, Frank. Former special emissary of the president. Telephone interview conducted on December 13, 1995. Meese, Edwin. Former White House counselor. Telephone interview conducted on January 10, 1995. Metcalf, Joseph. Former vice admiral and commander of the Second Fleet. Interview with author, August 16, 1994. Middendorf, William. Former US ambassador to the Organization of American States. Interview with author, August 17, 1994. Montgomery, David. Former deputy high commissioner, British High Commission, Barbados. Interview with author, November 8, 1995. Motley, Langhorne. Former assistant secretary of state for Inter-American Affairs. Interview with author, August 25, 1994. Telephone interviews conducted on September 25, 1995, February 21, 1996, and August 16, 1999. Noel, Lloyd. Former People’s Revolutionary Government attorney general. Interview with the author, June 21, 2006. Ortiz, Frank. Former US ambassador to Barbados. Telephone interview conducted on August 10, 1994. Ostroff, David. Former consular officer, US Embassy, Barbados. Telephone interview conducted October 27, 1995. Pastor, Robert. Former Director of Latin American Affairs, National Security Council member. Correspondence with the author, February 18, 2003. Pierre, Leslie. Editor of the Grenadian Voice. Interview with the author, June 21, 2006. Ramdhanny, Lyden. Former People’s Revolutionary Government minister. Interview with the author, June 22, 2006. Rao, Vishnath. St. George’s University dean of students. Interview with author, June 23, 2006. Roberts, Kennedy. Former People’s Revolutionary Government economic attaché to Cuba. Interview with author, June 21, 2006. Roberts, Vincent. Former head of CID, Grenadian Police. Interview with author, June 21, 2006. Robinson, Davis. Former State Department legal adviser. Interview with author, August 17, 1994. Rossin, Lawrence. Foreign Service officer. Interview with author, October 28, 1994. Correspondence with the author, April 15, 1996. Bibliography ● 263

Sapia-Bosch, Alphonso. Former Director of Latin American Affairs, National Security Council member. Correspondence with author, December 12, 1999. Scoon, Paul. Former governor-general of Grenada. Interview with author, June 19, 2006. Shelton-Colby, Sally. Former US ambassador to Barbados. Correspondence with author, September 7, 2004. Speakes, Larry. Former principal deputy White House press secretary. Interview with author, July 27, 1994. Tomlin, Peter. Former lieutenant commander, Barbados Defence Force. Interview with author, June 14, 2006. Weinberger, Caspar. Former secretary of defense. Interview with author, October 7, 1994. Williams, Daniel. Grenadian governor-general. Interview with author, June 23, 2006. Williams, Dessima. Former Grenadian ambassador to the Organization of American States. Telephone interview conducted on June 21, 2000.

Other Interviews Britton, Theodore. Former US ambassador to Barbados. Interviewed by Charles Stuart Kennedy, March 29, 1989. Frontline Diplomacy, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. http://memory.loc.gov/ammem/collections/diplomacy/ (accessed March 10, 2007). Budhlall, Kennedy. Former People’s Revolutionary Army officer. Interviewed by John Walton Cotman, November 11, 1989. Donovan, Eileen. Former US ambassador to Barbados. Interviewed by A. L. Lowrie, December 3, 1985. Frontline Diplomacy, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. http://memory.loc.gov/ammem/collections/diplomacy/(accessed March 3, 2007). Gillespie, Charles. Interviewed by Charles Stuart Kennedy, September 19, 1995. Frontline Diplomacy, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. http://memory.loc.gov/ammem/collections/diplomacy/ (accessed March 17, 2007). Grenada Foundation. An Interview with George Louison and Kendrick Radix. New York: Grenada Foundation, 1984. Louison, George. Former People’s Revolutionary Government minister. Interviewed by Hugh O’Shaughnessy, n.d. McFarlane, Robert. Former Presidential National Security Adviser. Interviewed by Robert Pfaltzgraff, Jr., Randall Bently, and Stephen Flynn, November 10–11, 1988, Washington, D.C. Oral History Project, International Security Studies Program, Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Medford, MA. Motley, Langhorne. Interview with Charles Stuart Kennedy, March 3, 1991. Frontline Diplomacy, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. http://memory. loc.gov/ammem/collections/diplomacy/ (accessed March 23, 2007). Pavlov, Yuri. Former head of the Latin American Division, Soviet Foreign Ministry. Interview for CNN.com, Cold War, Episode 18, “Backyard.” n.d. http://www.gwu.edu/ ~nsarchiv/coldwar/interviews/episode-18/pavlov3.html (accessed March 13, 2007). Radix, Kendrick. Former People’s Revolutionary Government minister. Interviewed by John Walton Cotman, December 12, 1988. Victor, Teddy. Cofounder of the New Jewel Movement. Interviewed by John Walton Cotman, January 19, 1989. Warne, Robert. Former head of the Caribbean Desk, State Department. Interviewed by Charles Stuart Kennedy, April 1, 1995. Frontline Diplomacy, Manuscript Division, 264 ● Bibliography

Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. http://memory.loc.gov/ammem/collections/ diplomacy/(accessed March 12, 2007). Whyte, Winston. Former leader of the United People’s Party. Interviewed by John Walton Cotman, February 15, 1989.

Primary Sources The Grenada Documents Microfiche Collection—National Archives, Maryland The five tons of People’s Revolutionary Government documents captured during the intervention were microfiched and deposited in the US National Archives. This unique collection covers the duration of the PRG and is a “treasure trove” for researchers. For an informative account of the history of the Grenada Documents see The Grenada Revolution Online, http://www.thegrenadarevolutiononline.com/grenadadocs.html (accessed March 27, 2007). A two-volume index of the 13,220 microfiches is available online at the US National Archives—http://aad.archives.gov/aad/. An index of 1,052 microfiches by Professor John Walton Cotman (Howard University, Washington, D.C.), related to his research on Cuban-Grenadian relations, is also available at the National Archives. Several edited collections of varying documents have been published: Crozier, Brian (ed.). The Grenada Documents. London: Sherwood Press, 1987. Dujmovic, Nicholas (ed). The Grenada Documents: Window on Totalitarianism. London, Brassey’s, 1988. Ledeen, Michael, and Herbert Romerstein (eds.). Grenada Documents: An Overview and Selection. Washington, D.C.: Department of State and the Department of Defense, 1984. Seabury, Paul, and Walter McDougall (eds.). The Grenada Papers. San Francisco: ICS Press, 1984. Valenta, Jiri, and Herbert Ellison (eds.). Grenada and Soviet/Cuban Policy: Internal Crisis and U.S./OECS Intervention. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1986. This contains a 230-page appendix of People’s Revolutionary Government documents.

Georgetown University Library, Washington, D.C. http://www.library.georgetown.edu/dept/speccoll/grenada.htm The Grenada Documents Collection

Jimmy Carter Library, Atlanta, Georgia http://www.jimmycarterlibrary.gov/library/ White House Central Files, Countries (CO)—Grenada White House Central Name File—Robert Pastor Folder

National Security Archive, Gelman Library, George Washington University, Washington, D.C. http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/ Grenada Collection

Ronald Reagan Presidential Library, Simi Valley, California http://www.reagan.utexas.edu/ White House, Federal Government - Organization File White House Office of the Press Secretary Bibliography ● 265

White House Staff and Office Files White House Office of Speechwriting White House Communications Agency, Videotapes

In addition to these depositories, I acquired documents through the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) from the Department of State and Foreign and Commonwealth Office and benefited from the generosity of Mitch Leventhal, Richard Loppnow, and Larry Rossin who shared their FOIA documents with me. I have also had the benefit of access to the private papers of Milan Bish, the former, US ambassador to Barbados.

Internet Resources A number of relevant FOIA documents are available on the Internet: Central Intelligence Agency, http://www.foia.cia.gov/ Department of State, http://aad.archives.gov/aad/ The Grenada Revolution Online, http://www.thegrenadarevolutiononline.com, is a useful source of primary and secondary source material.

Secondary Sources Grenadian Documents People's Revolutionary Government Documents Anonymous. “Interim Report on North American Resistance Movement, 3/29/83.” In The Grenada Papers. Edited by Paul Seabury and Walter McDougall. San Francisco: ICS Press, 1984. 156–161. Anonymous. “Background Notes for Meeting with National Security Advisor Clark.” 175–177. ———. “Handwritten Notes of Meeting with National Security Adviser Clark.” 178–180. Austin, Hudson. “Statement Broadcast by General Hudson Austin on Behalf of the Political Bureau and the Central Committee of the New Jewel Movement, 16th October 1983, at approximately 12:04 P.M. on Radio Free Grenada.” In Documents on the Invasion of Grenada, Caribbean Monthly Bulletin Supplement, no. 1 (October 1983): 5–10. ———. “Statement by General Hudson Austin on Behalf of the Revolutionary Military Council, Monitored on Radio Free Grenada, 10:00 P.M. October 19, 1983.” In Documents on the Invasion of Grenada, Caribbean Monthly Bulletin Supplement, no. 1 (October 1983):11–12. Bishop, Maurice. “The Struggle for Democracy and against Imperialism in Grenada, August 1977.” In Maurice Bishop Speaks: The Grenada Revolution and Its Overthrow 1979–83. Edited by Bruce Marcus and Michael Taber. New York: Pathfinder, 1983, 16–23. ———. “A Bright New Dawn, March 13, 1979.” 16–25. ———. “In Nobody’s Backyard, April 13, 1979.” 26–31. ———. “Bishop Letter to President Reagan. March 26, 1981.” The Grenada Revolution Online. http://www.thegrenadarevolutiononline.com/bishltr1.html (accessed February 7, 2007). ———. “Together We Shall Build Our Airport, March 29, 1981.” 143–149. ———. “Freedom of the Press and Imperialist Destabilization, June 19, 1981.” 150–166. ———. “For Greater Caribbean Community Integration, June 29, 1981.” 167–173. 266 ● Bibliography

______. “Bishop Letter to President Reagan, August, 11, 1981.” The Grenada Revolution Online. http://www.thegrenadarevolutiononline.com/bishltr2.html (accessed January 25, 2007). ———. “Grenada is Not Alone, November 23, 1981.” 240–254. ———. “Line of March for the Party, Monday 13th September 1982.” In The Grenada Papers. Edited by Paul Seabury and Walter McDougall. San Francisco: ICS Press, 1984. 59–88. ———. “An Armed Attack against Our Country Is Imminent, March 23, 1983.” 279–286. ———. “Maurice Bishop Speaks to U.S. Working People, June 5, 1983.” 287–312. ———. “Letter to Gaddafi.” The Grenada Revolution Online. http://www. thegrenadarevolutiononline.com/gaddafiletter.html (accessed January 29, 2007). Government of Grenada. Report of the Duffus Commission of Inquiry into the Breakdown of Law & Order, and Police Brutality in Grenada (1975). The Grenada Revolution Online. http://www.thegrenadarevolutiononline.com/duffus53thru54.html (accessed January 20, 2007). Jacobs, Ian. “Report on U.S., 4/83.” In The Grenada Papers. Edited by Paul Seabury and Walter McDougall. San Francisco: ICS Press, 1984. 162–171. Jacobs, W. Richard. “Grenada’s Relations with the USSR.” In The Grenada Documents. Edited by Brian Crozier. London: Sherwood Press, 1987. 198–216. Noel, Vincent. “Letter from Noel to the Central Committee, October 17, 1983.” The Grenada Revolution Online. http://www.thegrenadarevolutiononline.com/noelletter. html (accessed January 29, 2007). People’s Revolutionary Government Political Bureau. “Minutes of Political Bureau Meeting Held on Wednesday, 27th May, 1981.” In The Grenada Documents: A Selection and Overview, document 53. Edited by Michael Ledeen and Herbert Romerstein. Washington, D.C.: Department of State and Department of Defense, 1984. People’s Revolutionary Government Central Committee. “Minutes of Extra-Ordinary Meeting of the Central Committee of NJM from Tuesday 12th–Friday 15th October, 1982.” In The Grenada Documents, document 105. ———.“Central Committee Report on the First Plenary Session, July 13–19, 1983.” In The Grenada Documents, document 110. ———. “Minutes of Emergency Meeting of N.J.M. Central Committee Dated 26th August, 1983.” In The Grenada Documents, document 111. ———. “Extraordinary Meeting of the Central Committee NJM, 14–16 September, 1983.” In The Grenada Documents, document 112. ———. “Extra-Ordinary General Meeting of Full Members, September 25th, 1983.” In The Grenada Documents, document 113. “The Political Situation in the Caribbean and Grenada’s Present Position within that Scenario.” GDMC, no. 004872. Reed, Gail. “Advice on U.S. Tour.” In The Grenada Papers. Edited by Paul Seabury and Walter McDougall. San Francisco: ICS Press, 1984. 172–174. “Resolution of People’s Revolutionary Armed Forces Branch of the New Jewel Movement.” The Grenada Revolution Online. http://www.thegrenadarevolutiononline. com/praresolution.html (accessed January 29, 2007). Strachan, Selwyn. “Report on the meeting of the PB [Political Bureau] and CC [Central Committee] held on Oct. 12th given by Cde. Strachan.” In The Grenada Papers. Edited by Paul Seabury and Walter McDougall. San Francisco: ICS Press, 1984. 317–321. Bibliography ● 267

Stroude, Christopher. “Statement Issued by Major Christopher Stroude, Member of the Grenadian Revolutionary Military Council on October 20, 1983.” In Documents on the Invasion of Grenada, Caribbean Monthly Bulletin Supplement, no. 1 (October 1983): 13–15. “Telex to the United States Embassy, Barbados, 12.12.80.” GDMC, no. 003104.

Other Grenadian Documents Als, Michael. “Press Statement Presented by Michael Als on Mediation of the Crisis in the NJM.” The Grenada Revolution Online. http://www.thegrenadarevolutiononline. com/mediation.html (accessed January 26, 2007). Coard, Bernard, and Colleagues. “Reflections and Apologies by Bernard Coard and His Colleagues.” The Grenada 17. http://www.grenada17.cwc.net/ (accessed January 29, 2007). Gairy, Eric. “Black Power in Grenada,” Radio Grenada, May 3, 1970, Report of the Duffus Commission of Inquiry into the Breakdown of Law & Order, and Police Brutality in Grenada. Part 3, paragraph 51. The Grenada Revolution Online. http://www.thegrenadarevolutiononline.com/duffus53thru54.html (accessed January 20, 2007). “The Grenadian Voice.” The Grenada Revolution Online. http://www.thegrenadarevolutiononline. com/voice1stissue.html (accessed January 25, 2007). “Government Calls for Prayer for Families Affected.” June 28, 2007. The Prime Minister’s Office, Government of Grenada. http://pmoffice.gov.gd/newsitem. aspx?nid=1232 (accessed July 10, 2007). New Jewel Movement. “The Manifesto of the New Jewel Movement.” The Grenada Revolution Online. http://www.thegrenadarevolutiononline.com/73regionintl.html (accessed March 27, 2007). The Truth and Reconciliation Commission Report. Grenada: Redeeming the Past: A Time for Healing. 3 vols. St. George’s, Grenada: Government Printery, 2006. Vol. 1 is available at http://www.thegrenadarevolutiononline.com/trccontents.html (accessed July 4, 2007).

US Government Documents The majority of US documents were obtained via the FOIA. Others were available from different sources. The National Security Archives Grenada Collection is indicated at the source as NSAGC. The details of this source are as follows. Folder 1, Incoming FOIAs, Box 4, Grenada 6104, National Security Archive, Washington, D.C. The documents listed in the “Telegrams and Memoranda” section are in chronological order.

Telegrams and Memoranda US Embassy, Bridgetown. Confidential telegram to the secretary of state. “Subject: Planning for Possible Evacuation of Foreign Residents from Grenada.” 302030Z, January 30, 1974, Bridgetown 00185. ———. Confidential telegram to the secretary of state. “Subject: Grenada Independence Celebrations.” 081745Z, February 8, 1974, Bridgetown 00241. ———. Unclassified telegram to secretary of state. “Subject: Political Rally June 19.” 210024Z, June 21, 1977, Bridgetown 00063. 268 ● Bibliography

US Mission United Nations, New York. Unclassified telegram to secretary of state, “Subject: Grenadian UFO Crusade: Déjà Vu.” 180251Z, November 18, 1978, US Mission United Nations New York 05165. ———. Unclassified telegram to secretary of state. “Subject: Grenadian UFO Resolution.” 232125Z, November 23, 1978, US Mission United Nations New York 05313. ———. Unclassified telegram to secretary of state, “Subject: Grenadian UFO Resolution.” 242141Z, November 24, 1978, US Mission United Nations New York 05323. US Embassy, Bridgetown. Confidential telegram to secretary of state. “Subject: Grenada: Sitrep Twelve Forty-Five Local.” 131954Z, March 13, 1979. Bridgetown 00869. (NSAGC). ———. Confidential telegram to secretary of state. “Subject: Grenada Coup.” 141945Z, March 14, 1979, Bridgetown unnumbered. US Department of State, Washington, D.C. Confidential telegram to American Embassy, Brasilia. “Subject: Grenada: Policy Options.” 142333Z, March 14, 1979, Washington D.C. 63301. US Embassy, Port of Spain. Unclassified telegram to secretary of state. “Subject: Maurice Bishop Interview with T&T Television.” 162103Z, March 16, 1979, Port of Spain 00929. US Embassy, Bridgetown. Confidential telegram to secretary of state. “Subject: Developments in Grenada.” 162207Z, March 16, 1979, Bridgetown 0932. US Department of State, Washington, D.C. Confidential telegram to US Embassy, London. “Subject: Recent Events in Grenada.” 312052Z, March 31, 1979, Washington D.C. 81187. US Embassy, Bridgetown. Confidential telegram to secretary of state. “Subject: Grenada: Hewitt Meeting with Foreign Minister Forde.” 062311Z, April 6, 1979, Bridgetown 1315. ———. Confidential telegram to secretary of state. “Subject: Grenada: Meeting with Minister of Finance Coard.” 111603Z, April 11, 1979, Bridgetown 01363. (NSAGC). ———. Confidential telegram to secretary of state. “Subject: Grenada: Meeting with Prime Minister Bishop.” 111843Z, April 11, 1979, Bridgetown 01368. (NSAGC). US Department of State, Washington, D.C. Secret telegram to US Embassy, Bridgetown. “Subject: Talking Points for your Meeting with Prime Minister Maurice Bishop of Grenada on June 18.” 142202Z, June 14, 1979, Washington D.C. 153150. (NSAGC). US Department of State, Washington, D.C. Confidential telegram to US Embassy, Bridgetown. “Subject: Meeting Between Bernard Coard, Finance Minister of the NRG (sic) in Grenada, and Assistant Secretary Vaky.” 160008Z, June 16, 1979, Washington D.C. 154578. (NSAGC). US Embassy, Bridgetown. Confidential telegram to secretary of state. “Subject: Grenada: Bishop charges Attempted Coup.” 052250Z, November 5, 1979, Bridgetown 4597. US Department of State, Washington, D.C. Confidential telegram to US Embassy, Bridgetown. “Subject: Talking Points for Meeting with PM Bishop.” 150133Z, December 15, 1979, Washington D.C. 322604. (NSAGC). US Embassy, Bridgetown. Confidential telegram to the secretary of state. “Subject: Ambassador’s Visit to Grenada: A Preliminary Report.” 182105Z, December 18, 1979, Bridgetown 5310. US Department of State, Washington, D.C. Confidential telegram to US Embassy, Bridgetown. “Subject: Request for Agrément for Dessima Williams as PRG Bibliography ● 269

Ambassador to the United States.” 151521Z, May 15, 1980, Washington D.C. 127947. (NSAGC). US Embassy, Bridgetown. Confidential telegram to secretary of state. “Subject: US-Grenadian Relations in the Aftermath of the Bomb Blast.” 232024Z, June 23, 1980, Bridgetown 03122. (NSAGC). ———. Confidential telegram to secretary of state. “Subject: Grenada Blames US for Poor Relations.” 231915Z, October 23, 1980, Bridgetown 06314. (NSAGC). ———. Confidential telegram to secretary of state. “Subject: Grenada Requests Ambassador to Visit for High-Level Consultations.” 161402Z, December 16, 1980, Bridgetown 07147. (NSAGC). ———. Confidential telegram to secretary of state. “Subject: Bishop’s Speech Concerning Closing of ‘The Grenadian Voice.’” 261051Z, June 26, 1981, Bridgetown 03164. (NSAGC). ———. Confidential telegram to secretary of state. “Subject: Grenada: Text of Grenada- US Exchange of Letters Released.” 111453Z, March 11, 1982, Bridgetown 01482. (NSAGC). ———. Secret airgram to secretary of state. United States-Grenada Relations since the Coup: A Background Paper by political officer Larry Rossin, 1983. ———. Confidential telegram to secretary of state. “Subject: Grenada Protests Statement by Vice President Bush.” 042122Z, January 4, 1983, Bridgetown 0044. ———. Confidential telegram to secretary of state. No subject heading. 162143Z, March 16, 1983, Bridgetown 01527. (NSAGC). ———. Confidential telegram to secretary of state. “Subject: Grenada After the Bishop- Reagan Exchange: Quiet, Puzzled, Disgruntled.” 201845Z, April 20, 1983, Bridgetown 02334. (NSAGC). US Department of State, Washington, D.C. Secret memorandum to William Clark, The White House. “Subject: Visa for Prime Minister Maurice Bishop of Grenada.” May 18, 1983, Department of State 8315359, Washington, D.C. US Embassy, Bridgetown. Confidential telegram to secretary of state. “Subject: Grenada: Local Coverage of Bishop’s Visit to US.” 012008Z, June 1, 1983, Bridgetown 03082. (NSAGC). US Department of State, Washington, D.C. Confidential memorandum to President Ronald Reagan, The White House, “Meeting with Prime Minister Maurice Bishop of Grenada.” June 7, 1983, Department of State 8317648, Washington, D.C. US Embassy, Bridgetown. Confidential telegram to secretary of state. “Subject: Grenada: Bishop Calls U.S. Arrogant.” 0813502Z, June 8, 1983, Bridgetown 03195. (NSAGC). US Department of State, Washington, D.C. Confidential memorandum to William Clark, The White House. “Subject: Grenada: Response to Bishop’s Remarks, Attachment: Talking Points for Ambassador Middendorf.” June 21, 1983, Department of State 8319071, Washington, D.C. US Embassy, Bridgetown. Confidential telegram to secretary of state. “Subject: Grenada Unrest Political Solution Talks Apparently Going On: Military Divided between Coard and Bishop.” 151602Z, October 15, 1983, Bridgetown 06249. ———. Confidential telegram to secretary of state. “Subject: Grenada Current Situation.” Unnumbered, n.d. [estimated October 15, 1983]. ———. Confidential telegram to the secretary of state. “Subject: Grenada: Army Plumps for Coard, but Bishop Not Yet Out. Where Do We Go from Here?” 162225Z, October 16, 1983, Bridgetown 06265. 270 ● Bibliography

US Embassy, London. Confidential telegram to secretary of state. “Subject: Grenada: [excised] Bishop’s ‘Slow Toppling.’” 181511Z, October 18, 1983, London 22273. (NSAGC). US Embassy, Bridgetown. Confidential telegram to secretary of state. “Subject: Grenada Update: Cabinet Members Resign. Foreign Minister Criticizes Coard.” 191905Z, October 19, 1983, Bridgetown 06372. (NSAGC). ———. Confidential telegram to secretary of state. “Subject: Grenada Update: Bishop Re-arrested.” 192034Z, October 19, 1983, Bridgetown 06380. (NSAGC). ———. Secret telegram to secretary of state. “Subject: Planning for Possible Emergency Evacuation of Amcits—Grenada.” 192356Z, October 19, 1983, Bridgetown 06387. ———. Secret telegram to secretary of state. “Subject: Grenada: Attitudes of the Grenada Medical School Toward Possible Evacuation of Their Students/Staff.” 200739Z, October 20, 1983, Bridgetown 06392. ———. Secret telegram to secretary of state. “Subject: Ambassador’s Assessment of the Situation on Grenada.” 200749Z, October 20, 1983, Bridgetown 06393. ———. Secret telegram to secretary of state. “Subject: Barbadian PM Tom Adams Pleas for U.S. Intervention in Grenada: Believes Leadership of the Region Would Strongly Support and fully Associate with U.S.” 201954Z, October 20, 1983, Bridgetown 06430. ———. Secret telegram to secretary of state. “Subject: Grenada: Comments/Plans of Grenada Democratic Movement.” 202026Z, October 20, 1983, Bridgetown 06431. (NSAGC). ———. Secret telegram to secretary of state. “Subject: St. Lucian Prime Minister’s Scenario.” 210058Z, October 21, 1983, Bridgetown 06451. US Embassy, Kingston. Secret telegram to secretary of state. “Subject: Jamaica Considers Participation in Multilateral Force to Secure Grenada.” 210133Z, October 21, 1983, Kingston 10314. US Department of State. Secret telegram to US Embassy Bridgetown. “Subject: Approach Re Grenada to OECS and Barbados.” 210258Z, October 21, 1983, Washington D.C. 300202. ———. Secret telegram to US Embassy Bridgetown. “Subject: Grenada—Seaga Proposes Joint Caribbean Action and Naval Blockade of Grenada.” 211809Z, October 21, 1983, Washington D.C. 300927. US Embassy, Bridgetown. Confidential telegram to secretary of state. “Subject: Welfare/Whereabouts STGMS Students.” 212328Z, October 21, 1983, Bridgetown 06503. ———. “Subject: Approach to Adams Re Grenada: Approach to Others Tomorrow.” 220057Z, October 22, 1983, Bridgetown 06505. ———. Secret telegram to secretary of state. “Personal Message for the Secretary.” 221310Z, October 22, 1983, Bridgetown 06515. Secretary of state, secret telegram to US Embassy Bridgetown. “Subject: Instructions for Dealing with Caribbean Friends.” 231833Z, October 1983, Washington D.C. 302418. US Embassy, Bridgetown. Secret telegram to secretary of state. “Subject: Grenada: Request for Talks.” 240639Z, October 1983, Bridgetown 06575. US Department of State, Washington, D.C. Secret telegram to all American republic diplomatic posts. “Subject: Grenada Situation Report No. Eight.” 241128Z, October 24, 1983, Washington 302451. US Embassy, Bridgetown. Unclassified telegram to secretary of state. “Subject W/W: Amcits in Grenada.,” 241339Z, October 24, 1983, Bridgetown 06547. Bibliography ● 271

US Department of State, Washington, D.C. Secret telegram to US Embassy Bridgetown. “Subject: Suggested Points for OECS Approach to Grenadian Governor General.” 241947Z, October 24, 1983, Washington D.C. 302848. ———. Secret telegram to US Embassy Bridgetown. “Subject: U.S. Response to OECS Request for Assistance.” 242324Z, October 24, 1983, Washington D.C. 303362. US Embassy, Bridgetown. Secret telegram to secretary of state. “Subject: Uncleared Informal Minutes of Meeting Between Ambassadors Bish and McNeil with West Indian Heads of Government to Discuss Grenada Situation.” 252203Z, October 25, 1983, Bridgetown 06654. US Department of State, Washington, D.C. Bureau of Intelligence and Research, Assessments and Research. “Grenada: The Bishop Years, A Chronology.” Secret Report 721-AR, November 22, 1983. The White House, Memorandum of Conversation, “Subject: President Carter/Prime Minister Gairy-Bilateral,” September 9, 1977. The White House, Washington, D.C. Top secret memorandum to George Shultz, secretary of state. “Grenada.” June 20, 1983, The White House 90742, Washington, D.C.

US National Security Council Documents National Security Council. Secret memorandum. “Subject: Next Steps in Grenada.” March 14, 1979, no. 1603. ———. “Subject: Mini-SCC Meeting on Grenada.,” March 15, 1979, no. 1629. ———. Confidential memorandum. “Subject: Update on Grenada.” March 27, 1979, no. 1871. ———. Secret memorandum. “Subject: Time to Reassess US Policy to Grenada and the Caribbean: Second Generation Surrogates?” April 14, 1979, no. 2271. ———. Secret memorandum. “Subject: Mini-SCC Meeting on Grenada—April 27, 1979, 10:30–11:30am.” April 23, 1979, no. 2385. ———. Secret memorandum. “Subject: U.S. Assistance to Grenada.” May 8, 1979, no. 2770. ———. Secret memorandum to William Clark, The White House. “Visa for Grenadian Prime Minister Bishop.” May 23, 1983, National Security Council 3421. ———. Confidential memorandum to Robert McFarlane, The White House. “St. George’s Medical School.” June 7, 1983, National Security Council 3900. ———. Secret telegram to Downing Street. “Reagan Letter to Thatcher (Thinking of Intervening).” 241847Z, October 24, 1983. The Thatcher Foundation. http://www. margaretthatcher.org/archive/default.asp (accessed on July 6, 2007). ———. Secret telegram to Downing Street. “Reagan Letter to Thatcher (Decided to Intervene).” 242200Z, October 24, 1983. The Thatcher Foundation. http://www. margaretthatcher.org/archive/default.asp (accessed on July 7, 2007). ———. Secret telegram to Downing Street. “Grenada: Reagan Letter to Thatcher (Intervention Goes Ahead).” 250656Z, October 25, 1983. The Thatcher Foundation. http://www.margaretthatcher.org/archive/default.asp (accessed on July 7, 2007).

US Central Intelligence Agency Documents Central Intelligence Agency. Memo. “Bishop Says U.S. Blocked International Aid.” Document no. 002433. Declassified Documents Catalog XIV14 (September–October 1988). ———. Memo. “Grenada Chronology, 7–25 October, 1983.” Document no. 002449. Declassified Documents Catalog 1988 IV, no. 5 (1988). 272 ● Bibliography

———. Report. Interagency Intelligence Assessment. “A First Look at the Mechanisms of Control and Foreign Involvement, 19 December, 1983.” http://www.foia.cia.gov (accessed July 5, 2007). National Security Decision Directive 110a, October 23, 1983. Federation of American Scientists. http://www.fas.org/irp/offdocs/nsdd/23-2171t.gif (accessed July 5, 2007). ———. “Remarks of the President and Prime Minister Eugenia Charles of Dominica Announcing the Deployment of United States Forces in Grenada, October 25, 1983.” Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States. Ronald Reagan Presidential Library. http://www.reagan.utexas.edu/archives/speeches/1983/102583a.htm (accessed March 25, 2007). ———. “Address to the Nation on Events in Lebanon and Grenada, October 27, 1983.” Public Papers of the Presidents. Ronald Reagan Presidential Library. http://www.reagan. utexas.edu/ archives/speeches/1983/102783b.htm (accessed March 27, 2007). ———.“Text of Remarks by the President to Cherry Point Marine Corps Air Station Personnel and Families, Cherry Point Marine Corps Air Station, Cherry Point, North Carolina, November 4, 1983.” Ronald Reagan Presidential Library, http://www. reagan.utexas.edu/archives/speeches/1983/110483a.htm (accessed February 3, 2007). US Congress. House of Representatives. Subcommittee on Inter-American Affairs of the Committee on Foreign Affairs. Economic and Political Future of the Caribbean, 96th Congress, 1st session. Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1979. ———. House of Representatives. Subcommittee on Inter-American Affairs of the Committee on Foreign Affairs. United States Policy toward Grenada, 97th Congress, 2nd session. Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1982. ———. House of Representatives. Subcommittees on International Security and Scientific Affairs and on Western Hemisphere Affairs of the Committee of Foreign Affairs. U.S. Military Actions in Grenada: Implications for U.S. Policy in the Eastern Caribbean, 98th Congress, 1st session. Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1983. ———. House of Representatives. “U.S. House of Representatives Fact Finding Mission: The Grenada Diary of Congressman Louis Stokes.” In Documents on the Invasion, Caribbean Monthly Bulletin Supplement, no. 1 (October 1983): 103–107. “U.S. House of Representatives: Critics of American Invasion Detained—U.S. Troops Act on Request of Grenada’s Governor General.” Documents on the Invasion, Caribbean Monthly Bulletin Supplement, no. 1 (October 1983). ———. Senate. Committee on Foreign Relations. The Situation in Grenada, 98th Congress, 1st session. Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1983. ———. House of Representatives. Committee on Armed Services. Lessons Learned as a Result of the U.S. Military Operations in Grenada, 98th Congress, 2nd session. Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1984. ———. House of Representatives. Committee on Foreign Affairs. Miscellaneous Legislation Concerning Various Foreign Policy Issues, 98th Congress, 2nd session. Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1984. ———. House of Representatives. Subcommittee on Western Hemisphere Affairs of the Committee on Foreign Affairs. The English-Speaking Caribbean: Current Conditions and Implications for U.S. Policy. Report by the Congressional Research Service of the proceedings of a workshop held on December 11, 1984. Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1985. US Department of State. “Organization of Eastern Caribbean States Request for U.S. Assistance in Grenada.” Document no. 656. American Foreign Policy, Current Documents. Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1983. 1397–1398. Bibliography ● 273

———. “President’s Remarks, October 25, 1983.” Department of State Bulletin 83 (December 1983): 67. ———. “OECS Statement.” Department of State Bulletin 83 (December 1983): 67–68. ———. “Secretary Shultz’s News Conference. October 25, 1983.” Department of State Bulletin 83 (December 1983): 69–72. ———. “President’s Remarks and Question-and-Answer Session (Excerpts), November 3, 1983.” Department of State Bulletin 83 (December 1983): 78–79. ———. Langhorne Motley. “The Decision to Assist Grenada.” Department of State Bulletin 84 (March 1984): 70–73. ———. Office of Public Communication. Background Notes: Grenada. Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1992. ———.“The Monroe Doctrine.” http://usinfo.state.gov/usa/infousa/facts/democrac/ 50.htm (accessed December 10, 2006). US Department of State and Department of Defense. Grenada: A Preliminary Report. Washington, D.C.: Department of State and Department of Defense, 1983. US General Accounting Office. AID Assistance to the Eastern Caribbean: Program Changes and Possible Consequences. Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1983. US Information Agency. Grenada: Background and Facts. Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1983. US President. “Remarks on the Caribbean Basin Initiative to the Permanent Council of the Organization of American States, February 24, 1982.” Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States. Ronald Reagan Presidential Library. http://www. reagan.utexas.edu/archives/speeches/1982/22482a.htm (accessed March 27, 2007). ———. “Remarks in Bridgetown, Barbados, Following a Luncheon Meeting with Leaders of Eastern Caribbean Countries, April 8, 1982.” Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States. Ronald Reagan Presidential Library. http://www.reagan.utexas.edu/archives/ speeches/1982/40882a.htm (accessed March 27, 2007). ———. “Address to the British Parliament, June 8, 1982.” Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States. Ronald Reagan Presidential Library. http://www.reagan.utexas.edu/ archives/speeches/1982/60882a.htm (accessed March 27, 2007). ———. “Remarks on Central America and El Salvador at the Annual Meetings of the National Association of Manufacturers, March 10, 1983.” Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States. Ronald Reagan Presidential Library. http://www. reagan.utexas.edu/archives/speeches/1983/31083a.htm (acessed March 27, 2007). ———. “Address to the Nation on Defense and National Security, March 23, 1983.” Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States. Ronald Reagan Presidential Library. http://www.reagan.utexas.edu/archives/speeches/1983/32383d.htm (accessed March 27, 2007). ———. “Address before a Joint Session of the Congress on Central America, April 27, 1983.” Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States. Ronald Reagan Presidential Library. http://www.reagan.utexas.edu/archives/speeches/1983/42783d.htm (accessed March 27, 2007).

Other US Documents Dam, Kenneth. “Statement of Hon. Kenneth W. Dam, Deputy Secretary of State.” US Congress, Senate, Committee on Foreign Relations, The Situation in Grenada, 98th Congress, 1st session. Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1983. George Bush. “Address to the Nation Announcing United States Military Action in Panama.” December 20, 1989. George Bush Presidential Library. http://bushlibrary. tamu.edu/research/papers/1989/89122000.html (accessed January 20, 2007). 274 ● Bibliography

NBC Evening News, November 7, 1983. Weekly News Summary, Week of November 07–13, 1983. White House Communications Agency Videotapes, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library. “Press Briefing by Larry Speakes, 9:17 A.M., October 21, 1983.” No. 882-10/21, Container 33, White House Office of the Press Secretary, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library. “Press Briefing by Larry Speakes, 12:16 P.M., October 24, 1983.” No. 889-10/24, Container 34, White House Office of the Press Secretary, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library. “Press Briefing by Larry Speakes, 1:00 P.M., October 26, 1983.” No. 892-10/26, Container 34, White House Office of the Press Secretary, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library. Ronald Reagan. “Presidential Address to the Nation: Foreign Policy, Thursday, October 27, 1983.” (Elliot/Myer) October 26, 1983, 9:00 a.m. White House Office of Speechwriting: Speech Drafts, OA8206, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library. “Statement of Geoffrey Bourne, M.D., Vice Chancellor, St. George’s University School of Medicine, Grenada, West Indies.” US Congress, U.S. Military Actions in Grenada: Implications for U.S. Policy in the Eastern Caribbean, 98th Congress, 1st session. Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1983. Weekly News Summary, Week of October 24–30, 1983. White House Communications Agency Videotapes, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library.

UK Documents Downing Street, London. Letter to the Foreign and Commonwealth Office. “The Prime Minister’s telephone conversation with the Prime Minister of Barbados, Mr. Tom Adams, on 15 March 1979.” March 15, 1979. Foreign and Commonwealth Office, London. Mexico and Caribbean Department. Memorandum. “Coup d’etat in Grenada.” March 13, 1979. Foreign and Commonwealth Office, London. Mexico and Caribbean Department. “Anglo- US-Canadian Talks on Security in the Caribbean, Brief No. 5, Assistance to Enhance Security, Including Police, Intelligence and Possibly Regional Coastguard.” April 30, 1979. ———. Confidential telegram to UK High Commission Barbados. “Grenada.” 221815Z, October 22, 1983. London 295. “Memorandum by the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) Secretariat.” UK Parliament, House of Commons, Foreign Affairs Committee, Second Report, Grenada. London: HMSO, 1983–84. UK Embassy, Washington, D.C. Telegram to Foreign and Commonwealth Office. “Grenada.” March 14, 1979. UK High Commission, Port of Spain. Telegram to Mexico and Caribbean Department, Foreign and Commonwealth Office. “Grenada.” March 24, 1979. UK High Commission, Port of Spain. Report to Foreign and Commonwealth Office. “Revolution in Grenada: The First Three Weeks.” April 4, 1979. UK Parliament. House of Commons. Foreign Affairs Committee, Fifth Report. Caribbean and Central America. Session 1981–82. London: HMSO, 1982. ———. Parliament. House of Commons. Foreign Affairs Committee, Second Report. Grenada. Session 1983–84. London: HMSO, 1984. ———. Parliament. House of Commons. Command Paper 9267. Observations by the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs on the Foreign Affairs Committee, Second Report. Grenada. Session 1983–84. London: HMSO, 1984. UK Parliament, Hansard Parliamentary Debates (Commons), 6th series, vol. 47, Session 1983–84, October 24–November 4, 1983, Grenada. Bibliography ● 275

Caribbean Documents Adams, Tom. “Full Text of Speech by the Prime Minister of Barbados the Hon. Mr. Tom Adams Explaining His Reasons for Taking Part in the Invasion of Grenada.” In Documents on the Invasion of Grenada, Caribbean Monthly Bulletin Supplement, no. 1 (October 1983): 35–40. ———.“Speech by the Prime Minister of Barbados to Barbadian Parliament, 15/11/83.” In UK Parliament. House of Commons. Foreign Affairs Committee, Second Report. Grenada. Session 1983–84. London: HMSO, 1984. l–lxi. Castro, Fidel. “Letter from Castro to Central Committee, 10/15/83.” In The Grenada Papers. Edited by Paul Seabury and Walter McDougall. San Francisco: ICS Press, 1984. 327–328. Chambers, George. “Statement by the Honourable Prime Minister George Chambers to the House of Representatives of the Parliament of Trinidad and Tobago on October 26, 1983 on the Grenada Crisis,” in Documents on the Invasion, Caribbean Monthly Bulletin Supplement, no. 1 (October 1983): 75–80. Cuban Party. “Statement by the Cuban Party and Revolutionary Government on the Events in Grenada.” In Documents on the Invasion, Caribbean Monthly Bulletin Supplement, no. 1 (October 1983): 1–4. ———. “Statement by the Cuban Party and Revolutionary Government on the Imperialist Intervention of Grenada.” In Statements by CUBA on the Events in GRENADA. Edited by Nora Madan. La Habana, Cuba: Editora Politica, 1983. 5–15. Organization of American States. “Charter.” http://www.oas.org/juridico/english/charter. html (accessed February 6, 2007). Seaga, Edward. “Statement to the Nation by the Prime Minister of Jamaica, the Rt. Hon. Edward Seaga, on the Developments in Grenada, Tuesday, October 25, 1983.” In Documents on the Invasion, Caribbean Monthly Bulletin Supplement, no. 1 (October 1983): 67–74. “Toward One Caribbean—‘The Declaration of St. George’s.’” Bulletin of Eastern Caribbean Affairs 5 (July–August 1979): 31–34. WIAS Communique, March 20, 1979.

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Television Transcripts MacNeil/Lehrer News Hour. “Grenada Invasion/Beirut Debate.” Transcript no. 2107. October 25, 1983. ———. “Grenada Aftermath/Coronary Bypass Report/Argentine Elections.” Transcript no. 2109. October 27, 1983. ———. “Grenada Aftermath/Marines’ Families.” Transcript no. 2110. October 28, 1983. PBS Frontline. “Operation Urgent Fury.” Transcript no. 602. New York: Journal Graphics, 1988.

Dissertations Anderson, James Herbert. “National Decisionmaking and Quick-Strike Interventions during the 1980s: A Comparative Analysis of Operations Urgent Fury, El Dorado Canyon and Just Cause.” PhD diss., Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, 1993. Cotman, John Walton. “Cuba and the Grenada Revolution: The Impact and Limits of Cuban International Aid Programs.” 2 vols. PhD diss., Boston University Graduate School, 1992. 284 ● Bibliography

Dujmovic, Nicholas. “‘All Rights Are Not For Them’: The Totalitarian Temptation and Its Failure in Revolutionary Grenada, 1973–1983.” PhD diss., Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, 1996. Flynn, Stephen Edward. “Grenada as a ‘Reactive’ and a ‘Proactive’ Crisis: New Models of Crisis Decisionmaking.” PhD diss., Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, 1988. Leventhal, Mitchel Arthur. “Entrepreneurship and Nation Building: Proprietary Medical Schools and Development in the Caribbean, 1976–1990.” PhD diss., University of Chicago, 1995. Loppnow, Richard Edward. “Deciding Quickly and Deciding Well: A Case Study of Grenada.” PhD diss., University of Miami, 1996. Marshall, Donn-Erik. “Urgent Fury: The U.S. Military Intervention in Grenada.” MA diss., University of Virginia, 1989. Pearson, David Eric. “The Betrayal of Truth and Trust by Government: Deception as Process and Practice.” PhD diss., Yale University, 1988. Poole, Marcus. “A Study of the Impact of the Bishop Government of Grenada upon the United States and Caribbean relations.” MA diss., American University, 1982. Smith, Courtney. “The Development Strategy of the People’s Revolutionary Government: The Political Economy of Economic Transformation in Grenada, 1979–1983.” PhD diss., University of Hull, 1988.

Journal Articles Archer, Ewart. “Gairyism, Revolution and Reorganization: Three Decades of Turbulence in Grenada.” Journal of Commonwealth and Comparative Politics 23, no. 2 (1985): 91–111. Arthur, Stanley. “Grenada and Eastern Caribbean Security.” Conflict Studies 177 (1985). Axline, Andrew. “Political Change and U.S. Strategic Concerns in the Caribbean.” Latin American Research Review 21 (1986): 214–225. Barriteau, Eudine. “Regional Comments on Barbados-Grenada Relations.” Bulletin of Eastern Caribbean Affairs 6, no. 5 (November–December 1980): 22–30. Beck, Robert. “The McNeil Mission and the Decision to Invade Grenada.” Naval War College Review 44 (Spring 1991): 93–112. ———. “Grenada’s Echoes in Iraq: International Security and International Law.” The Long Term View 5, no. 1 (2003): 73–87. Benjamin, Jules. “The Framework of U.S. Relations with Latin America in the Twentieth Century: An Interpretive Essay.” Diplomatic History 11 (1987): 76–105. Block, Marcia, and Geoff Mungham. “The Military, the Media and the Invasion of Grenada.” Contemporary Crises 13 ( June 1989): 91–127. Bostdorff, Denise. “The Presidency and Promoted Crisis: Reagan, Grenada, and Issue Management.” Presidential Studies Quarterly 21 (1991): 737–750. Bourne, Geoffrey. “Revolution, Intervention and Nutrition: What Happened in Grenada.” Nutrition Today ( January/February 1985): 17–27. Brands, H. W., Jr. “Decisions on American Armed Intervention: Lebanon, Dominican Republic, and Grenada.” Political Science Quarterly 102 (1987): 607–624. Castro, Janice, and Patricia Delaney. “Weighing the Proper Role: Grenada and Lebanon Illustrate the Uses and Limits of Power.” Time, November 7, 1983, 30–40. Clark, Steve. “The Second Assassination of Maurice Bishop.” New International: A Magazine of Marxist Politics and Theory 6 (1987): 11–96. Bibliography ● 285

Connell-Smith, Gordon. “The Grenada Invasion in Historical Perspective: From Monroe to Reagan.” Third World Quarterly 6 (1984): 432–445. Desch, Michael C. “Turning the Caribbean Flank: Sea-Lane Vulnerability during a European War,” Survival (1987): 528–571. Dew, Edward. “Did Suriname Switch? Dialectics a la Dante.” Caribbean Review 12, no. 4 (December 1983): 29–30. Diederich, Bernard. “Interviewing George Louison: A PRG Minister Discusses the Killings.” Caribbean Review 12 (December 1983): 17–18. Enders, Thomas. “A Comprehensive Strategy for the Caribbean Basin.” Caribbean Review 11, no. 2 (1982): 10–13. Erisman, H. Michael. “The CARICOM States and US Foreign Policy: The Danger of Central Americanization.” Journal of Inter-American Studies and World Affairs 31, no. 3 (Fall 1989): 141–182. Feuer, Carl. “Was Bishop a Social Democrat?” Caribbean Review 12, no. 4 (Fall 1983): 37–39. Gill, Henry. “The Foreign Policy of the Grenada Revolution.” Bulletin of Eastern Caribbean Affairs 7 (March/April 1981): 1–5. Glad, Betty. “Black-and-White Thinking: Ronald Reagan’s Approach to Foreign Policy.” Political Psychology 4, no. 1 (1983): 33–76. Gleijeses, Piero. “Ships in the Night: The CIA, the White House and the Bay of Pigs.” Journal of Latin American Studies 27 (1995): 1–42. Gonsalves, Ralph. “The Importance of the Grenada Revolution to the Eastern Caribbean.” Bulletin of Eastern Caribbean Affairs 5, no. 1 (March–April 1979): 1–11. Handy, Jim. “The Most Precious Fruit of the Revolution: The Guatemalan Agrarian Land Reform, 1952–54.” Hispanic American Historical Review 68 (1988): 675–707. Hardt, D. Brent. “Grenada Reconsidered.” Fletcher Forum: A Journal of Studies in International Affairs 11, no. 2 (Summer 1987): 277–308. Hemmer, Christopher. “Historical Analogies and the Definition of Interests: The Iranian Hostage Crisis and Ronald Reagan’s Policy toward the Hostages in Lebanon.” Political Psychology 20, no. 2 (1999): 267–289. Henfrey, Colin. “Between Populism and Leninism: The Grenadian Experience.” Latin American Perspectives 11, no. 3 (1984): 15–36. Hooker, Richard. “Presidential Decisionmaking and the Use of Force: Case Study Grenada.” Parameters 16, no. 2 (1991): 61–72. Hudson, Brian. “The Changing Caribbean: Grenada’s New International Airport,” Caribbean Geography 1, no. 1 (1983): 51–57. Immerman, Richard. “Guatemala as Cold War History.” Political Science Quarterly 95 (1980–81): 629–653. Kenworthy, Eldon. “Grenada as Theatre.” World Policy Journal 1 (1984): 635–651. Kirton, Claremont. “Grenada and the IMF: The PRG’s Extended Fund Facility Program, 1983.” Latin American Perspectives 16, no. 3 (Summer 1989): 121–144. Lent, John. “Mass Media and Socialist Governments in the Commonwealth Caribbean.” Human Rights Quarterly (1982): 371–390. Lewis, Patsy. “Revisiting the Grenada Invasion: The OECS’ Role, and Its Impact on Regional and International Politics.” Social and Economic Studies 48, no. 3 (1999): 85–120. Mahabir, Cynthia. “Heavy Manners and Making Freedom under the People’s Revolutionary Goverment in Grenada, 1979–1983.” International Journal of the Sociology of Law 21 (1993): 219–243. 286 ● Bibliography

Maingot, Anthony. “American Foreign Policy in the Caribbean: Continuities, Changes, and Contingencies,” International Journal 40 (1985): 312–330. McMahon, Robert. “Credibility and World Power: Exploring the Psychological Dimension in Postwar American Diplomacy.” Diplomatic History 15 (1991): 455–471. Melanson, Richard. “Action History, Declaratory History, and the Reagan Years,” SAIS Review: A Journal of International Affairs 9, no. 2 (Summer–Fall 1989): 225–246. The Military Balance, 1983–84. Cambridge: Heffers, 1983. Modeste, Denneth. “Grenada: Tumultuous Decades.” Freedom at Issue (September–October 1984): 3–11. Papermaster, Daniel I. “A Case Study of the Effects of International Law on Foreign Policy Decisionmaking: The United States Intervention in the Dominican Republic in 1965.” Texas International Law Journal 24 (1989): 463–497. Pastor, Robert. “Sinking in the Caribbean Basin.” Foreign Affairs 60 (1982): 1038–1058. ———. “Does the United States Push Revolutions to Cuba? The Case of Grenada.” Journal of Inter-American Studies and World Affairs 28, no. 1 (Spring 1986): 1–34. ———. “Ortiz/Pastor Correspondence on Grenada.” Journal of Inter-American Studies and World Affairs 28, no. 4 (Winter 1986–1987): 197–203. Payne, Anthony. “The Grenada Crisis in British Politics,” Round Table 292 (1984): 403–410. ———. “Rethinking United States-Caribbean relations: Towards a New Mode of Trans- Territorial Governance.” Review of International Studies 26 (2000): 69–82. Pearson, Frederic. “Foreign Military Interventions and Domestic Disputes.” International Studies Quarterly 18, no. 3 (1974): 259–289. Perez, Louis. “Intervention, Hegemony, and Dependency: The United States in the Circum-Caribbean, 1898–1980.” Pacific Historical Review 51 (1982): 165–194. Petraeus, David. “Military Influence and the Post-Vietnam Use of Force.” Armed Forces and Society 15 (1989): 489–505. Phillips, Dion. “Defense Policy in Barbados, 1966–1988.” Journal of Inter-American Studies and World Affairs 32, no. 2 (Summer 1990): 69–102. Pool, Gail. “Shifts in Grenadian Migration: An Historical Perspective.” International Migration Review 23, no. 2 (Summer 1989): 238–266. Quigley, John. “Parachutes at Dawn: Issues of Use of Force and States of Internees in the United States-Cuban Hostilities on Grenada, 1983,” University of Miami Inter- American Law Review 17, no. 2 (Summer 1986): 199–249. ———. “The United States Invasion of Grenada: Stranger Than Fiction.” University of Miami Inter-American Law Review 18, no. 4 (Winter 1986–1987): 271–352. Rabe, Stephen J. “The Clues Didn’t Check Out: Commentary on ‘The CIA and Castillo Armas.’” Diplomatic History 14 (1990): 93. ———. “The Caribbean Triangle: Betancourt, Castro, and Trujillo and U.S. Foreign Policy.” Diplomatic History 20 (1996): 55–78. Robinson, Michael Jay, Maura Clancey, and William Adams. “Grenada Update.” Public Opinion (February/March 1984): 51–55. Rubner, Michael. “The Reagan Administration, the 1973 War Powers Resolution, and the Invasion of Grenada.” Political Science Quarterly 100 (Winter 1985–86): 627–647. Ryan, Selwyn. “Grenada: Balance Sheet of the Revolution.” Paper presented at a conference on The Grenada Revolution, 1979–83. Institute of International Relations, University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, Trinidad, May 24–25, 1984. Sanchez, Nestor. “The Communist Threat.” Foreign Policy 52 (Fall 1983): 43–50. ———. “What Was Uncovered in Grenada: The Weapons and Documents.” Caribbean Review 12 (December 1983): 21–23. Bibliography ● 287

Schoenhals, Kai. “The Road to Fort Rupert: The Revolution’s Final Crisis.” Paper presented at the conference on Democracy, Development and Collective Security in the Eastern Caribbean: The Lessons of Grenada. Caribbean Institute and Study Center for Latin America, Inter American University of Puerto Rico, Puerto Rico, October 17–19, 1985. Segal, Aaron. “Background to Grenada: When the Social Scientists Invaded.” Caribbean Review 12 (December 1983): 40–44. Servaes, Jan. “European Press Coverage of the Grenada Crisis.” Journal of Communication 41, no. 4 (1991): 28–41. Shearman, Peter. “The Soviet Union and Grenada under the New Jewel Movement.” International Affairs 61 (1985): 661–673. Sim, Richard, and James Anderson. “The Caribbean Strategic Vacuum.” Conflict Studies 121 (1980): 1–24. Sutton, Paul. “Black Power in Trinidad and Tobago: The Crisis of 1970.” Journal of Commonwealth and Comparative Politics 21, no. 2 (1983): 115–132. ———. “Grenadian Callaloo: Recent Books on Grenada.” Latin American Research Review 23, no. 1 (1988): 133–152. ———. “The Politics of Small State Security in the Caribbean.” Journal of Commonwealth and Comparative Politics 31, no. 2 (1993): 1–32. Thorndike, Tony. “Grenada: Maxi-Crisis for Mini-State.” World Today 30, no. 10 (1974): 436–444. Valenta, Jiri, and Virginia Valenta. “Leninism in Grenada.” Problems of Communism 33 (July–August 1984): 1–24. Vandenbroucke, Lucien. “Anatomy of a Failure: The Decision to Land at the Bay of Pigs.” Political Science Quarterly 99 (1984): 471–491. Waters, Maurice. “The Invasion of Grenada, 1983 and the Collapse of Legal Norms,” Journal of Peace Research 23, no. 3 (1986): 229–246. Weber, Cynthia. “Shoring up a Sea of Signs: How the Caribbean Basin Initiative framed the US Invasion of Grenada.” Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 12 (1994): 547–558. Williams, Gary. “The Tail That Wagged the Dog: The Organisation of Eastern Caribbean States’ Role in the 1983 Intervention in Grenada.” European Review of Latin American and Caribbean Studies 61 (1996): 95–115. ———. “‘A Matter of Regret’: Britain, the 1983 Grenada Crisis, and the Special Relationship.” Twentieth Century British History 12 (2001): 208–230. ———. “Brief Encounter: Grenadian Prime Minister Maurice Bishop’s Visit to Washington,” Journal of Latin American Studies 34 (2002): 659–685.

Magazine and Newspaper Articles Alpern, David. “How the Public Sees It.” Newsweek, November 7, 1983, 19. Barnes, Fred. “Weinberger Refuses to Rule out American Invasion of Nicaragua.” Baltimore Sun, November 7, 1983, 1. BBC Caribbean. “Law Lords Uphold Grenada Appeal.” February 7, 2007. http://www.bbc.co.uk/caribbean/news/story/2007/02/070207_privyquash.shtml (accessed March 23, 2007). ———. “Grenada 13 Urge Leniency.” June 19, 2007. http:www.bbc.co.uk/Caribbean/ news/story/2007/06/070619_grenadaupdate.shtml (accessed July 10, 2007). ———. “Grenada 13: Three Released.” June 27, 2007. http://www.bbc.co.uk/ caribbean/news/story/2007/06/070627_grenada13sentencing.shtml (accessed July 10, 2007). 288 ● Bibliography

BBC News. “Castro Gets Hero’s Reception in Grenada.” August 4, 1998. http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/americas/144860.stm (accessed February 27, 2007).” ———. Hurricane Ivan Blasts Caribbean.” September 9, 2004. http://news.bbc.co.uk/ 1/hi/world/americas/3634898.stm (accessed March 20, 2007). ———. “Grenada Investigates Anthem Gaffe.” February 4, 2007. http://news.bbc. co.uk/1/hi/world/americas/6328881.stm (accessed March 13, 2007). Bennett, Ralph Kinney. “Grenada: Anatomy of a ‘Go’ Decision,” Reader’s Digest, February 1984, 72–7. Bourne, Peter. “Was Intervention Necessary?” Los Angeles Times, November 6, 1983, section 4, 1. Caribbean Insight, “Grenada Awaits the US Response,” 6, no. 7 ( July 1983): 1. Caribbean Insight, “Sixteen Days that Shook the Caribbean,” 6, no. 11 (November 1983): 4–6. Coard, Bernard, and colleagues. “Reflections and apologies by Bernard Coard and colleagues.” The Grenadian Voice 16, no. 6 (February 1997): 1–10. Cody, Ed. “Medical School Director Says He Backs Invasion.” Washington Post, November 1, 1983, A12. Council on Hemispheric Affairs. “Grenada: Reagan’s Four Hours in Paradise.” News and Analysis, February 19, 1986. Council on Hemispheric Affairs. Washington, D.C.: http://www.coha.org/Press%20Release%20Archives/1986/003.pdf (accessed March 10, 2007). Daily Nation (Bridgetown). “CARICOM Suspends Grenada.” October 24, 1983, 1. ———. “Burnham: Why I Don’t Agree.” October 24, 1983, 1. ———. “Invasion Fears.” October 24, 1983, 1. ———. “Results of US Survey by Today.” October 24, 1983, 1. ———. “Still No Word on Coard.” October 24, 1983, 16. DeFrank, Thomas, and John Walcott. “The Invasion Countdown.” Newsweek, November 7, 1983, 22D. The Economist, “Britain’s Grenada Shut-Out: Say Something, if Only Goodbye,” March 10, 1984, 21–24. Ettlin, David Michael. “Invasion Abruptly Ended Medical Students’ Doubts.” Baltimore Sun, October 30, 1983, 3. George, Alan. “Did Washington Ghost-write Scoon’s appeal?” New Statesman, November 11, 1983, 5. Goodsell, James. “Latin America’s Quiet Support for US Intervention in Grenada.” Christian Science Monitor, November 1, 1983. Goshko, John M. “Caribbean Ministates Are a New Source of Concern for U.S.” Washington Post, July 6, 1979, A12. Grenada Today, “China in, Taiwan out.” February 5, 2005. http://www.belgrafix. com/gtoday/2005news/Feb/Feb05/China-Taiwan.htm (accessed March 13, 2007). Gwertzman, Bernard. “Fear of ‘Another Iran’ Haunted White House.” Washington Post, October 26, 1983, A1. Halloran, Richard. “Joint Chiefs Supported U.S. Action as Feasible.” New York Times, October 27, 1983, A23. Hughes, Alister. “Straws in the Wind.” Caribbean Contact 7 (October 1979): 6–7. ———. “Strachan Explains Coca-cola Take Over.” The Grenada Newsletter 7, no. 32 (October 27, 1979): 1–3. ———. “New Newspaper in Grenada ‘Voice’ Issue Seized: Arrests Made.” Grenada Newsletter 9, no. 3 (August 8, 1981): 1–3, 15–17. Bibliography ● 289

Jaroslovsky, Rich. “U.S. Sees Military Victory in Grenada Despite Stiff Resistance from Cubans.” Wall Street Journal, October 27, 1983, 1. Kaiser, Charles, with Lucy Howard. “An Off-the-Record War.” Newsweek, November 7, 1983, 83. Keesings Contemporary Archives. “GRENADA—Overthrow of Gairy Government by Main Opposition Party—Regional and International Reactions.” Keesings Contemporary Archives 25 (June 29, 1979): 29,689–691. ———. “CARIBBEAN COMMUNITY—Third Meeting of Heads of Government Conference.” Keesings Contemporary Archives 29 (February 1983): 31,946–950. Klare, Michael. “The Reagan Doctrine.” New Statesman, November 4, 1983, 9–10. Latin American Weekly Report: Caribbean, and Central America. “GRENADA: World Bank and IMF Accused.” May 8, 1981, 1–2. Magnuson, Ed, Douglas Brew, Bernard Diederich, and William McWhirter. “D-Day in Grenada.” Time, November 7, 1983, 12–20. Mallin, Jay. “Army Controls Grenada; Caricom Nations Shocked.” Washington Times, October 21, 1983, 5. McQuiston, John. “School’s Chancellor Says Invasion Was Not Necessary to Save Lives.” New York Times, October 26, 1983. Nossiter, Bernard. “Grenada Premier Establishes ‘Some Sort’ of U.S. Rapport.” New York Times, June 10, 1983, A8. Newsweek. “Special Report: Grenada and Lebanon—Americans at War.” November 7, 1983. Ortiz, Frank. “Letters to the Editor.” Atlantic Monthly 253 (June 1984): 7–12. Oberdorfer, Don. “Reagan Sought to End Cuban ‘Intervention.’” Washington Post, November 6, 1983, A21. O’Leary, Timothy, and Denise Cabrera. “Austin Had Close Ties to Grenada’s Bishop.” Washington Times, October 21, 1983, A12. Pastor, Robert. “Outrage Follows Outrage.” Washington Post, October 26, 1983. Pell, Eve. “The Backbone of Hidden Government.” Nation, June 19, 1989, 838. Reynolds, Barbara. “Anarchy in Grenada Was Really Frightening.” USA Today, October 27, 1983, 7. Rich, Spencer. “Ex-U.S. Official Saw Grenada after Coup.” Washington Post, October 27, 1983, A10. Rohter, Larry. “Grenada: A Tiny Exporter of Revolution?” Newsweek, March 31, 1980, 44. Ryan, Michael. “Scenes of a War.” People Weekly, November 14, 1983, 41–45. Singh, Ricky. “What Has Gone Wrong, Mr. Bishop?” Caribbean Contact 7 (November 1979): 1, 3. Skelton, George, and David Wood. “U.S. to Post Task Force Off Grenada.” Los Angeles Times, October 22, 1983, section 1, 3. Smith, Hedrick. “Reagan Aide Says U.S. Invasion Forestalled Cuban Arms Buildup.” New York Times, October 27, 1983, A10. “Statement by the IMF Staff Mission to Grenada.” Press Release No. 06/256. November 17, 2006. Washington, D.C.: IMF. http://www.imf.org/external/np/sec/pr/2006/ pr06256.htm (accessed March 18, 2007). Szulc, Tad. “Caribbean.” New York Times Magazine, May 25, 1979, 18, 56–58, 70–71, 75. Toronto Globe and Mail. “Ottawa Probing if Grenada Flights Purposely Scuttled.” November 12, 1983, 1–2. Toth, Robert. “U.S. Feared 2nd Hostage Crisis: Shultz.” Los Angeles Times, October 26, 1983. Tyler, Patrick. “U.S. Tracks Cuban Aid to Grenada: In ’81, Senate Unit Nixed CIA Plan to Destabilize Isle.” Washington Post, February 27, 1983, A1, A11. 290 ● Bibliography

———. “The Making of an Invasion: Chronology of the Planning.” Washington Post, October 30, 1983, A14. Walkon, Thomas, and Charlotte Montgomery. “Canada and the Grenada Invasion.” Toronto Globe and Mail, November 17, 1983, 3. Washington Post. “U.S. ’copters Seen in Barbados; Grenada Landings Denied in U.S.” October 25, 1983, A1. Williams, Juan. “Trinidadian Leader Faces Criticism for Opposing Invasion.” Washington Post, October 31, 1983. ———. “ President Defends Using Force.” Washington Post, December 13, 1983, A1. Index

Abdullah, Iman, 94–5 Batista, Fulgencio, 12, 16 Adams, Tom, 3, 52, 66–7, 85, 88–9, Bay of Pigs invasion, 12–14, 16 91–2, 96–7, 99, 102–4, 108, 110, Beirut barracks bombing (1983), 3, 114–16, 118, 120, 124–6, 133–4, 131–3, 136–7, 160 138, 140–2, 145, 147, 150, 153–4, Belize, 91, 146 158–9, 168–9, 173 “big stick” policy. See Monroe Doctrine Afghanistan, 46–7 Bird, Lester, 66, 114, 126, 139 Agrarian Reform Law (Guatemala), 11, 13 Bish, Milan, 56, 86, 88, 91–2, 96–7, 99, Allende, Salvador, 18 103–4, 108, 110–13, 115, 118, Alliance for Progress, 14, 15, 17 120–1, 135, 138–41, 147, 154, Als, Michael, 90 166–7 Angola, 47, 57 Bishop, Maurice, 1–3, 23–4, 26, 29–31, Antigua, 54, 65–8, 91, 146, 148, 150–1 33–53, 56–7, 59–60, 63–99, Antigua and Barbuda, 36, 53, 54, 65–7, 101–2, 105, 110, 124, 127, 140–2, 114 144, 158, 163–6, 177, 181–2 Arbenz, Jacobo, 11–12 arrest of, 84–93, 98–9, 166 Austin, Hudson, 33, 82, 87–9, 91–6, and Bernard Coard, 78–93, 98, 104–5 105–7, 110–11, 120–2, 133, 135, character of, 24, 37, 78–9 144–5, 152 criticism of, 80–2, 98 demise of, 78–85 Bain, Fitzroy, 79, 83, 92, 94–5 democracy, view of, 49 Bain, Norris, 90, 94–5 execution of, 2, 93–7, 99, 102, 127, Barbados, 3, 26, 27, 31, 34, 36–7, 41, 158, 181–2 44–5, 52, 54, 56, 61, 63, 66–8, 70, and Fidel Castro, 82, 98, 105, 110 75, 84–6, 88, 91–2, 96, 102–4, “In Nobody’s Backyard” speech and 109–10, 115–16, 118, 120–1, 123, Joint Leadership, 81–4 133, 135, 138–9, 146, 150, 152, letters to Ronald Reagan, 57, 59–60 154, 168, 173, 183 “Line of March” speech, 78 Barbados Defense Force, 34, 143 meetings with Frank Ortiz, 39–41, 53 US Embassy, 3, 26, 27, 31, 44–5, 54, meeting with Sally Shelton, 45, 49–51 56, 70, 75, 84–6, 91–2, 96, and revolution (1979), 33–4, 98 103–4, 110, 120–1, 138–9, 152, and Ronald Reagan, 57, 59–60, 154 69–70 See also Adams, Tom; Bish, Milan and Tom Adams, 52 292 ● Index

Bishop, Maurice, (Contd.) Castro, Fidel, 12–14, 16–17, 47, 60, 64, US rescue offer, 86 82, 87, 98, 102, 105, 108, 110, 177 visit to Washington, D.C., 69–76 and the Revolutionary Military See also People’s Revolutionary Council (RMC), 122–4 Government (PRG): anti-US See also Cuba rhetoric Cato, Milton, 110 Black Power movement, 22–5, 29, 31, 163 Central Committee (CC), 57, 74, Blaize, Herbert, 30, 48, 175 77–84, 86–7, 89–95, 97–8, 101 Blaker, Peter, 26 Castro’s letter to, 87 Bloody Sunday (1973), 25, 30, 163 and Joint Leadership, 80–3, 98 Bloody Wednesday, 91–5, 99, 101, 105, Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), 107, 129, 158, 167, 173, 177 12–16, 34–5, 43–4, 59, 62, 69–70, Bourne, Geoffrey, 106, 121–2, 134, 73–5, 86, 92, 97, 117, 123, 136, 144–5, 152 139, 164, 173 British Guiana, 14–15, 20 Chafin, Gary, 135, 143–6 Britton, Theodore, 27 Chambers, George, 102–3, 120, 125–6 Brown, Richard, 97, 139 Charles, Eugenia, 2, 68, 85, 88, 90, 96, Brzezinski, Zbignew, 34, 43–4 103, 114–15, 117, 126, 128, 150, Budeit, James, 135, 143–5, 152 154, 158–9, 181–2 Bullard, Giles, 92, 110, 124, 136 Chile, 18, 20, 28, 31 Burnham, Forbes, 15, 30, 37, 118, 125 CINCLANT. See US CINCLANT Bush, George H.W., 19, 62, 89, 96, 107, Clark, William, 72–4 116–118 Clarke, Ellis, 133 Bushnell, John, 42, 50 Coard, Bernard, 29–31, 33–4, 37, 41, 43–4, 46–7, 73, 75, 77–93, 96, Cabral, Donald Reid, 16–17 98–9, 104–5, 107, 117, 134, Canada, 10, 26, 34–5, 37, 39, 88, 92, 141–2, 144–5, 152, 165 111, 124, 136 character, 78–9 Caribbean Basin Initiative (CBI), 19, and Joint Leadership, 81 60–1, 64, 66, 70 removal of Maurice Bishop, 78–93, Caribbean Community (CARICOM), 3, 98, 104–5 27, 34–9, 52, 91, 102–3, 105, 110, resignation from the CC and Political 115–16, 118, 120–2, 134, 144, Bureau (PB), 79 150, 153–4, 159, 171–2 Coard, Phyllis, 81 and Grenada, 66–8 Cold War, 4, 11, 13–15, 18, 19, 39, 55, Port-of-Spain Summit (October 68, 166 1983), 125–6 Comas, Pedro Tortolo, 151–2 reaction to revolution (1979), 36 communism, 1, 10–19, 29–30, 34–5, 43, and regional integration, 67 46, 55, 65, 79–80, 92, 102, 111, relationship with Organisation of 120, 139, 141–2, 157, 164–5, 170–1 Eastern Caribbean States Compton, John, 35, 102–3, 114, 120, (OECS), 125–6 158 Caribbean Development Bank (CDB), Congressional Black Caucus (CBC), 61, 18, 27, 38, 40–1, 51–2, 65 69–70, 158 Caribbean Free Trade Association, 18, 35 Cornwall, Leon, 92–3, 121, 134, 145–7, Caribbean Peacekeeping Force (CPF), 152, 160, 167, 172 143, 152 Creft, Jacqueline, 90, 94–5 CARICOM. See Caribbean Community Crisis Pre-Planning Group (CPPG), 70–1, Carter, Jimmy, 3, 18, 27, 37, 43–4, 74, 76, 97, 101–2, 110, 112, 149 53–4, 56, 63, 76, 137 Crist, George, 118, 143 Index ● 293

Cuba, 3–7, 9, 12–18, 20, 30, 34–5, military capabilities, 53, 67–8, 182 37–44, 46–8, 50–75, 82, 84, 86–9, reaction to revolution (1979), 35–7 92–4, 97–9, 101–2, 104–5, 108–9, response to Bishop’s execution, 102 112, 115–16, 118–19, 122–4, 129, See also Organisation of Eastern 137, 140–2, 145, 148, 150–2, Caribbean States (OECS) 155–61, 163–4, 168–71, 173, Eddy, John, 42–3 176–7, 179–80 Eisenhower, Dwight, 11, 13, 14 aid to the PRG, 39–40, 47, 56 elections, 3, 7–9, 22–3, 29–31, 51–3, and Maurice Bishop, 86–8, 92–4, 97, 64, 70–1, 91, 103, 142, 163, 168, 105, 112 175–6 message to the US, 123–4 Bishop and, 33–4, 48–9, 74 and the New Jewel Movement foreign requests for, 34–8, 41–2, (NJM), 30 52, 53 Platt Amendment, 6 El Salvador, 18, 55, 60–1 position on invasion of Grenada, Erie, Carl, 109, 123 122–4, 150–2 and the PRG, 37–44, 46–8, 50–4, Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), 62, 67–75 39–40, 176 and the RMC, 105, 110 Flohr, Linda, 89–91, 110, 120–2, 134, and Soviet Combat Brigade, 43, 53 137, 143, 145, 152 See also Bay of Pigs invasion Flower, Ludlow, 85, 88, 96, 115, 138–9, 146–7 Dam, Kenneth, 72–3, 112, 120, 151 Foreign and Commonwealth Office Darby, Jack, 149 (FCO), 124–5 Declaration of Ocho Rios, 66–7 Fort Frederick, 93–5, 157 Declaration of St. George’s, 52 Fort Rupert, 92–7, 105–6, 122, 135, Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA), 157–8, 167 34–5, 101 Forum, 24 democracy, 2, 4–9, 16, 19, 24, 37, 41, Free West Indian, 59, 85 44, 49, 51–2, 58, 61, 64, 65, 70, 84, 102, 104, 108, 112, 116, 118, Gairy, Eric, 1–3, 21–31, 33, 36–40, 126, 142, 166, 168–9, 175–6 45–6, 48–51, 72, 142, 163, 166, dollar diplomacy, 7, 9, 19 175–6, 179 Dominica, 2, 36, 43, 50, 52–4, 65–8, character, 21–3, 27–8, 30, 37 85, 150 dictatorship, 26–31 Dominican Republic, 9–10, 15–17, 20 extradition, 45–6, 49–51, 72 domino effect, 16–17, 43, 64–5, 67 meeting with President Carter, 27–8 Donovan, Eileen, 26 overthrow, 33 Duffus Commission, 25–7 and UFOs, 28 Dulles, John Foster, 12, 14 See Mongoose Gang Germany, 6, 8, 58 Eagleburger, Lawrence, 88, 117, 123, Gillespie, Charles, 88, 96–7, 102–3, 131–2, 153 113–16, 138–40, 146–7, 150, 158 Eastern Caribbean (EC), 1, 27, 40, Good Neighbor policy, 10–11, 17, 19 42–3, 45, 48, 50, 52, 54, 56, 60–1, Great Britain, 6, 10–11, 14–15, 18, 65–9, 85, 88, 91, 96, 99, 101–4, 22–3, 25–7, 29, 34–5, 39, 43, 50, 114, 125, 140, 143, 159 53, 58, 85, 88, 92, 103, 110–11, banana crops, 50 115, 119, 121, 124–5, 133, 136, and “constructive engagement” with 146, 152, 168 Grenada, 67 and invasion of Grenada, 124–5, 136 294 ● Index

Grenada interventionism (US), 4–10 Governor-General (see Scoon, Paul) invasion of Grenada (US). the Grenada 17, 177 See Operation Urgent Fury independence of, 25–8 Iran, 12, 18–19 invasion of (see Operation Urgent Fury) Iran-Contra scandal, 19, 166 post-invasion reconstruction, 175–7 Iran hostage crisis, 18, 85, 88, 99, 107, post-1979 revolution (see People’s 117, 137–8, 148–9, 159, 166–7 Revolutionary Government Iraq, 57 [PRG]) revolution (1979), 33, 37–8, 43, 65, 75–6, 79, 96, 163, Jagan, Cheddi, 14–15 165–6 Jamaica, 26, 29, 30, 35–7, 39, 54, 57, Truth and Reconciliation 65–6, 68, 91, 96, 102–4, 115, 133, Commission, 177 146, 182 See also Cuba; democracy; elections; Jamaican Defence Force, 115 Eric Gairy; Point Salines James, Liam, 57, 74, 79–81, 83, 90 International Airport; St. George’s Johnson, Lyndon, 17 University; Soviet Union Johnstone, Craig, 112, 148–9, 161 Grenada Documents, 56–7, 69, 169–8 Joint Chiefs of Staff ( JCS), 3, 35, 85, Grenada Manual and Mental Workers 88, 97, 99, 108–9, 112, 116, 118, Union (GMMWU), 21, 30 120, 123, 131–2, 136–7, 143, Grenada National Party (GNP), 22–3, 148–9, 152, 156, 160–1, 167 25, 29–30, 48, 175 Joint Endeavour for Welfare, Grenada Newsletter, 59 Education, and Liberation Grenada United Labor Party (GULP), (JEWEL), 24 21–2, 175–6 Grenadian Voice, 58–9 Kelly, John, 84, 106, 111, 134, 152 Guantanamo Bay Naval Base, 6, 50 Kennedy, John F., 13–16 Guatemala, 11–13, 20 Kurze, Kenneth, 84, 89–91, 110, 120–2, gunboat diplomacy, 10, 14, 19, 166 134–5, 143 Guyana, 23, 26, 30, 36–7, 39, 68, 90–1, 103, 118, 120, 146 La Roche, Richard, 34, 37 Layne, Ewart, 79–80, 92–4 Haig, Alexander, 58, 64–5 Lebanon, 90, 131, 136–7. See also Beirut Haiti, 8–10 barracks bombing (1983) Hewitt, Ashley, 45, 104 Leninism, 29, 77–80, 98, 165 HMS Antrim, 125, 136 Lewis, Vaughan, 114 Howe, Geoffrey, 153, 154, 156 Libya, 57, 142 Howe, Jonathan, 153–4, 156 Louison, Einstein, 83, 93 hostage threat, 102, 104, 112, 116, 120, Louison, George, 33, 36, 82–3, 87, 135, 137, 147–9, 155, 161, 166–7. 90–2, 98 See also Iran hostage crisis Hughes, Alister, 59 Manifest Destiny, 5 Humphrey, Chester, 30–1, 45–6 Manley, Michael, 35, 37, 39, 41, Hurricane Allen, 50 65, 102 Hurricane Ivan, 176–7 Marxism, 20, 24, 29–30, 34, 44, 53, 88, 160–1 Iklé, Fred, 102, 131 Marxist-Leninism, 1, 15, 18, 29, 77–81, International Monetary Fund (IMF), 27, 87–9, 98–9, 159, 164, 168 58, 70, 74, 165, 176 McDonald, Wesley, 97, 148–9 Index ● 295

McFarlane, Robert, 89, 108–9, 116–17, and 1976 election, 29–30 131, 136, 138, 149, 155–6, 169 Manifesto, 24 McKinley, William, 6 opposition to Eric Gairy, 24–5 McNeil, Frank, 4, 118, 123, 132, and overthrow of Eric Gairy, 33–4 138–48, 150, 153–4, 168, 172 See also Marxist-Leninism; National meeting with Caribbean leaders, 140–8 Liberation Army mission of, 138–40 New National Party (NNP), 175–6 recommendations of, 147 Nicaragua, 7–9, 12, 18–20, 60–2, 74, Menges, Constantine, 84, 89, 102, 169, 171 107–9, 111–12, 131, 156 Nixon, Richard, 13, 17 Metcalf, Joseph, 123, 148 Noel, Lloyd, 45–6 Mexico, 8 Noel, Vincent, 82, 95, 105 Middendorf, William, 89, 102, 109 noninterventionism (US), 10–11, 15, 17 Mitchell, Keith, 176 See Good Neighbor policy Modica, Charles, 106–7, 121, 139, 144–5 Non-Permissive Evacuation Operation Mongoose Gang, 23, 25 (NEO), 85, 88–9, 97, 99, 112, Monroe, James, 5 117–18, 159 Monroe Doctrine, 5–7, 12–13, 19. Noriega, Manuel, 19 See also Roosevelt Corollary North, Oliver, 108–9, 131, 156 Montgomery, David, 84, 120–1, 123, North Korea, 68–9, 158, 169 125, 133–6, 141, 147, 153 Moreau, Arthur S., 85, 88, 108 Operation Amber and the Amberines, 59 Motley, Langhorne “Tony,” 56, 84, Operation Just Cause, 19 88–9, 97, 101, 107–8, 111–12, Operation Ocean Venture, 59, 82, 61 116, 120, 124, 131, 137, 139, 146, Operation Pluto, 13–14 150, 152–3, 161 Operation Solid Shield, 50 Movement for the Advancement of Operation Universal Trek, 63 Community Efforts (MACE), 24 Operation Urgent Fury, 3, 124, 136–8, Movement for the Assemblies of the 144, 148–50, 152, 155–8, 161, People (MAP), 24 167, 169–72 and Beirut barracks bombing, 131–3 National Democratic Party (NDC), “endgame,” 142 175–6 media, 104, 112–13, National Liberation Army, 25, 33 154, 157–8 The National Party (TNP), 175 versus nonmilitary solution, 171–2 National Security Council (NSC), 34–5, objectives of, 159 38, 41–4, 53, 72, 84, 89, 102, 109, parameters of, 149 156, 164, 172–3 planning for, 101–2 National Security Decision Directive problems with, 157 (NSDD), 109, 112, 118, 122–3, reasons for, 2, 4, 99, 131, 135–6, 138, 160–1, 166 144, 159–61, National Security Planning Group 166–72 (NSPG), 99, 128, 131–2, 134, safety of US citizens, 54, 88–9, 91, 136, 152 96–7, 101, 106–9, 119, New Jewel Movement (NJM), 1, 2, 140, 142, 152, 159, 166–7 23–6, 28–31, 33–4, 37–8, secrecy of, 102, 109, 112–13, 117, 42, 49, 54, 64, 69, 78–9, 119, 153–6 83, 86, 89, 96, 98, 142, US credibility, 131, 170–1 163–4, 175 See also hostage threat 296 ● Index

Organisation of Eastern Caribbean anti-US rhetoric, 40–1, 43–6, 49, States (OECS), 2–4, 65–8, 85, 50–3, 56–7, 59–64, 70, 72–4, 89–92, 96, 102–4, 108–18, 120–3, 76, 165 125–6, 132–3, 136–8, 140–3, 146, and Cuba, 37–44, 52 149–54, 158–61, 167–73, 181–2 decline of, 77–86, 99 and Operation Urgent Fury, 113–17 Eastern Caribbean, 65–9 regional integration, 67 economic policy, 51 relationship with CARICOM, 125–6 execution of Bishop, 95–6 request to the US for help, 108–12, foreign policy, 64, 71–2 115–18, 133, 136–8, 140–3, militarization of, 41, 47, 53, 62, 65, 146, 150, 153–4, 159, 161, 67–9, 78, 166 167–71, 173, 181–2 political prisoners, 41, 48, 52, 54, 75 response to Bishop’s execution, press restrictions, 48, 54, 58–9, 166 102–4, 113 relationships with Cuba, 38–44, 46–8, See also Regional Security System (RSS) 50–4, 62, 67–75 Organisation for Education and Soviet Union, 46–8, 62, 68–74 Liberation (OREL), 29, 77–8 and state repression, 49, 58–9, 64, 77, Organization of American States (OAS), 78, 80 11–12, 20, 27, 37, 45, 47, 50, 52, Terrorism (Prevention) Law, 49 60, 64, 70, 89, 109, 111, 157, 172 tourism, 39–40, 42, 47, 56–7, 69–70, Inter-American Emergency Aid 73, 166 Fund (FONDEM), 50 See also Central Committee (CC); Organizing Committee (OC), 77–8 elections; Marxist-Leninism; Ortiz, Frank, 27, 34, 37–42, 44–5, 50, Organizing Committee (OC); 53, 164, 179–80 Point Salines International meetings with Maurice Bishop, 38, Airport; Political Bureau (PB); 39–41, 53 Revolutionary Military Council (RMC) Palma, Estrada, 7 Pierre, Leslie, 58–9 Panama, 6, 9, 18, 19, 27, 55 Pinochet, Augusto, 28 Pastor, Robert, 19, 34–5, 41–2, 164–5 Platt Amendment (1901), 6 Peace Corps, 38 Poindexter, John, 101–2, 109, Pearls Airport, 82, 90–1, 122, 129, 112, 156 134–6, 151, 156 Point Salines International Airport Pentagon, 35, 97, 116, 120, 136, 149, 156 (PSIA), 3, 47–8, 56–60, 62–3, People’s Alliance, 29–30 69–70, 73, 92, 97, 127, People’s Laws, 38, 59, 133 129, 156, 165, 175 People’s National Congress (PNC), 15 cost of, 56, 69–70, 97 People’s Progressive Party (PPP), 14–15 use as military facility, 47–8, 57–60 People’s Republic of China, 17, 176 Political Bureau (PB), 69, 74, 79–80, People’s Revolutionary Army (PRA), 1, 83, 89 35, 38–9, 64, 68–9, 78, 82–3, 85, Preudhomme, Herbert, 36 87, 90–5, 97, 104, 108, 115, 121–2, 129, 141–2, 148, 150, Queen’s Park bombing, 49 156–7, 159 People’s Revolutionary Government Radio Free Grenada (RFG), 1, 35, 40, (PRG), 3, 35–86, 97–8, 102, 115, 86, 87, 95, 97, 106, 122, 146 117–18, 133, 139, 144, 158, Radix, Kendrick, 45, 59, 79, 86 163–6, 168, 171, 173 Ramphal, Shridath, 133 Index ● 297

Reagan, Ronald, 2–3, 18–19, 43, 52, 54, Seaga, Edward, 65–7, 89, 96, 102–4, 55–6, 59–64, 66–9, 71, 73–6, 113, 115, 120, 125–6, 138, 88–9, 99, 109, 112, 116–20, 140–2, 150 127–8, 131–2, 136–8, Shelton, Sally, 44–5, 49–51, 164–5 149–50, 152–61, 165–71, Shultz, George, 55–6, 71, 88–90, 173, 175 97, 108, 112, 116–17, 119, administration, 55–6, 62–3, 68, 76 131–2, 136, 138–9, 152, Beirut barracks bombing, 131–2, 157, 170–1, 175 136–7 Simmonds, Kennedy, 120 character of, 55, 116 socialism, 15, 30, 34, 37, 41, 64, 68, and hostage threat, 88, 137–8, 88, 165 159–60, 166–7 Solin, Gary, 111, 121, 134 and Margaret Thatcher, 153–6 South Korea, 28, 31 response to Bishop’s arrest, 89–90 Soviet Union, 3, 11, 13, 15, 17–19, 27, response to OECS request, 116–17 43, 46–7, 53–5, 57, 59–74, 78, visit to Barbados, 66 80, 84, 86, 88, 96, 99, 101, See also Caribbean Basin Initiative 108–9, 112, 140–2, 145, 150, (CBI); domino effect; Iran 155–60, 168–71 hostage crisis; Operation Urgent and the PRG, 46–7 Fury: secrecy of; Strategic and the RMC, 150, 248 n148 Defense Initiative (SDI) Soviet Combat Brigade incident, 43, 53 Reagan Doctrine, 19 Soviet-Cuban relationship, 47, 57 Redhead, Lester, 93 war in Afghanistan, 18, 46, 157, 171 Reed, Gail, 69 Spain, 5–6 Regional Security System (RSS), 67–8 Speakes, Larry, 89, 119, 136, 138, Renwick, Robin, 125 151, 154 Restricted Inter-Agency Group (RIG), 3, Special Situations Group (SSG), 107–9, 84–5, 88, 97, 99, 101, 109, 111, 117–20, 123, 138, 160 132, 166 St. George’s University (SGU), 56–7, revolution (1979). See also Grenada: 70, 72, 74, 104, 106, 110–11, revolution 121–2, 129, 139, 144, 150–2, Revolutionary Military Council (RMC), 157–8, 168 3, 77, 95–6, 101–12, 114, 116–18, St. Kitts-Nevis, 36, 53, 54, 65, 66, 120–3, 125–6, 133–5, 120, 151 137, 140, 142–52, 159–60, St. Lucia, 23, 35, 36, 43, 50, 52–4, 65, 167, 171–3 67–8, 102–3 Rizo, Julian Torres, 69, 86–7, 91–3, 122 St. Paul, Cletus, 82–3 Roman Catholic Church, 48 St. Vincent and the Grenadines, 23, 36, Roopnarine, Rupert, 90 50, 53, 65–8, 110 Roosevelt, Franklin Delano, 10. See also Strachan, Selwyn, 57, 80, 82, 85, 87 Good Neighbor Policy Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI), 62, 127 Roosevelt, Theodore, 6–7, 9, 14 Stroude, Chris, 93–4 Roosevelt Corollary, 6–7, 9, 19 Rossin, Larry, 123, 152, 164 Taft, William, 7, 9 Taiwan, 27, 176 Scoon, Paul, 4, 103, 111, 115, 133–4, Thatcher, Margaret, 119, 153–7 136, 141, 145, 147, 149–50, Tomlin, Peter, 34 152–3, 157, 175, 182 Torchlight, 48, 58–9, 78 invitation for assistance, 133–4 Trans-Africa, 69 298 ● Index

Trinidad and Tobago, 22–4, 26, 29, 30, and Maurice Bishop, 39–41, 84–5, 36, 41, 47, 52, 68, 90, 102, 105, 96–7, 101–4 110, 115, 118, 125, 133, 146 response to revolution (1979), 34–5, Trujillo, Rafael, 15 37–9 Tull, Louis, 120, 126, 138, 141 and US national security, 62 Turner, Stansfield, 43–4 See also Cold War; democracy; domino effect; Eric Gairy, extradition of; United Kingdom (UK), 27, 38, 124–5 hostage threat; Iranian hostage United Nations (UN), 2, 11–12, 27–8, crisis; National Security Decision 45, 46, 49, 59, 63, 73, 111, 157, 172 Directive; nonpermissive United Nations General Assembly, 2, 157 evacuation operation (NEO); United People’s Party (UPP), 29–30 Special Situations Group United States (US) US Marine Amphibious Unit (MAU), “backyard” policy in Caribbean, 2, 4, 123, 151 18–20, 41, 55, 165, 169–70 US medical students, 56, 86, 91, 96, as military power in Caribbean, 104, 106–8, 112, 119, 134–7, 10–11, 27 143–8, 150, 152, 158–60. See also Neutrality Act, 45–6 hostage threat and possible evacuation of US and US Navy SEALs, 118, 132, 152, 156 foreign nationals from Grenada, US State Department, 34–5, 38–9, 101–2, 106–7, 111–12, 114, 41–7, 49, 53, 58, 61, 70–2, 109, 121, 134–7, 143–8, 150–2, 112, 117, 132, 136–7, 148, 160–1, 154–5, 158–9, 167–8 164, 172–3, 176. See also Crisis Pre- and “strategic denial,” 43 Planning Group (CPPG); Restricted use of overwhelming force, 99, Inter-Agency Group (RIG) 112–13, 120 USS Guam, 123, 148 See also Cold War; dollar diplomacy; domino theory; Good Neighbor Vaky, Viron, 44 Policy; interventionism; Manifest Venezuela, 6, 39, 91, 96, 112, 117, 124 Destiny; Monroe Doctrine; Non- Vessey, John William, Jr., 108, 112, Permissive Evacuation Operation 116–18, 132, 136–7, 149, 155, 157 (NEO); US-Grenada Vietnam War, 2, 17, 19, 55, 99, 119–20, US Agency for International 137, 149, 170 Development (AID), 38–9, 41–2, 51 US CINCLANT (Commander-in-Chief, Wardally, James, 30–1, 45–6 Atlantic Forces) Headquarters, 85, Warne, Robert, 59 97, 108, 112, 120, 123, 136, 143, Washington Post, 46, 62 148–9, 152, 161 Weinberger, Caspar, 71, 107, 112, 116–20, US Congress, 6, 26, 44, 61–3, 70, 75, 131, 136–7, 149–50, 155–6, 169 118–19, 152, 155–8, 160 West Indies Associated States (WIAS), US Department of Defense, 133, 137, 36–8 160, 172–3 West Indies Federation, 35 US-Grenada relations Whiteman, Unison, 29–31, 33–4, 37–8, David-Goliath relationship, 2, 43–4, 63, 79, 82, 87, 90–2, 94–5, 98 63, 73, 165 Williams, Dessima, 45–7, 51, 56, 74 distancing policy, 3, 51, 63, 165 Wilson, Woodrow, 8–9 economic aid, 50 Wright, Oliver, 153 invasion of Grenada (see Operation Urgent Fury) Zelaya, Jose Santos, 7–8