71^8621

MURRAY, Winston Churchill, 19 34- LABOR, POLITICS AMD SOCIAL LEGISLATION IN THE BRITISH WEST INDIES 1834-1970.

The American University, Ph.D., 1970 History, modern

University Microfilms,A XEROX Company , Ann Arbor, Michigan

0 1971

WINSTON CHURCHILL MURRAY

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED LABOR, POLITICS AND SOCIAL LEGISLATION

TI1E BRITISH WEST INDIES 1034-1970

A Dissertation

Presented to

the Faculty of the Graduate School

The American University

In Partial Fulfillment

of the Requirement for the Degree

Doctor of Philosophy

by

Winston C. Hurray

June 1970 a h s t h a c t

Statement of the Problem. It is the purpose o£ this study (1) to ascertain how social legislation has affected the evolution of political trade unionism in the West Indies; (2) to determine how social legisla­ tion In the 1930's and after independence In 19G2 by native politicians contributed to the political style and culture orientation of labor vis-a-vis the employer.

The author has made two assumptions: (1) the assumption on wages; and (2) the assumption on taxation. This study assumes that wage policy and wage movements in colonial society were influenced by the level of economic activity in an agricultural society and that wages of the worker were not far removed from the subsistence level. Therefore, such wages wore employed as a form of social control by the dominant planting aris­ tocracy over a weak but numerically stronger laboring class. It is asaumcd that taxes (direct and indirect) were not instituted to foster economic growth and national development.

This historical research leads to four basic conclusionsi (1) that prior to 1937, social legislation imposed on the weaker segment of the society denied the laboring blacks the fundamental rights of suffrage and collective bargaining, (2) that the denial of the right to participate in the society coupled with the social plight of the worker contributed to the politicization of West Indian labor after 1937; (3) that West

Indian laboringmen are the. most abused and despised element in the society, and (4) that the black intelligentsia and the creole middle elans politicians

II in the West Indies are working assiduously to thwart the demands of the workers as they strive to democratize and create new institutions indi­ genous to the West Indies.

ill LABOR, POLITICS AND SOCIAL LEGISLATION IH

THE BRITISH WEST INDIES 1834-1970

by

Winston C. Hurray

Submitted to the

Faculty of the School of International Service

of The American University

In Partial Fulfillment of

the Requirements for the Degree.— „

of

Doctor of Philosophy

in

Latin American Area Studies

Signatures of CoramJitteE!

Chai

^ - f r s ^ u j J ? 0 --- .Dean of the School of International Service

Date:_ THE AMERICAN UWIVERSITY 1970

The American University SEP 1 6 B70 Washington, D.C,

iv t / Z O S ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The author of thia dissertation Is grateful to several persona who have rendered him invaluable help during Che period thia research wa3 undertaken in the United States and the Caribbean. He is more than pleased with the help and pertinent criticism of his dissertation mentors,

Drs. Harold E, David, 0. Peterson, and Professor Benjamin Martin.

He is further grateful to the following librarians: Natalie

Morton and Sarah Eliot of the U. S, Department of Labor, Jean Webber and

E. Hebb at the AFL-CIG library in Washington, D. C, , Joan Roberts, Indus­ trial Court, Port-of-Spain, Trinidad, Mr, Romano, Public Library, Port of Spain, Trinidad, and members of the Industrial Court, and Joy Benjamin, secretary to B, Brenthol Blackman of the Caribbean Congress of Labor in

Port-of-Spain, Trinidad,

Mr. George Wcekes and his Secretary General Heckles of the Oilfield

Workers Trade Union were very cooperative In assisting this researcher by granting him personal interviews and access to their library. Similar helpful suggestions and cooperation wore extended to him by Mr. Lewis King of said union, Mr. Joe Young, president of the Transport Workers Industrial

Union, Trinidad, Mr. W. Winchester, Director of the Cipriana Labor College

(Trinidad) and Minister Winslow Carrington, Guyana, who also gave unstint- ingly of their time to explain and make suggestions for this dissertation.

Also Judge C. Edun of Guyana was very helpful in securing copies of the

Guyana Trade Disputes Bill for him. The author is also thankful for the interview granted him by Messrs. S. Haddad of the American Institute for Free Labor Development and Andrew C. McClellan of AFL-CIO, who helped to clarify the United States interest In Caribbean labor movement,

lie is further grateful to his brother* Winfield b. Murray, of the Industrial Court who has collected and sent him papers, and Mr. and

Mrs. Plfillip Robinson of Guyana who have introduced him to the Minister of

Labor in that country. Finally* the writer la deeply considerate of the role his wife, Alice N. Murray, has performed, especially in criticizing and typing the original draft.

Indeed, tills dissertation would not have been possible without the devoted and considerate kindness of so many people to whom this author is indebted for so much.

vi TABLE OF CONTENTS

List of Tables

CHAPTER

I. THE PROBLEM , 1

Statement of the Problem 1 Importance of the Study...... 1

II. ORIGINS AND EVOLUTION OF THE POLITICAL ROLF, OF WEST INDIAN LABOR 1834-1937...... 4

Taxation . . . 13 Social laws in the West Indies, 1834-1917...... 28 Colonial Government 1934-1919...... 46 Representative Government 1834-1937...... 52 The Morant Bay Revolution and its Consequences 1865. . 57

111. SOCIO-ECONOMIC PROBLEMS AND POLITICS 1892-1938.... 71

The West Indian Royal Commission Report, ...... 74 The Economics of Population...... 83 The Evolution of Early Trade Unionism 1892-1919. . . . 91 The Politics of 1919-1938...... 99

IV, POLITICS AND LABOR 1935-1950 ...... 112

Labor's Role 11G Trade Unions and Politics 1935-1950 122

V, THE NEW POLITICS AND THE LABOR MOVEMENT 1950-1970 WEST INDIAN SOCIALISM: AN INTERPRETATION...... 132

The Cold War and the Labor Movement, 139

VI. LABOR LEGISLATION AND INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS 1867-1970 , 154

Labor Legislation 1867-1962* ...... 154 Government Control and the Labor Movement 1962-1970. , 166 Post Independence Issues 1962-1970 ...... 175

VII. CONCLUSIONS...... '. , . . 185

GLOSSARY ...... 189

BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 193

vli LIST OF TABLES

TABLE PAGE

I. Educational Pattern anions Laboring Blacks in Jamaica,... . 33

II, Total Expenditures for Education for Period of Five Years...... 34

III. Wages in the West Indies 1B45-1B57...... 37

IV. Humber of Contract Laborers in Guyana, Jamaica and Trinidad 1884...... 45

V. Population and Race in British Guiana,....,.,...... ,,, 51

VI. Number of Registered Voters in the British West Indies,.. 56

VII. Political and Social Disturbances in the West Indies 1044-1905...... 67

VIII. Comparative Wages for Agricultural Workers in Trinidad and T o b a g o . 72

IX. The Price Increases of Basic Commodities in Guyana for 1919...... 75

X. Foreign Trade of British G u i a n a . 77

XI. Estimated Revenue, Expenditures, Imports and Exports,,.,. 79

XII. Population and Health Rate 1936 - Trinidad...... 85

XIII, Growth of Working Force,...... 98

XIV. Revolutions in the West Indies 1935-1938...... 108

XV. Summary of Basic Labor Legislation: Guyana, Jamaica and Trinidad 1691-1969...... 162

XVI. Major Unions in Jamaica, Trinidad and G u y a n a . 184

viii CHAPTER I

THE PROBLEM

Statement of the Problem

It was the purpoae of this study (l) to ascertain how social legislation has affected the evolution of political trade unionism In the We3t Indies; (2) to determine how social legislation in the 1930’s and after independence in 19^2 by native politicians contributed to the political style and culture orientation of labor vis-a-vio the employer.

Importance of the study. The history of social and labor legislation in the BritiGh West Indies a3 a whole has not received the attention of serious scholarship. Scholars have written the history of the labor movement in Guyana and the Caribbean* Four authors have written the history of the labor movement in the British West Indies.

These authors, Ashton Chase, Rawle Farley, and Francis X. Mark, are

West Indians. W. Knowles, the other author, is an American. Also, the

International Labor Office has published in 1952, a book entitled The

Labour Policies in the West Indies. This book has treated the social and economic condition of the West Indian worker prior to the Second World

War and ending with the early p03t war years.

Ashton Chase’s A History of Trade Unionism in Guyana 1900-196^

1 b a chronicle or record of trade union development in Guyana. Hiis book la useful because the author is a former minister of Labor in the 1953

PPP government. No other author has attempted to write about the labor movement in Guyana except Francis X. Mark who has written bis doctoral dissertation on The Rise and Development of Labor Movements in the British

1 2

Caribbean. Thin unpublished doctoral dissertation I d a description of the historical growth of the labor movement in the British West Indies- Rawle

Farley's Trade Union Development and Trade Union Education in the British

Caribbean in an analysis of the labor movement. This author has pointed out the need for qualified leadership in the labor movement stressing that labor must continue to participate in national reconstruction. W, Knowles'

Trade Union Development In the West Indies has not made any special contribution to the already existing small body of literature relating to the labor movement. This work is a general history of the labor movement with much emphasis on the attitude of the labor-politic ions towards the laboring men.

The period highlighted by the authors is 1900-1962 with the yearn

1935“3*938 as the watershed of West Indian labor. These authors have failed to show that the post-emancipation years 103^-1900 are an important stage in the historical and political development of Yfest Indian labor.

Since these years 183^-1917 were not discussed, these works have not placed in historical perspective the political awareness of the laboring men.

During these years (183^-1917 ), West Indian labor haa experienced some of its greatest hard ships in the form of low wages, high taxation and austere social laws which have influenced the psychology of Vast Indian 1 laboring men in their relationship to their employer. Hence, the need

^"Ashton Chose, A History of Trade tfalonlsm in Guyana 1 9QQ-1961 {Guyana, lpSij-)* Bawle Farley, Trade Union Development and Trade Uni on Education in the British Caribbean. The Daily Chronicle {Guyana). 1958. Frank Mark, "The Rise and Development of labor Movements in the British Caribbean" (unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1959). W. Knowles, Trade Union Development in the West Indies (Berkley, California, 19&E}* Geneva, International Labor Office, Labor Policies in the Vest Indies* 3 for a comprehensive and definitive study of the social legislation ond ltc relationship to labor as a social organism in these developing societies is long overdue.

This author has mode two assumptions: (l) the assumption on wages;

(2) the assumption on taxation.

This study assumes that wage policy and wage movements In colonial society were influenced by the level of economic activity in an agricultural society and that the wages of the worker tend to seek the subsistence level.'

Therefore, such wages were employed as a form of social control by the dominant planting aristocracy over a weak but numerically stronger laboring • • * class. It is assumed that taxes (direct and indirect) were not instituted to foster economic growth and national development.

This study concentrates on the major territories of Guyana,

Jamaica, Trlnidad-Tobago, and Barbados. However, the territories of the

Eastern Caribbean are discussed in so far as they bear on the active trade union activity in these smaller island countries.

John W. McConnell, Economists Past and Present (Jiev York: Barnes and Uoble, Inc., 1 9 ^3), p. 73* CHAPTER II

ORIGINS AND EVOLUTION OF THE POLITICAL ROLE OF WEST INDIAN LABOR 163^-1937

Tt\Q performance of labor as on economic activity brings the laborer

In direct contact with his employer end other members Of his community.

The laborer's relationship to his employer may be paternalistic. Any relationship of this kind docs not encourage personal initiative for self-improvement, but develops a dependency role consciousness in the laborer. The laborer's role may also be impersonal and the need for survival or existence would either develop a group awareness which forces the laborer into an assoclatlonal relationship with other workers of common interest to deal effectively with the employer or the worker may endeavor to resolve his problem himself.

In this sense, the potential Aristotelian man in any society constantly seeks out other persons with common interests in political, social, or economic matters pertaining to the state. The laborer may discuss his relationship to the state, his job security, or issues dealing with the brood spectrum of social Justice. Whatever position the laborer takes with regard to the state, hio action is basically construed as political and not economic because in totality, the laborer as citizen is desirous of participating In the social dynamics of the society. Further­ more, the laborer as citizen seeks full Involvement to assist in the creation of a society where he can function with minimum inconvenience.

h 5

The Issues confronting the laborer may be so constituted that their

origin is either social or economic and may warrant the use of political means to resolve them* For, in 183^ when post-emancipation society "began

In the Caribbean, the clave become a wage earner under the law, but vao

denied hip liberty and freedom to participate in the social structure.^"

Economically the new wage earner sold hio labor as an economic commodity or withheld hio labor at his discretion* Hence, the worker’s problem in the state was fundamentally a political question which was attempted to be

resolved politically. In order to resolve these conflicts, the laborer must consider the mechanisms at his disposal, the attitude and social status of hie employer and the existing relationship between him and hie master. But whatever methodG arc employed by the laborer for resolving any conflict, he must take into account the degree of social disequilibrium the society is going to experience before a satisfactory basis for settle­ ment is arrived at. In short, his emotional distress and that of hie group should be considered vis-a-vis the general good of the body politic.

For in any society, the political role of any social organism or group is predicated also on the existing laws affecting the status of one group in relation to another.

In pre-emancipation society, the slave was legally bound to his master by means of the Master and Servant Act. The slave’s relationship

1 Thomas Carlyle, 'Vest India Emancipation,11 PeBow’s Reviewt VIII (January-June, I8 5 0 ). Carlyle advocated a policy of total repression of the West Indian worker wham he believed "must be com­ pelled to work.lf 6 2 was both political and economic. ilia relationship vac political in the

sense that "striking1* for higher wages waG a crime, economic in that the

alave was unable to bargain for better working conditions.

Fost-emanclpatlon society relieved the master from any economic responsibility to hia former slave, but left the slave in on inferior

social and political standing in the society. The slave no longer bad duties and obligationsf but his new statue as a free man prescribed that he enjoy hio rights as a citizen* The laborer was no longer a commodity to be bought by the highest bidder nor be sold or driven at the idiosyn­

crasies of his former employer. The laborerra new status engendered by hia emancipation from servitude demanded a new relationship which the old

Maater and Servant Act did not guarantee.

The relation chip under the Master and Servant Act between the

employer and employee was no different from the contract system of indentured labor* In both instances, the wage earner had to settle his labor disputes before a one-man tribunal composed of either the master of the plantation, Immigration-General, or the Stipendiary magistrate.

The laborer could not bargain collectively, since he was contracted ao a

□ingle individual who mUGt work out suitable working conditions for him­

self. The law forced the laborer to operate outside of a formal organiza­ tion in any industry* The low did not stipulate that such an organization would be accepted nor was it recognized by the employer. However, those organizations that existed among the laborers were concerned primarily

2 Maater and Servant Act l8U4. This act bound the worker to hie master who determined tha rights and duties for the workman. 7 with religious activities which were not immediate and pressing. Lack of recognition encouraged group solidarity and social awareneao among the laborers* The laborer, or wage earner understood the society and he realised that social mobility and meaningful involvement could be obtained through political action. Effective control of the political structure was therefore, the first essential condition for full participation in a society where the laborer had no political influence* This theory of effective control through political action was adopted as early as 1644 when the black laborers in Dominica united, with the coloreds to gain con- 3 trol of the Assembly and thus ensure a better role In the society. xt is, therefore, understandable that in 1859 the coloreds and black laborers in Jamaica united also to effect greater political changes. The unity between the colored politician and the black worker was tenuous because each group v&3 attempting to enhance the position of its own social group through temporary alliances. But, whenever political action failed, the black laborer reported to incendiarism, absenteeism, insurrection, refusal to pay taxes, or other protests. The laborer thought these direct actions were the only real means at his disposal since the native Assemblies were under the political dominance of the white planters and influential coloreds.

Furthermore, the laborer was too poor financially to acquire property, the basic requirement to enter the local Assembly* These laws requiring property ownership for voting in Vest Indian society were a major social bias against the laborer. Such laws were only abolished after the 1937 workers revolutionary disturbances.

House of Commons Sessional Papers, Vol. 31 * 1645, P* 31* (House of Commons Sessional Papers hereinafter called li*C.3.P.} The history of West Indian labor, -therefore, in the hictory of

Goclal conflicts and race biases which up to the present day have been pressing innuen plaguing labor-management relations. The labor movement, as a result, mirrors all the Gocial weaknesses of West Indian society and the Study of West Indian labor I s a useful index to understand race, class and personality development in the area. The present trade union leaders view West Indian labor in an historical context which carries a racial overtone, historically, the blacks and the East Indians formed the bulk of the workers and the whites, coloreds, and a few Afro-Soxon West Indians formed the elite. The blacks and the Indians have always played the

Inferior role as servant to this elite class which did not want to grant better privileges to them as workers* These workers as early as I8 9 S in Jamaica had formed the first trade union— the Artlzon (sic.) Union in the construction Industry to protect the workers and to servo as a mutual insurance or benefit society. The formation of thin union was one of the first attempts by West Indian workers to set up on organization to deal with matters affecting them. Its effectiveness was curtailed because labor was not considered as having any basic right to function as a lawful social entity in the society. Labor did not have the 1. franchise so its basic right to operate as other citizens was not respected in law* This attitude towards labor forced it to function in duality by being a political party and a labor union. The trade union as a political entity was legal but became illegal when it was constituted as a trade union. Labor was always held in suspect by the employer whose

k Jamaica. Daily Gleaner. December 20, 1898 . The Artisan (sic.) Onion was not concerned with any particular industry. Jamaica Daily Gleaner, April 16, 1900. The union dealt with all aspects of social questions as they affect the worker and the society. attitude has changed very little since emancipation. Labor hod to operate clandestinely and under constant legal limitations until 1 ^ 3 when legal recognition was granted. The psychology of the West Indian employer to­ wards the laborer and the labor movement is a strong determinant in the politicisation and radicalisation of West Indian labor.

The political orientation of labor and the laboring claaa originated in pre-emancipation society. And the institutionalization of labor Into trade union with legal status is a direct sequel to workersr solidarity and political action which culminated in the workers’ unrests of 1937* new labor leaders who emerged after 1937 Ike West Indies consider their role in the society as an historical one. It is for this reason that leaders such as George Wcekes, {Trinidad), president of the

Oilfield Workers Trade Union, Cheddi Jag cm, (Guyana), former premier of

Guyana and president of the Guyana Agricultural workerg Union, and Frank Walcott,

(Barbados), Senator and president of the Barbados Workers Union are emphasizing direct political unionism because the economic success of the laborer was brought about by means of political action. West Indian labor leaders ore convinced that political trade-unionism is the best way to safeguard the interests of the worker. It is tliLc rationale why labor leaders use their labor organizations as political parties. Furthermore, the economic question of foreign old and continued acceptance of the

British monarchiol political system are issues which the trade unions feel must be settled by the workers. For thece labor leaders think that all economic questions can only be solved when labor plays on active role

These labor-politicions ore opposed to labor abandoning its historical role to the new middle clasa profeoaionol politician. 10 in nil mattera affecting the society. Since labor unions are an Integral port of the social structure, these labor organizations argue for their right to assist in the building of the society.

Politico and Inhor. The political role of Went Indian labor did not begin an some would have us believe with the riots or social protests of the late 1930fs. Ftather, this period merely marked the Increased political awareness of the laborer whose political consciousness began to be aroused after hia emancipation in 183^ ■ Ebr emancipation restored the slave to legal citizenship which he did not have during slavery*

The status the emancipated slave enjoyed then was fundamentally political, a status which the slave understood and appreciated. This new social status of the laborer bestowed the right to bargain with hie master for batter job security and improved work privileges. This right also per­ mitted him from this time to sell his services to whatever employer he saw fit; this right was implicit in his status as a citizen, Ifte exercise of this right to withhold his labor from his employer caused much friction.

However, cognizant of his new role, the laborer seems to have worked to create an artificial shortage of labor by (l) refusing to work, (2) squatting on government lands. These methods aimed at forcing his employer to accept hia terms and at the some time to show M s "complete 6 Independence.11 But instead, his former master and owner retaliated by importing contract labor to maintain a constant flow of labor for the sugar plantations.

6 K.C.3.F., Vol. 39, 18^7* P- 30* planter believed that this "complete independence” to sell their labor ruined the laborer. H.C.S.F.. Vol. 26, 181*6, p. 5* 11

After 1036, labor shortage became a problem for the planter since the services of hia ward wore no longer guaranteed after hio apprentice ship.

The effect of a labor shortage, to the planter, meant the ruin of many estates and a complete: economic deprescion in the society. The planter, no a politician legislated to ensure a regular and uninterrupted supply 7 of labor. This legislation vas class oriented since It placed the economic a interests of the planters above those of the society. laws of compulsory contracts denied the laborer any right to select his type of employment, 9 employer, or place of work. Nor did the Immigration Ordinances during the period of indentured servitude (1040-1917) in the Went Indies provide 10 any legal mechanisms for collective bargaining. Such laws gave the planter Jurisdictional control over the wages and the freedom of the worker. But whenever legislative proposals seemed to affect the interests of the planter adversely, the legislatures according to Sir Clinton Murdock, refused to pass such legislation because it was not "politic to do so.1*^

7 K.C.S.P., Vol. 23 , Port II, 1846-46, p. 3(5. Q Edvard E* Underbill, The West Indies: Their Social and Bellgioufl Condition. (London: Jackson, Wolford, and Holder, 1062), p. 130. Charles Salmon, The Caribbean Confederation (Cassell & Co., Ltd.), Chapters VII and VIII: U.S. Consular Report. No* £09, (Demerara, British Guiana, January 20, 1691) - 9 Underhill, op. cit., p. 75- 10 H.C.S.P., Vol. 37, Part II, No. 60, p. 7* By 1840 the proprietary body was suffering from economic distress brought about by lack of labor. 11 "Copy of a Letter from Sir Clinton Ifardack to Sir F* Rogers," K.C.S.P., Vol. 43, 1057, p. 9 . 12

This type of legislation did not increase the flow of labor from

the? laboring blacks but aggravated the laboring men to a point where they 12 revolted and often burned down the estates. The new lavs gave no

encouragement to laborers to engage in any activity for personal improve­ ment. The laborer woo not permitted to evolve any formal labor organiza­

tions . However, as early as lQtfk, two religious organisations had appeared.

These were "the Rose and Marguerite," which the laboring class formed in

St. Lucia for the building of Catholic churches and steeples. But the planters organized agricultural associations which bound their members 13 to pay a certain price for the services of the laborer. The planters organized and were effective in controlling the wages of the laboring men.

The planters, however, were not successful in getting the laboring blacks Ik to work because they were becoming ambitious. These agricultural organi­

zations were only a part in the entire web of measures and laws the planters adopted to persuade the laborer to remain and work on the plantation.

10 "Copies or Extracts of Despatches Relating to the Disturbances in the island of Dominica,11 Enclosure 1, No, 3» H.C.S.P., Vol. 3 1 , loc cit.

13 "Extracts of a Despatch from Governor Sir Charles A. Pitdroy to Lord Stanley," H.C.S.P., Vol. 23 , Sixth Report April 3, lt&B, p. 10j H.C.S.P.. Vol. 31 (Antigua, April 10, 16 ^5 ), p. 166, The planter's organization in St. Kitts (lfllfB) postdated the one in Antigua (lBl+5 ) which discussed "speculative questions of political economy." Ilf Ibid., p. 2 7 . The negro wae attracted to the civilized llfo of hia former maater hence it was impassible to keep him on the plantation without proper incentives. 13

Taxation. The politics of labor had different facets and the

political organization of the society as Charles Salmon, former Colonial

Administrator in St. Lucia, remarked, va3 not favorable for proper labor 15 relations, capital, and enterprise. Foil tier* was centered around the 16 acquisition by trickery of the laborers of a fellow planter. Thia was

the planterTa main concern and whatever legislation the West Indian

Assemblies adopted wan directed at keeping the laborer on the estate.

Taxation on the copimodities commonly used by the laboring men were heavy.

This indirect taxation wa3 difficult for the workers* Nothing which the laboring men used or enjoyed escaped taxation. In addition to a house or land tax, a per capita tax was levied to minimize any influence and inde­ pendence the laborers and indentured oervents might develop,

Taxes were levied on the carts of laborers, boats, and licenses to sell ground provisions. In lOVf, Governor Henry Barkly of British

Guiana, testifying before a commission looking into the conditions of the laboring classes in that country informed the Commission that a major part of the revenue of the colony come from the hucksters and retail dealers.

Thia tax, he argued, did not affect the "freehold population, “ but fell

"almost entirely on the Portuguese indentured servants who monopolized the 17 retail business." The effect, he complained, was that the laborers wore forced to work to pay taxes, and in the cose of the Portuguese they

15 16 Ibid., Salmon, p. 75* Ibid., p. 11

Ibid., p. 3t * Thia was the price the indentured servant had to pay to work for his master. Generally, introduction of immigrant labor was paid out of public funds, were to be brought to ruin if they were unable to pay. If taxes were instituted for the public good then all citizens should pay. But no segment should be forced to pay taxes especially when that segment docs not have the resources. However, in 1648, the laborers in British Guiana alone paid ten thousand doll&ro or two thousand pounds in direct taxation out of a total of two hundred and forty thousand pounds. The bulk of the taxes paid by the laborers were on foodstuffsf clotliing, and rent. But these taxes were further intended by the local politician to exerciae 19 "arbitrary and absolute sway over" the workers, and to "increase the 20 power of the planters over the laborers." In l54l, a report of the colonial taxes was publiohed in British Guiana for l84a. The report showed that persons making less than five hundred dollars were exempted from Income tax but those personG making from five hundred to nix hundred and aixty-Gix and two thirds dollars were taxed. The tax levied on carriages varied with the amount of wheels a carriage had. Thio carriage tax was divided into two categories: a two-wheeled carriage was assessed eighteen dollars and thirty-three cents, and a four-wheeled carriage assessed thirty-six dollars and sixty-seven cents. In 101+2, the horse tax was reduced from eleven dollarc to ten dollars. A huckster’a license

16 Inc. cit., British Guiana Gazette and General Advertiser, June 30. 1642* This paper reported that it ia shameful the laborer must pay for the Introduction of immigrant labor which must compete against him.

19 Mars, An Epic on the Miserable State of the Island of Grenada (St. Georges: G.W. Smith)> Christman 1683, p. 6. 15 was fourteen dol.lo.re and sixty-seven cento plus an additional dollar for 21 market upkeep which must bq paid six months in advance.

Taxation vas onerous and it had greater effect on the laboring men ae consumers than on any other section in the society, For in moat 22 of the islands, the wealthy abcentee planter paid very little taxes.

In many cases, according to Robert Montgomery Martin writing In lBl*3> the

taxes on imported food wore so high that they bore heavily on the poor laborers who were unable to buy 1Jfaod and clothing" due to unjust (tariffs) 2 3 , laws, Wheat was charged a 26 per cent imported duty at first port of shipment. Corn, another basic food eaten by the poor, vas taxed l6 per cent. These duties varied from island to island. In Jamaica, imported rice was taxed 1+1 per cent; in Trinidad, it was 27 per cent. In British

Guiana and Barbados, the tax on rice was 13 per cent and & g par cent respectively. The duty on salt fish ranged from lB£ per cent to 20 per cent, with an extra 3Q per cent added in oorac countries. In Barbados,

SI British Guiana Colonial Taxes, No. 1, l6*+l (British Guiana: Royal Gazette Office.) 22 Robert M. Martin, History of the British Empire in the West Indies, South ‘America, North America, Australasia, Africa, and Europe (London :Wm* Alien St Co., & G. Routledge, lt&3J, pp. 73‘-63* "

23 2 H.C.S.P, Vol. 23 op* elt., pp, Jamaica, according to R. M. Martin, had introduced in the National Assembly a Poor Law Bill. British Guiana had a similar law to guarantee a source of food for its poor citizens, tJ. S. Consular Report, No, l64 (British Guiana, July 6, 1669.) The American Consul who had a yearly income of $4,000.00 had to live "In the greatest economy." The consumer paid "high prices11 for breadstuff and provision. Rent was "exceedingly high," Thio official report supported the fact that duty on Imports increase the coat of living and was a great source of grievance among the poor, 1 6 the duty was not high and salt fish entered Trinidad free. Cheese * butter , bacon, hnmn, sausages, paid 18-Uo per cent on itG market value* Clothing ranged from 20 per cent in St. Lucia and the Bahamas to ]+0 per cent In

Trinidad. Kerosene, lined chiefly by the lover classes, was taxed from 8-15 2b per cent depend tug on the count ry into which it was imported.

In a certain ccncc the laboring men had to pay taxes on all their exports leaving the country. Taxes of 2f/j on each barrel of coffee, sugar, ginger, and arrowroot were paid by the email farmer. Tile revenue from 25 this export tax helped to finance the Introduction of now workers.

Hence, it van public funds to which the laboring men contributed by means of direct and indirect taxation paid for the lrnmigration of Indentured labor. An excise tax of one penny on every pound of sugar and two pence

(2t! U.S.) on coffee at retail price was charged to the laborers.

The laboring men, therefore, were under constant legal duresa from the planters who through their strategic position ac politicians and

2k Martin, op. cit», p. Bin Underhill, op. cit., pp. 220-221, British Guiana Colonial Taxea, lBkl, op. cit. In thio official document, the taxes for British Guiana In 181+0 were very high especially on auch commodities as flour, cigars, and lumber; British Guiana Colonial Taxes, 1851, Ho. 1, p* 582; Mercantile Intelligence Supplement to the "Colonist” Demerara fGeoisgetovn, February 10, IB51J, stated that in 1851 taxes were raised 10$ on $il0.00 upon every one hundred of the value of all goods, wares, and merchandise.

25 Underhill, op. cit., p. 221.

26 Ibid,, p. 218 17

businessmen did everything feasible to reduce the blacks to a petition of

Ineffective usefulness.*^ The planters ruled arbitrarily without the black 28 laborers participating in the autocratic processes of the governments in

the West Indies * The immediate and constant fear which plagued the planter ,

forced him to rule in thin way an he realised that the laborers were in­

creasing their defiance and were ready for open rebellion* This fact was

realized when President Laidlow of Dominica reported to Governor Sir 0. A.

Fltzroy in l8Mf- that the laborers were up in "open revolt In defence of

their liberty'1 and "to rule the Island."^

The planters' attitude was not conciliatory and a hardening of the

will towards the laboring men developed In the form of continuing legisla­

tion. The planters were adamant in their quest for complete control over

the laboring blacks* while the latter wanted to exercise political influence

compatible to that of the colareda and whiten.

A basic requirement for full participation in the political life

of the society was ownership of freehold property. Since the right to vote

hinged on the ownership of freehold property, the ownership of unencumbered

land was a political question with fundamental economic consequences since

the acquisition of land enourel the access of power. The laboring blacks,

21 2 H.C. S.P. t Vol. 23 , op. cit., p. 100. The planters were convinced that the governmentTs primary function was "to act the part of mediator between the black population and the white polulation...." 28 Loc. cit.

29 II.C,5.P ., Vol. 31* 18^5, op* cit., p. 31* Kie planters considered their rebellion as subversion of the lav. IB

above all other groups, were appending their energies to gain political ■ 30 power. Furthermore, the ability to secure and retain power affected

the social Intercourse among the three principal groups— the large and

backward laboring class, the white bureaucracy, and the coloreds who were

beginning to hold political office. In the nineteenth century Victorian

society of the West Indian where power, prestige, and status were in pro­

portion to one's whiteness, the disenfranchised laborers were adopting a

radical and revolutionary posture In their subtle attempt at forming 31 alliances with the coloreds to effect political change. Economically,

this social class developed into a email and independent peasantry In

those territories where land was abundant. The planters were very reluc­

tant to make so generous a concession which they argued would subvert the

basis of their existence. The social relationship between the black

laboring population and the white bureaucracy, therefore, revolved around 32 the utility and control of power. This contention was a basic cause of

30 The Portuguese and the Chinese were more concerned with accumulating capital. The Indian indentured servant wan trying to finish his indenture- ship no he was very apolitical; H.C.S.P.» Vol. 23 j op. cit., p. 9* The black laborers considered, the "Portuguese and coolies an their friends in any struggle which might take place" with the whiten. 31 U.S. Consular Report, No. 10, (March 2h, 1659*) Thin report gives a good analysis of the Toll Gate rlotn caused by the blacks refusing to pay tolls for their wheeled vehicles* In order to redress their grievances, the blacks Joined with the Creoles (Coloreds) to overthrow the whiten; H.C.3.P., 16^5j Vol. 31; op* cit., p. 3 1 ,

P H.C.3.P., Vol. 23 , op, cit., p. k7. The whites feared that "Popular institutions11 for "the black population*1 was not good politics. conflict and v u q further complicated by the urgent need of the black laborer to own freehold property* The problem the planter had to face and resolve was whether the laborer should become a planter-freeholder, or become tenant for life or have long leanos. This was the gist of the social dilemma an the laboring blacks pressed their demands for ownership of property, through politico, and with alliances with the coloreds who could support legis­ lation against encumbered lands.

TO offset the growing militancy among the laboring population, the planter, once more Impooed a heavy land tax in 1 J&5 - This tax made it more difficult for the laboring population to purchase land, In St.

Vincent, this tax assessed at El, lOd. on freehold and leasehold did nob 33 exclude small holdings. Furthermore, the laboring population had to 3^ pay tax whenever they transferred or registered any land purchased.

These taxes were cumbersome and their Imposition according to Underhill, an EngllGh priest, contributed to the "political alienation" of the 35 laboring blackn. To ensure the political dominance of both whites and 36 coloreds, the planters were reluctant to grant suffrage to the non-colored

33 '•Report of Edwin Stipendiary Magistrate of the Leeward District of Island." (St. Vincent), H.C.S.P., Vol. 31/ °P- cit,, p. 126. The land tax had two forms: (a) Holdings-house, (b) londc. 3^ Underhill, op. cit,, pp. 67 and 217. Lord Glenelg, Governor of Trinidad ordered the legislature to pass "suitable regulations... to check the acquisition of land in too large quantity by the enfranchised laborers..,." Should a laborer attempt to build a home, the materials UGed were taxed higher than the staves and hoops for augar hogshead belong­ ing to the planter,

35 Underhill, op. cit., pp. 183 and 221; Salmon, op. cit., p. 6 8 . The planters were always "hostile to the black population.11

36 Underhill, op. cit., p. 215* A large number of coloreds were "elected chiefly by the planting and merchant interests." £0

or blackc. If the black laborers wore to obtain the right to vote, the whites and coloreds would not continue to enjoy their economic and political power. For political control of the society by the laboring blackn would

ensure paver to influence decisions vhich would have been unthinkable

formerly. These lower class members of the cociety would have been prone

to legislate in such a fashion as to confiscate the estates from the -J-T planterc. But the planter class, cognizant that its "political supremacy" was under constant assault, instituted the poll tax as a further require­ ment for voting. In BritiGh Guiana, Jamaica, and Trinidad, the pros­ pective voter had to pay the poll tax for maintaining their status as 36 legitimate voters. These two forms of direct taxation were consistent with the quality of legislation against the laboring men. Such legisla­ tion increased the dominance and effective control of the merchants and planters over the laboring population* C. Macauly Browne, member of the

Grenada Legislative Council, testifying before the Royal Commission investi­ gating the social problems of the West Indian laborers in 1862, charged that the planters enacted tax legislation without taking into consideration

37 H.C.3.P. * Vol. 31* op* cit., p. h

36 H.C.S.P., Vol. 37, op. cit., p. 9; U. S. Consular Report, Ho. 7 (Britinh Guiana, January 6, 185^December 20, i860); Underhill, op. cit., pp. 216 and 221, Charged that "the vast mass of the small occupiers of land,” were "not represented since they were not able to pay this tax. Also, Underhill complained that the annual registration fee was 10/- for the proprietor with thousands of acres of lands. "Copy of a Despatch from Governor, the Rt. Hon. Sir C. E. Grey to the Rt. Hon. Sir John S. P. Parkinston," (November 10, 1852), p. h, Enclosure 1, No. 1, H.C.S.F*, Vol. 65, No. 92* In 1652, the Jamaica Legislature passed the Poll Tax Act; U. 3. Consular Report, No. SO? (British Guiana, January 20, 1891}. The suffrage was very "restricted" and the government was regulated and controlled by the merchant a and planters "exclusively for their interests." the ability of the laboring people to pay such taxes. The

"excessive taxation11 was further complicated by the property require­ ment for voting in election to the legislature* The voter in Jamaica 1*0 had to pay a y e a r ^ rent of six pounds annually. In St. Kitts, an elector or a voter was required, to possess a liouse or to rent one at Hi a price of ten pounds.

In Jamaica, the Election Law of 185Q stipulated that to qualify an a voter a man must pay rent of twenty pounds yearly, or be In receipt of fifty pounds per year or pay taxes to the amount of twenty

□hillings or have a bank balance of a hundred pounds for twelve months He previous. Age requirement for voting was not stressed because the laboring blacks were numerically stronger and would have outvoted the planters and coloreds in any general elections. Hence, the age require­ ment was not a politically sound proposition when the aits of both blacks

39 "Memorial by C. Macauly Browne MLC (Grenada) to Royal Commission, H.C.S.P., Vol. H6, 188H, pp. 1H3-IHH. As a general rule reported Browne, "such discus alone are entered Into without any opportunity for the tax­ payers to express their own views pro or con.'1 HO H.C.5.P., Vol. 23 , Bart II, (18H7-18H9), op. cit., p. 100.

Hi H.C.S.F. t Vol. 23 , Sixth Report, op. cit., p. IQ. H.C.3.P . , Vol. HS, op. cit., p. Hi. By 188H the qualification for voting in Antigua hod increased to £66 13s» Hd. as annual Income from real property or E2Q0 from profession or trade for elector. Voters in town must have E13 or on occupation value at Es6 13g* Hd. In country districts, voter must have tenancy or ownership of land and building in certain areas or of certain value.

H e Underhill, op. cit., p. 215. and whites was paver. It was much wiser or politically expedient to emphasize property ownership as the basic requirement since fewer blacks would be able to obtain property. The property tax did hinder purposeful creation of & democracy in the West Indies. The laboring men were not only denied their natural right to full membership in the Gociety but 43 the planters did everything to hinder their progress.

The tax. legislation had become so complicated for the laboring men that Governor Sir C, E. Grey attempted to reduce the burden of these 14 taxes by legislating against them. For these laws prevented the develop mcnt of property for economic use. In many cases capital was difficult to obtain for investment due to heavy mortgage a on the estates, The interest rates for these loans were as high as 6^ and many planters lit; were unable to obtain such loons for investing in their estates. In

British Guiana, George II. Loxdale reported in 1647 that no capital had come to that country for the preceding ten years ‘'because there was no 46 chance of fructifying it." He reported, however, that in Trinidad

43 Salmon, op. cit., p. 2 2 »

44 "Copy of a Despatch from Governor the Rt, Hon. Sir C. E. Grey to the Duke of How Castle/1 {May 10, 1653), H.CtB.F., Vol. 6 5 , Ho. 40, p. 7* lie described the situation as an "excessive m o u n t of taxation."

45 H.C.S.F., Vol. 46, (1884), op. cit., p. 86. Due to the attitude of the planters, "industrial progress and prosperity" were "severely checked...by the shyness of capitalists to Invest their capital in Jamaica "Copy of a Despatch from Governor the Rt. Hon. Sir C* E. Grey to the At. Hon. Sir John S. Parkington." The Governor stated that the oocial distress of the colony was due to "the trommels of a perplexed, tedious, and costly system of bad law" therefore he asked the planters to "liberate property in land."

46 H.C.S.F., Vol. 46, Part II, (1847-1646), op. cit., p. 101. there van too much capital investment in machinery for modernising the 17 sugar industry but not enough in other Industrial ventures* It would

seem, therefore* from the nature of the lavs that conditions vere un­

f a v o r a b l e for induatry. lack of capital caused many planters to mortgage

their estates to English bankers who did not develop these farm lands.

Since the lands vere so encumbered* the laboring population created on

obstinate resistance to the whites and aroused the colored politicians to

support legislation against the ownership of property to force the whites + . 48 to leave.

Ho amicable relationship existed, between the laboring blacks

and. the coloreds. They Joined together to oppose the legislation of

the merchant and planter. In St, Kitts* where around 1848* the coloreds

were in the ascendency since there were few whites* legislation was 49 passed to check vagrancy and squatting among the blacks. Because the

laboring blacks were not in a political position to argue for and to

defend their righto* they sought the assistance of a more Intellectually

and politically sophisticated ally* the coloreds* who had access to

hj Ibid.* pp. 125-135,

U. 3. Consular Beport, No, 2 6 * (Jamaica. September 1 * 1858). This report stated that the coloreds who led the ‘'blacks and variously tinted population had always endeavored to overthrow the government11 to their advantage; Copy of a Despatch.... Grey to New Castle* op. cit.* p. 6 . The coloreds were eagerly working to control the Assembly in Jamaica.

49 H.C.S.P.* Vol. 23 * Sixth fleport, op. cit,* p, 10. The assembly was dominated by coloreds. It had no blacks In the Assembly and few whiten lived there. 2b

political power. But it must not be understood that os a consequence of

thin alliance between these two social groups, the leadero of the laboring

blacks were under the full control of the coloreds. The alliance was

prompted more by expediency than by mutual Interests because both groups

were confronted with the haughtiness of the merchant and planter* Also,

since some coloreds were laborers and did not vote, it wan logical for 50 both social units to combine their numbers to gain their nimllnr ends*

The socially lower class blacks did not, however, remain docile

nor were they satisfied with their status in the society. A U. S. Consul

from Jamaica reported that since they were adversely affected by a law 51 which wan "very obnoxious to them" these black laborers took the initiative

to petition the government to relieve them of such law. Failure of

government to accede to their demands, drove them to retaliate by

incendiarism and insurrection,^ The Guerre Negre of lf&h in Dominica

occurred because the black laborers wanted legal occupancy or land

tenure rights to lands they had worked for a long time. However, thin

reprisal by the blacks took on a political flavor when the local Assembly

passed a Census Bill to check the polulation. Already incensed, the

blacks used the opportunity to revolt for fear that the Census Bill was

50 Charles W. Day, Five Years Residence in the West Indies (London: Colburn and Co. 1852) , Vol. 1, p, 33.

51 U. S. Consular Report, Ho. 10, (Jamaica), op. cit.

52 Ibid. Because of the tolls the blacks had to pay on wheeled vehicles and animals, they burnt down the gates after efforts at petition failed to produce results; Bee Frank Cundall, Political and Social Dis­ turbances in the West Indies, (Kingston, Jamaica: The Educational Supply Co., 1906, Dominica l£J93 Plu-ine Riot" was an anti-tax protest by the laboring blacks, £5

another planned strategy to perpetuate their suppression by the whiten

and the "distinction between the whites and the blacks.

The fact that the freed men were poor and politically disen­

franchised was a cogent and reasonable argument for not paying toxeG--

ecpecially direct taxes however willing they were to pay. The laborers

were quite willing to play their part if they were given full citizenship.

But the laboring men were never consulted when pertinent legislation was

contemplated and the merchants and planters were free to legislate ao they 55 pleased. This seeming disinterestedness of the dominant group con­

cerning the social welfare of the laboring population helped to contribute

to the polarization of the social units in the society,^ The laborers

were not fond of violence to solve their problems. Rather it was a

measure of last resort when the planter and the merchant were not

responsive to demands which would ameliorate their socio-economic condition.

53 H.C*S.P., Vol. 31, op. cit,, p. 31

51* "Letter from Elizabeth James and othera, 1633," Report of Commission, Part II, Vol. JUS, (1BE&), p. 1 5 6 . Elisabeth James and other laborers in Tobago complained to the Commissioners that they were desirous of paying the tnxeG on their dogs, houses and lands, but since work on the estates was irregular and wages 18 cts. per day, they were unable to do so.

55 Ibid,

56 Day, op, cit., p. 30. The blacks hated the whites and were insolent to them, Salmon, op. cit., p. 22. The planter did nothing to advance the welfare of the black laborers who contributed to their wealth. H.C.S.P.. Vol. 5^* up. cit., p. 05. The wealth of the country was con­ trolled by a "few planters and proprietors1' who had "full enjoyment of coercive power,..over their laborers." 26

The planter had no genuine concern in the society from which he obtained

hie wealth, argued Salmon, a former British administrator in the West

Indies. He wan a "mercenary agency'* planted in the society to oversee 57 ,rthe private interests of the absentee proprietor". It was argued that

for this reason, the merchant and planter class would not willingly con­

tribute to any Increase of taxe3 . Even the payment of income taxes had rO "generally been evaded." It was reported by the Royal Commissioners in

1601 that the taxation and related lavs were paG&cd by and "imposed by .,50 men who hail no stake in the country." ^ This social class refused to

support a M i l in the Jamaican Legislature in 1 S53 which attempted to

Impose income tax on salaried officials to help pay the cost of govern­ ment expenditure. This Bill would have cut the salaries of Judges,

clergymen, and other salaried officials. Instead of passing the Bill,

the House of Assembly passed a new tax of fid. on the annual value of

inherited property and imposed additional taxes on imports to raise the

Joseph Sturgo and Thomas Harvey, The West Indies in 1837: Journal of a Visit to Antigua, Montserrat, Dominica, St. Lucia, Barbados, and Jamaica. (London: B. Hudson, 1968), p. 3 7 6 .

58 "Extract from the Votes of the Assembly of Jamaica," April £8 , 1853* H.C.3.P .. Vol. 6 5 } op. cit., p. 6 3 . The Bill to levy thid income tax was not passed in the Jamaican Legislature. The minutes stated that it was "intrinsic injustice" to pay tax*

"Letter from Messrs. Porter & Co., St. Vincent Royal Commission,11 (1884), H.c.s.p., Vol. U6 j op. cit., p. 126. 27

additional taxes to meat government expend!turea. These officials viewed

the payment of taxes acj "partial and unjust,'1^ In the light of their

aversion to pay taxes, it in apparent that the plan tern, merchants, and

colored politicians hod a very low estimation of national r capon nihility

and ware unable to transcend sectional and class biases, The social lawa

reflected the thought processes and culture orientation of a social

group which vao not too far removed from men whose behavior does not mani­

fest elements of social elegance* It Is with this frame of attitude that

one must analyse the merchant, planter, and even the colored class. For

their concept of laws governing any society was not in relation to the

whole society but to parts of it, The low quality of West Indian society was inevitable for the planters and politiaiano, stated Charles Day, an

English resident in the Went Indies, came from England, Ireland, and

Scotland, They were eager to set up a local West Indian society based on skin color rather than initiative.*^ This was the nature then of early West Indian "social groupings" and it still remains the same where the politico of labor Is also the politics of race, skin color, and class.

60 "Despatch from Grey to Hew Castle," H.C.S,F*, Vol* 6 5 , op. cit,, p* 2?; "Despatch from Governor Lord Harris to Earl Grey," (Trinidad, July 9, H.C.S.F., Vol. 37; op, cit., pp. h and 7 * Officials rejected reduction on salaries and any form of taxation on their resources, 61 Day, Vol. 1, op* cit,, p* 30* The white population was mode up of men whose breeding contributed to the low tone and depressed state of West Indian society. Day, Vol. 2, p. 232. In Dominica, the priestn were of low birth* The Irish were not better off. 2B

Social laws In the Meat Indies 1834-1917. The colonial economy

rested on two pillars: slave labor and contract labor. Slave labor hod

proven uneconomic and expensive to maintain. Adam Smith critized slave

labor as too inefficient to compete economically with free labor. CT Furthermore, the institution of slavery denied the slave his liberty.

Since slavery was contrary to the principles of free trade and liberty,

the British Parliament on August 29, 1833 passed the Abolition of Slavery

Act which came into effect August 1, 1834. This Act**-* gave the slave his

liberty and the right to sell his labor. The abolition of slavery

created o shortage of labor. The British Parliament undertook in the

Act of 1Q34 to remedy the lack for four years beginning in 1834 and

ending in 1838. This period of apprenticeship served the purpose fairly

well. Thereafter, the planters, faced with wholesale migration of black

laborers from the estates, resorted to importing contract labor. The

major source of contract labor began in 1845 and continued until 1917,

when the Indian government stopped the exportation of its citizens.

According to the contract arrangements, the worker served his master for

a period of yearsi it was five years in the West Indies. After the fifth

year, the laborer was permitted to renew his contract or abandon his master. The contract laborer was paid wages, given medical facilities,

62 Adam Smith, An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Mations (Hew York: Modern Library, 1937), p. 365, Cf. Eric Williams, Capitalism and Slavery, (Chapel Hill; University of Worth Carolina Press, 1943), passim, 63 Sir Allan Burns, History of the British Hest Indies, (London; George Allen £ Unwin, Ltd. 1954), p. 627. The Act provided that "slavery shall be and is hereby utterly abolished and declared unlawful throughout the British colonies, plantations, and possessions abroad." 29 and a home to live in. These facilities were minimal and frequently were 61+ not provided.

The importation of foreign labor to resolve the labor crisis did not, however, antagonize the laboring black population. On the contrary, they accepted and welcomed the new immigrant as an ally and friend in ^ r any confrontation with Uie planters. The coolie immigrant was very apolitical whenever the blacks needed his support and the Portuguese passionately detested to live near to the "negro or colored tribes1* with whom "no caucusion can associate.Immigration was setting the tone that West Indian society hod to follow. The laboring blacks had

"become totally debased" and were a liability to the economy.^ Many people believed that the laboring blacks were lazy and indifferent to industry, hence the only recourse vac the importation of other workers.

Many factors influenced the labor supply in the British West Indies.

To fully appreciate the labor crisis on West Indian plantations, the colonial office appointed a commission in 1882 to study the problem.

"Copy of a Despatch from Lt. Governor Walker to Bt. Hon. Labouchere, M.P.,,f H.C.S.P., Vol. £0, Session 2 , October l8|>7, p. 215* The contract system was a "semi-slave trade*..with all its attendant in­ justice and atrocity.11 Africans, Chinese, {Madeirans), Portuguese, North Americans, Irishmen and Germans were brought in to work under this system.

65 H.C.5.P .. Vol. 7 7 , 1906.

66 Day, Vol. 2, op. cit,, p. 5 9 , Portuguese threatened to abandon Trinidad because of their dislike for the blacks.

67 Hichard 3. Fisher, A Statistical Account of the West Indian I elands (New York: J.H. Colton & Co., 1055 )> P* 1^« Ernest Noel, The Labor Question in the West Indies {New York: Hudson & Son, 181+0), p. 7 * Official British view considered labor as lazy* 30

The commissioners noted that the shortage of labor w q e artificial and

agreed it wan possible for the planters to remedy it. The is cute could

have been readily adjusted provided the planters displayed on interest 6 Q in the affairs of the society* So it was the unreasonablcneGG of the

planters which forced the laboring men to abandon the estates or aech 69 employment by means of their personal initiative* To ensure againct

total abandonment of the estates, the planters passed laws to maintain 70 a steady labor supply, So the very nature of the laws must have in­

fluenced the social relations of master and employee after emancipation

when the latter had the right to bargain and sell his labor for a

reasonable price.

In addition, the pursuit of education by the laboring men

affected the continuous flow of labor to the estates. For some laborers

were becoming ambitious and were aspiring to become school teachers

Instead of farmers. The immediate cause was the need which exiated for

school teachers*^ Education as a factor in understanding the labor

crisis in the West Indies has never been mentioned by historians* The planter was never happy for this new awareneGS among the laborers. This

68 Report of the Royal Commission 1&34, op, cit,, p. 6 3 . The planter□ "with certain vice exceptions, allowed a natural vexation to get the upper hand*"

6 $ Loc. cit.

70 Enclosure in Ho* £0 to the Rt, Hon. Earl Grey, Secretary of State for the Colonies, Eemerara 1^, 15^6, p. 7a,

Report of the Royal Commission 1 8 8 ^, pp. cit.f p, 6^. Many workers had 'high aims and some ambition." This report categorically stated that the pursuit of education influenced the labor oupply, 31

type of Intellectual sophistication was sure to affect agrlcultural

productivity since the laborer uould enjoy greater statue and respect­

ability as a teacher. Secretary of state, Earl Groy wrote the West

Indian governors in 1947 asking their support in promoting education

among the workers. Bat the colonial governments showed no interest,

and the colonial office hod no means of influencing the planters In the 72 venture.' Earl Grey reasoned that education would make the laborer

intelligent and create new tastec, develop an alert mind and love for

w o r k . 73 The planters were not concerned ond the laboring class remained 74 in "lamentable ignorance." Hence, whatever economic lag existed

could be attributed in part to the conduct of the planter. The planter

should have understood that an enlightened laboring class would have worked to his advantage and that of the entire community.

The British government grasped the importance of an educated peasantry and worked to advance the educational level of the worker.

However, the education the laborer received in the church schools did not prepare him for government. Instead, he wa3 taught elements of

Christian religion and agriculture. This type of education had a two­ fold purpoGc: (a) to alleviate the irretrievable social and economic

72 H.C.B.F.. Elgin to Stanley, Vol. £8 , 1846, op. cit., p. 5 . Funds for schools were withdrawn and prisons became "the fittest schools of maimers end morals.n H.C.5.F.. Vol. 39, No. 4, Jhnuaiy 26, 1847, op* cit., p. 2 .

T3 Ibid, p, 3 .

74 Jamaica Morning Journal, New Series, No* 41902, Vol. 16, (January 17* 1953)* Thin statement was made in a letter to theeditor. Royal Concnisaion Report. 1884, op. cit., p, 72* conmissioners concluded that the bulk of the tax payers were ignorant In Jamaica which was spend­ ing more on education than the other colonies. 32

decay of the society, and (b) to improve the level of sugar production.

British educational policy was farsighted. But as one examines British education policy in the British West Indies towards the lower class, lie may well conclude that it was geared towards developing a "loyal

and religious middle class” who would be readily "available for the 75 cultivation of the soil.'" Principally, he would be led to this con­ clusion by the observation that the education the blocks received had no real Intellectual content. It was primarily agricultural.

Yet, however minimal the content of their education, the laboring blacks utilized the opportunity to Improve their level of awareness.

Table 1 illustrates the educational pattern among the children of the

laboring class in Jamaica. Table II gives the amount expended on education for every five years between 1862-1881. The Royal Commission of 1084 stated that the expenditure on education in 1801 was six times greater than in 1B61 but school attendance and those able to read and write were merely two times as great. This situation was even more appalling when one excluded the eight thousand white adults and 80 per­ cent of the colored adult population of sixty thousand from the two hundred and fifty thousand adult blacks only twenty-two thousand were functional. This trend among the children of the lowest social class stated the report, was "unsatisfactory and discreditable." Table III gives a sample of wages paid to workers in the British West Indies be­

tween 1845-1857,

^ ■’"Brief Practical Suggestions on the Mode of Organizing and Conducting Day School, Model Farm Schools and Normal Schools, as Part of a System of Education for the Colored Races of the British Colonies." H.C.S.P., Vol. 39, op. cit., p. 10. 33

ft m o w o o o vp co 3- o> m on

oj 3 LPt VD ** t— CO vo

r*"i ir\ u\ m m Jt

C\ fM to if\ F- *. o> CM & d h CM

m o3 o fn Ov irv rP m r- m LT\ VO to CO -if + ft

vo R t K *k o ir\ F* 3

n 2 & i TABIE II

TOTAL EXPENDITURE FOR EDUCATION K)R PERIODS OF FIVE YEARS ( JAMAICA )

YEARS L.OO0

1862-1866 3,700

1867-1671 7,200 I872-I 876 19,300

1877-1881 23,^00

Source: Royal CommlsQion Report I6SA, p . 1^7 33

The floyal Commiscion of l88k had also reported that the laboring blacks were willing to work on the sugar plantations provided that they were paid regularly and that the bookkeepers and overseers refrained 76 from "cutting" and "stopping" the wages of the workers. Wages os a form of Inducement to labor was too small and unattractive.

Because of the general labor shortage the price paid by the planter determined the number of laborers he could secure. All the territories were not alike in respect to a labor shortage. For instance,

Trinidad, which paid high wagea and had an abundance of lands for peasant agriculture, attracted a wave of immigrants from the other

Went Indian Islands In the nineteenth century. Charles Salmon believed that the shortage of labor In the other territories wa3 not real— that

It va3 created by the planters1 unwillingness to pay higher wages, because regions where higher wages were paid did not experience a labor shortage.

Some historians in discussing West Indian labor in the nine­ teenth century have failed to mention two very pertinent factors con­ tributing to the lack of labor. These factors reflected the inter­ national fluctuation of commodity prices and the free trade policies of Britain which forced many planters to abandon their estates and com-

76 Boyal Commission, 168k, op. cit.f p. 6 3 . It was for this reason noted the Commissioners why there was a "widespread aversion to laboring on the estates." 3fi

pelled those who remained to reduce wages as low as 25$ in British 77 Guiana. Coupled with the reduction of wages in the entire West Indian*

British imports showed a decline each year from 1873 to 1B79 except in 78 1877* Prices * however* were stable In 18771 1080, and 1302. Though

the planter might have been willing to pay better wages, he was hin­

dered from doing 00 becauee of these cevere economic problems. More­

over* the Sugar Duties Act of l8k6 had a diBa&trouo effect on the Went

Indian planters whose sugar hod to compete equally in the British market with sugar from slave growing states. Another Act passed In

l£&6 granted the planters an extension until 185*1 before full equali­

zation of duties would become effective.^ During 105^* the English

Parliament enacted the West Indian Encumbered Estates Court Act to

dispose of these estates which were heavily mortgaged. In effect, the

Act granted first priority to these English bankers and merchants who hod loaned the West Indian planters money. Also, the Act destroyed the

security for future loons for development.

77 2 H.C.S.P., Vol. 23 * op. cit., p. 7* Governor Barkely of British Guiana* conscious of the effect* stated that reduction would cause “ill feelingB11 and "hardly would the laborers countenance re­ duction of wages." Estates were set on fire and it brought irreparable loss which the planters were '’fearful to contemplate;lf Sturge and Harvey, op. cit.* Appendix XII. The planters enforced ”a low tariff on wages.,f John Davy, The West Indies* Before and Since Slave tfrnnncj.. pat ion, Comprising the Windward and Leeward Islands Military Command (London, P* 2 8 8 . Wages had not only fallen but there existed a lack of capital and too much lands In St. Iucla.

78 "Final Report of the Royal Commission appointed to inquire into Recent Changes in Relative Values of the Precious Metals*" H.C.3.P ., Vol. 45, pp. l$h-l56.

79 Brazil and Cuba were slave states whose sugar competed equally with sugar from the British West Indies. 37

TABLE III

WAGES IH TIE WEST INDIES (COLONIES) BETWEEN 181+5 - 1857

DESCRIPTION COUNTRY OF WORK MEN WOMEN CHILDREN

British Guiana Weeding and Moulding - Tack 60 rod. la. I+d * In J+d,

(5 - 7£ hre.) Shovel Plough - Task 30 rod. lE.Od. ls.I+d.

Planting Cones - Tank 60 rod* 2 s,Qd.

Supply Canos - Tank 60 rod. ls.l+d.

181+7 Picking and Trans­ porting Canon 8d.

Spreading Brick per day on Public Rood 3d.

Digging Trcnchea i+E.Od. 18^5 Trinidad (9 hro,) Tank Id .OcL

£s.Od.

181+7 St* Vincent (7 hrs.) 8d,

181+7 Jeunalca (9 hrc.) dally 6d, l+d. 3d.

181+7 Antigua (7^- 9 hrs*) dally 6d. lfi!+8 Barbados (l£ hro.) dolly lS.Od.

161+8 St. Kitts (7^ 9 hrs.) daily la.Od.

Sourcet H.C.S.F*. Vol. £0, 1859, op. cit*, H,C.S.F. * Vol. 39, 181+7 Sir H. MacLeod to Lora 38

As the loons for development become scarce the society suffered an a consequence. This was the very case in WeGt Indian society, The gulf existing between thooe who enjoyed the wealth end those who lived under ’’ordinary subsistence" van appalling.

Because of the demands of the planters for cheap labor* the local govcrnmento with approval of the Imperial government* introduced indentured labor from Madeira* India* and China. Indian Immigration to Trinidad began in lBlt|j and Chinese In 1853* Jamaica and British

Guiana enacted similar lava in lfikO to Introduce indentured labor.

The only means the planters had at their disposal* stated Sturge and

Harvey* two Englishmen* woe the 11 executive powers of the local adminla- fio trationa. * . to enforce this immigration law* With the control of the entire economy and government the planters legislated to ouch on 6l extent to minimize the power of the labor ere in making their own terms* Dp One of the first laws to be introduced vaa the Contract law.

The firnt ordinance for contract labor vaa panned by the Colonial Office.

The contract laborer could agree to work for five years and had the option of renewing the contract at the end of hia indenture. The contract

60 Sturge and Harvey* op. cit., p* 3 7 6 .

61 o H.C.S.F.. Vol. 23 , I6k7-l8ii8* p. 1 3 8 .

82 "East Indian Immigration. Correspondence Relative to the Supply of labor to the British Colonies*” Enclosure 2 in Ho. k* H.C.S.F. * Vol. 39* OP* cit. Such lava were common In the other territories with modifications. might also "be for only three years.

The contract was made individually and it 'bound the laborer

to hia man ter. Wo provision van made in the Act or contract for settling

labor disputes which occurred frequently. In addition, this type of

contract did not guarantee any degree of equality for wage bargaining by the laborer. The manager or the Immigration Officer ua3 to deter­ mine the wage of each worker on an individual basis. However, a Petty

Debts Ordinance for the recovery of wages gave the worker a right to appeal within thirty days should a conflict arise between the vorKer Bh and his master.

A law adopted in Antigua to stop free labor from leaving

Antigua was passed in that country's legislature and approved by the

British Parliament April 2 6 , IB37 entitled "An Act for Preventing

Clandestine Deportation of laborers, Artificers, Handicraftsmen, and Or Domestic Servants from the Some Island." 5 'This law was adopted only

03 "An Act to Amend the Inws Relating to Agricultural Immigrants, African, Asiatic, and Indian, Appendix Ho. 12, Act. Ho, 1+195 of I858 cap, 5 ." H.C.S.F,, Vol. £0, Session 2, 1659* Part 1 deals with Britieh Guiana, Jamaica and Trinidad,

8h An Act...Ho. 1+195 of 1050/ P» 5^5S Cf. ante p, 9 .

65 Sturge, op. cit., Appendix 12, Section 5* Antigua had no period of apprenticeship I83I1-I838 where the slave master otill had the monopoly over the alave. 40 66 in Antigun. Eut in all West Indian territories, the Vagrancy Act vac a common feature in labor - planter relatione. Thin Vagrancy Act sti­ pulated that if a man abandoned hie family, willfully refuGtd to work, 67 and become a burden on the state, he would be imprisoned* The law also applied to itinerant prostitutes,

In 1 636, to curb the illegal occupation of private and public lands, an Act was passed to that effect entitled "Crown Lands Occupa­ tion." This law gave the queen's representative the power to eject persons who failed to show cause for occupancy or could not produce a title of ownership. Upon failure to deliver the occupied lands within 60 fourteen days, the occupant was liable to imprisonment.

66 "Copies of any laws or Ordinances now in force in the West Indian Colonies and Mauritius with respect to Vagrancy*" H.C.S.P., Vol. 03^t op. cit.

e? "Act for the Punishment of Idle and Disorderly Persons, Pogues, Vagabonds, and Incorrigible Rogues, (Jamaica), No. 3315i,f December 5, l839j PP* 135-136. For Antigua, Act Ho. 301* July 3 1 , 103*+* p* 135; Barbados, Ant Ho. Dominica, Act Ho. UtO, p* 1 6 3 ; St. Christopher, Act Ho. 370, October 21, l&tTj St. Vincent, Act Ho. 390* September 6 , 1039* P* Tobago, Act Ho. 321, March 26, 1630, P- 151- H.C.S.F., Vol. 23^, op. cit., Cf* W, ra.oosterboer, Involuntary Labor since the Abolition of Slavery (Hetherlands; Leiden, E, J. Brill, 1 9 6 0 ), p. 5* C. Kingsley, At Last, a Christmas in the West Indies (Hew York; Macmillan St Co., 1871), pp. 117-lt)6. Failure to work resulted in imprisonment. It was possible for the indentured servant to be Imprisoned for absentee­ ism, refusal to take orders from superiors, drunkenness, and using threatening language.

68 H.C.S.F. 1 Vol. 23i , op. cit., p, 170; Cf. Trinidad "An Ordinance Enacted by the Governor of the Island of Trinidad with the advice and consent of the Council of Government to give greater Facilities for the Removal of Persona in Ronscsfjion of lands without probable Claim or Title." H.C.S.F.. Vol. 39- "A Copy of a Despatch from Governor lord Harris to Earl Grey,11 (Trinidad, August 17, 18^6), Ibid. The occupant was accorded the right to buy at 331 an acre. If not in ownership for the last ten years and could not show cause, he was expelled. 41

Those laws were approved by the British Parliament which had the power to accept or reject laws passed In the colonial legislatures.

These colonial legislatures from 1834-1917 represented British imperial interests. Hence, the colonial governments passed these labor laws with the consent of the Crown and the labor laws were enacted in the name and interests of the Crown. The laws no doubt were defective and were attribu- no ted to "errors in judgment" by the Colonial Office. The laws, there­ fore , represented Britain's labor policy in her West Indian territories.

But in England save for the Combination Acts of 1799-1600 and later re­ pealed in 1824-1825, greater toleration was exercised towards the English peasantry and factory worker. The Trade Union Act of 1871 legalized the existence of trade unions whereas in the West Indies and Mauritius the indentured servant was still legally bound to his master. By 1875, the

English peasant was given the right to strike by a law of Parliament.

The West Indian laborer was not granted this right because as said, such legislation was thought to be applied to "highly developed communities'1^* and furthermore, the Colonial Office was the '’trustee for the well-being of the peoples of the Colonial Empire"Canada, and

Australia did not regiment labor as the Colonial governments did in the

on Murdoch to Rogers, op. cit., p. 13. 90 The Colonial Empire in 1937-1938. Cmd. 5760, p. 52. 91 Statement of Policy on Colonial Development and Welfare, Cmd. 6175, p. 4; John Price, British Trade Unions (Great Britain! Longman's Green & Co., 1943, pp. 15-16. The Combination Acts of Britain ware similar to the law of Coalitions in France 1791, hi

West Indies and Mauritius* However, the wages paid in Australia were higher than in the West Indies and Mauritius, which had imported in- 92 dentured servants, thus increasing the power of the planters by raining

the size of the labor force to that of the pre-emancipation period. The purpose was to permit the production of sugar at lees cost, through lover wages. Indeed, immigration as early as 18^5, succeeded In re­ ducing vogeo^ throughout the West ladies and it also affected the gl> price of sugar production from twenty pounds per ton to ten pounds.

It seemed true that in the last three years before the stoppage of

East Indian immigration the estates were enjoying a constant flow of labor which was of better quality. As we shall see, immigrant labor did not solve the acute labor problem. Rather, It generated more socio-economic dislocation within the society. Politically, the Im­ portation of immigrant labor was on attempt to curtail the newly gained freedom of the slaves of Its real "substance and value" by imposition of laws which made Immigrant labor live in constant fear of more laws.

So the social legislation which v u g to assist in promoting the general

92 tt.C.S.F,, Vol. 232, op. cit., p, 1 3 6 .

93 Ibid., pp. 3, 27, and 6 9 , After apprenticeGhip (1838) labor wao paid l/6d* per day for 6 hours. But in l8t8 in Barbados wages were reduced to fid, per dayi In Bt. Vincent fid. per day for 7 hrs,, and in Antigua fid, per day. Of. H.C.S.F. . op. cit., Vol. 1+3, p. 7 , Wages were "considerably reduced’1 irT the West Indies by 1872.

2 H.C.S.F., Vol. 23 , part II, op. cit., p. dO. 43

95 good encouraged distrust for the lave and the courtn, ^

Although the black immigrant worker had no vote ha vac not apolitical.^ 'Hiis political awareness was more pronounced in the black communities than among any other immigrant group* The Indian immigrant worker behaved rather apolitical and aloof from political issues. His political non-involvement might have resulted from hlo being in an alien culture which he did not understand. Hence, he l'elt hie primary task was first to become westernized and assimilated into a culture in which he could function. The Indian laborer, therefore, could not have functioned, as a citizen since his rights to citizenship were held in trust. For his right to determine his own action vac not provided for in the Master and Servant Act. For the regulations of the Master and Servant Act had reduced the Indian laborer to a role of servitude. Hence, the primary responsibility to this type of worker was to his master and not to the society. For this reason, therefore, contract labor and Indian indentured labor in particular presented

"no political and social d a n g e r . "97 But the indentured laborers as a social class participated in politics In a minimal way only because

Sturge and Harvey, op. cit., p. 37Q. laws were "devised with sublety ond executed with violence." Cf. Clinton to Murdock, op. cit,, p, 10. Immigrants were "fearful of the severity of the law" and had no "confidence In the magistrates impartiality," "Enclosure in Governor Held's Despatch to Earl Grey, Ho, 17," April 2, 18^7* In Dominica the courts hod not commanded the respect of the workers.

96 The Morant Boy Hevolution (1865) in Jamaica was political, so was La Guerre Negro in Dominica lQkU.

H.C.3.P. „ Vol. S32, op. cit*, p. 51 . For thin reason they gave no trouble. of the limitations imposed by lav and because of the low concept men held of him in the society.

Socially immigrant laborers formed the lower class of the society. The immigrant laborer was not socially accepted by the upper classes except for the Portuguese immigrant, who was, after his inden­ ture, able to move vertically rising to positions of power in the society. On the other hand, the Chinese who after their indenture, aspired to control the hulk of the retail grocery business in Trinidad, were not socially accepted. Generally, the indentured laborer did not enjoy proper conditions of work, or decent living conditions; the chances for educational advancement of his children were very poor.

Because of these shortcomings of the indentured system, Jamaica in

1866 passed legislation to prohibit the continuance of contract labor.

Table IV gives the number of immigrants for Guyana, Jamaica, and

Trinidad which had the largest influx of contract laborers. However, in the smaller territories of the Eastern Caribbean, the Census report for 18&1 stated that attempts at bringing immigrant labor to these i islands were unsuccessful since access to lands for agriculture was difficult. The Census report also showed that 1,370 immigrants went to St. Lucia; 1,410 to St, Vincent; and 1,050 to Grenada. Between

I638 and 1917/ about 23^,000 Indians were introduced Into British

Guiana; 145,000 into Trinidad; £1,500 into Jamaica; 1,550 into St. Lucia

1,020 into Bt, Vincent; and £,570 into Grenada. It was later pro­ hibited by the Indian Parliament In 191T* Th® Indian legislature stopped contract labor to the entire West Indies bringing its aboli­ tion throughout the area. Abolition of the indentured system in the 45

TABLE IV

HUMBER OP CONTRACT LABORERS IB GUYANA, JAMAICA, AND TRINIDAD 1664

TOTAL IMMIGRANT COUNTRY POPULATION POPULATION

Guyana 250,000 65,000

Jamaica 560,000 14,000

Trinidad 153,000 46,000

Source: Royal Comalbeion Report, 1664, op. cit., p. 65 46

Weet Indies marked the Introduction of a new trend In Vest Indian labor- nanoGcjiient relatione, Immigrant labor, contract labor, or the indentured * system Inaugurated in 1845 and ended in 1917 aimed at strengthening the political and economic dominance of the planter aristocracy over the laboring blacks and to reduce the purpose fulness of collective bargain­ ing*

Colonial Government 1834 - 1919

Colonial government in the British West Indies from 1834 to the middle of the twentieth century was neither autocratic nor democratic.

In Barbados, the colonial government was ’’mild and paternal,"99 c.L.R.

James, the Vest Indian historian writing on the governments In the colonics, has stated that these colonies were "government by on auto­ cratic alien with three or four other aliens and one or two local men chosen by himself as a representative of the people,Political power was in the hands of the white creoles or notivc b o m whites but effective control was vested in the foreign whites or English which in-

98 We3t India Royal Commission Heport, 194-5 Ctod, 6 6 0 7 , p. 57*

99 Sir Andrew Holliday, The West Indies? The Natural and Physical History of the Windward and Leeward Colonies; The Abolition of Negro Slavery [lonflon: John Wm. Parker, W^StrahcTT I8 3 7 J, p, 5^; James Anthony Frauds, The English In the West Indies or the Bov of Ulysses (l?,X.; Charles Scribners & Sons, I8 6 7 ), p. 85 . Trinidad was a "de­ grading tyranny." Win. G, Sewell, The Ordeal of Free Labor In the West Indies (N.Y.: Harper and Brothers, 1061), p. lift* Trinidad and British Guiana hod a government which were despotic.

100 C.L.H, James. The Life of Captain Cipriani. An aecount of British Government In the West Indies (Nelson, 193S), p. 50* eluded the governor and the representatives of the Crown. Both the white creoles and the English worked In unison "to keep the great hulk of the people in subjection.1^' 1' This anomalous pattern of colonial government may help to explain why after Emancipation the Colonial legis­ latures and the British government tunde no overt attempt to encourage any social organizations to resolve the labor question In the society.

Caribbean legislatures sought ond monopolized power. D. J,

Murray has revealed that the Crown, desirous of allowing the colonies to govern themselves without intervening in their affairs in the nine­ teenth century modified the colonial institutions "to allow for the 102 exorcise of this power*11 Whenever thin power was challenged, the 103 colonial legislatures reacted arrogantly towards the Crown* J Yet the Crown had ultimate control over these local legislatures and 104 intervened in extreme cases. After 1944, the governor of & terrl-

101 Ibid., p. 8 . The local legislature refused to grant educa­ tion to the children of the working class because they would have no use for it.

10£d. J. Murray. The West IndieG and the Development of Colonial Government 1801-34. Oxford: Clarendon Press, I8 6 5 , p. 13,

103 Llewellyn Woodward. The of Reform* 1815-1670. (2nd edition) Oxford; Clarendon Freon, 1962 , pp. 373-374* C* P* Lucas. Historical Geography of the British Colonies, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1 690 , pp. 109-110* The West Indian Prisons Act of 1639 took away the prisons from colonial legislatures. The Jamaican government in 1836-39 resigned in protest. Mathieson, op. cit,, p. 6 7 .

104 The Labor Relations Bill which Cheddi Jagon introduced in Guyana 1953 find I9G3 did not become law due to the governor’s extra power. 40 tory was given extraordinary power to veto any decision of the legis­ lature which he considered inimical to the interests of the Crown.

Colonial legiolatures controlled the laws governing taxation. In the larger territories in the Dritinh Caribbean, the queen's representa­

tive wan a governor and though he performed the some duties in the

smaller islands, the Crown called him a president or captain-general*

The queen's representative was empowered to protect and secure the property rights of the treasury and absentee landlords residing in

England* Failure to perform such duties satisfactorily was punish­ able by dismissal and a fine of one thousand pounds

The colonies were treated in many ways like a piece of English

real estate, at first under the direction of the Board of Trade and

then under the Colonial Office*^0 ^ According to Edward Jenks, this

relationship was considered to be more economic than political. In light of this relationship between the Crown and her colonies the

former held the latter in trust and was quite tardy in granting political concessions to her West Indian colonies. After 183*+, the

low educational standard of the blacks, the Indians, Portuguese,

Chinese, some whites and coloreds mode representative government well

105 Hurray, op. cit., p. 14.

106 Edward Jenks. Parliamentary England. The Evolution of the Cabinet SystemiQJev York: C. P. Putnam's Sons, 1903) tV* 203* C. P. Hume Wrong, Government of the West Indies, (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1923), p. 2 7 . The 'Colonies were plantations'* and their importance was measured In this light; Alexander Brody, William Huskisson and the Liberal Reform, London: Oxford Press, 1 9 2 8 , pp, 112-132. The colonies were little more than economic supplements of the mother state and were to support and maintain the empire. 107 nigh impossible. Before the slaves were freed* they had no political representation in the Houses of Assembly in the colonics.

The Assemblies between 18^4 and 1937 were "dominated by vested Interests 1 n D which opposed "social legiolation" for the laboring class. The officials who presided over the colonial legislatures wore described by Hume Wrong the English historian, as consisting of planters, eolorede

Jews and lawyers. The emancipated slaves were denied thin right. Due to their denial* the laboring class on every possible occasion dis­ played thuir dislike for the nature of the government which served a 109 privileged minority. This class of men denied their political franchise* were looking for every opportunity to gain their right to vote. But on the contrary, the Colonial governments stated. Hume Wrong* would have liked "the workers to start an insurrection" to give the

British iterliament and colonial legislatures "the pleasure of destroy- M110 Ing the negroes and missionaries,' who aided them. This attitude of

1C? Holliday, op* cit,* p, 1 19. The progress of the colonies vaG checked by ignorance and strengthened by intrigue.

108 Crod* 6607* op* cit., pp. 56-5 7 ,

109 Underhill* op. cit,* p. £15 "Despatch from Governor Sir H. Norman to the Rt. Hon* the Earl of Derby* No. 10" £8 th February 1884, p. 17* Only a portion of the blacks were free.

110 Wrong, op, cit., p. 57* Fraser's Magasine Vol. 3 * Fcbruary- July l83!j P* 8 2 7 , It was alwaya believed that the missionaries encouraged insurrection among the workero against their masters. 50 a small minority in the society compounded the labor problem with that of race and color. Instead or the privileged minority of whites and

Gome coloreds attempting to forge "a clone bond of amity and ascistance" with the laboring blacks, they used their positions of Influence both 111 despotically and irresponsibly.11

Table V statec the ethnic composition of the population in

British Guiana in 1911 and in 1921. In thiB tabular abatement,

Europeans other than Portuguese formed the Gmulleut minority but exercised the most political and economic power. In this decade, the number of Europeans shows a slight decline from 3,937 t0 3,921* But this did not lessen their dominance and control of power since only

Europeans were considered fit to govern. In the census for IB5I, how­ ever, Europeans had accounted for three per cent of the adult popula­ tion whereas by 1921 they were only 1,11 per cent. Thun in 1651 ninety seven per cent of the adult population was without due represen­ tation, The Home pattern appeared in 1911 and 1921, except that the dominant white group was even smaller, Therefore, the Crown had become the guardian of this large body of voteless and unschooled citizens 112 who had no political influence.

The small minority of white Europeans used representative government as a countervailing force between them and the black popu- 113 lation. The Europeans in British Guiana and other territories had

111 Underhill, loc, cit., p. 215

112 Sir Cecil Clementi, The Constitutional History of British Guiana, london: Macmillan & Co., 1937, P» 37*

113 2 H.C.S.P., Vol. 23 , op. cit,, p. 300. 51

TABLE V

POPULATION AND RACE I1J BRITISH GUIANA

NO. OF PERSONS PERCENTAGE OF POPULATION RACE CLASSIFICATION 1911 1921 1911 1921

Europeans 3*937 3*921 1*33 1.11

Portuguese 10,06J| 9*175 3.^0 3*08

East Indiana 126,517 12*1,938 U2.74 ill.97

Chineae 2,622 2,722 .89 .91

Blacka 115, **86 117*169 39*01 39*3 6

Mixed Racco 30,251 30,587 10.22 10.28

Aborigines 6,901 9*150 2.33 3.07

Not Stated 2lt3 659 .06 .22

Source: Report of the British Guiana Royal CommlfiBlop Cmd. 2B1!!, April 1927t P* 1^0- 52

always tried and had been GucceGBful in maintaining power. They had maintained control by meono of their wealthy and power alliances with

the colored and black middle class leaderg who financed the operations of the political parties.

Representative Government 163^-1937

Britain's overall policy towards the We3t Indian colonies was 111* uncertain and vacillating* But it ia not too difficult to deter­ mine the pattern and certain fundamental principles underlying labor aspects of thiG vacillating policy. British political writings supply

some meaningful answers. Anthony Trollope set the tone of English thought on the Went Indies. He argued against popular parliamentary representation for the West Indies because their else and composition of the population would exclude them from enjoying such a system. 115 But Canada and Australia had the energy to do so he affirmed,

Trollope would deny the laboring men their political righto to parti­ cipate in the society, maintaining the continued ascendency of the whiten since the laboring men were unable to formulate laws "for their own guidance and that of other members in the society. 1 1 6 In his view,

West Indian society would become too anarchistic if a popular parliamen­ tary government, dominated principally by the laboring class were to be

Uriah "Buzz11 Butler, president of EEWCHRP (Trinidad), had always commanded a majority following in the local legislature but was never asked to form the government.

115 Anthony Trollope, The West Indies and the Spanish Main, (London, 1 6 6 7 ), p, 1 1 9 .

116 Ibid., pp, 117-118, The Reform Acts of 1832 and 1 B67 granted political rights (voting) to the laboring class In Britain. 53 elected. To avoid such a chaos, he urged placing all the West Indian governments under the Grown to control the laboring men, because non-

Europenns do not have the capacity for governing themselves. Trollope was reflecting the basic trend in British historical writings. Anthony

Fronde another British historian, was equally adamant in not granting popular democracy to the West Indian worker. He agreed with Trollope that white GOclety should not be governed by blacks because political 117 power could not be given safely to a macs of inferior people,

Froude saw the West Indian worker abandoned to hie own fate without any proper method or philosophies. He agreed with Thomas Carlyle who advocated a policy of political repression where labor would be unable

to develop any social organisations to resolve the labor-political Ida question* Carlyle advocated the use of arms by the Crown to command 119 the blacks to go back to the plantations. Should the Crown hesitate to adopt a policy of repression, the entire society would be destroyed.

Carlyle obviously believed that men were b o m unequal anti that the 120 whites by nature had more intelligence than tho blacks, Carlyle in

117 116 Froude, op. cit,, p. 80 Ibid., pp, 202-3*

119 Thomas Carlyle, "Meat Indies Bnoncipation," DeBow's Review, Ho. 0, January-June 18^0, p. 532.

120 Ibid,, p. 536* The core of his logic Is that the blacks had "to be servants to the whites; if they are {as what mortal can doubt they are) b o m wiser..,," 54 his book , An Occasional Discourse on the Nigger Question , convincingly argued for the introduction of faaciBtic methods to curb the intransi­ gence of the worker, for men should not be left to use their liberty and freedom ^without the alighted constraint or bond over them.,t^^

The writings of Thomas Carlyle, Trollope and Froude molded and influenced Britiah labor policy in the West Indian colonies. Thene authors had refused to discuss the principles of liberty inherent in the Qnoncipatlon Act. They considered the worker to be legally bound to hie employer by the provision of the Master and Servant Act of l88k 122

Failure to work for hia master vua deemed a crime under thiG Act, The act was for all the colonies hut it did not affect Canada, Australia and New Zealand except the indigenous labor. According to Governor

Eyre, colonial peasantry could not be treated as the European counter­ part. England had the Master and 3ervant Act of iBhk and 1 6 6 7 . The provisions for settling disputes between employer and laborer were the same. But the improvements which come with the Eefom Bill of 1832 and 1866 did not affect the West Indian worker. Also the amendment to

121 Trollope, op. cit., p. £09.

122 The Trade Union Act of 1871 in Britain legalized strikes and enhanced the status of workers in England, Woles, Ireland and Scotland. In the Caribbean, however, employers still had the liberty of associa­ tion and cooperating together with reference to wages paid and hours worked* The Master and Servant Act was equivalent to the Employers and Servant Ordinance 1053 (British Guiana), 55 the Master and Servant Act of 1667 in Britain remedied the breaches of contract between employer0 and employed. This law failed to solve the labor problems in West Indian society.

It exacerbated social tensions and was the immediate cause for the riots, revolts and rebellions in post-emancipation West Indian society. The Grown did not force the planters to enact reforms to benefit the worker, although the Crown had the power to do so. Inetead of developing representative or popular government to encourage demo­ cracy as was being attempted villi the British worker, the West Indian worker was left to extricate himself from the difficulties around 123 him. The worker, abandoned to hin fate by the Crown and excluded from political participation, was left with no other recourse than to 124 employ violence. The political involvement of all segments in the society was minimal especially among the laboring men.

The statin tics in Table VI portray this political participa­ tion of the voters.

The Blue Book for Barbados (l88B) reported that Bridgetown and

123 Sidney and Beatrice Webb. The History of Trade Unionism, (Hew York, 1965), p. 251* A very limited dispute was- registered when the Combination Acta were enforced in Britain, but hundreds were registered under the Master and Servant Act. No laborer or workman was ever free until the law was modified in Britain.

124 Froude, loc. cit. 56

TABLE VI

NUMBER OF REGISTERED VOTERS IB THE BRITISH WEST INDIES

REGISTERED HO. OF COUNTRYPOPULATION YEAR VOTERS VOTERS

Jamaica 441,264 1861 1,798 1,482 Jamaica 450,000 1864 1,903 1,457 Antigua 1661 St * John10 (capital) 139 n.a. Country Dlot. 159 n.a, Antigua 35,000 1806 208 n.a, Barbados 100,000 188T 2,469 n.a. Bridgetown 761 n.a. (capital) St. Andrew 4 9 n.a. Trinidad 190,000 1865 Port-of-Spain 668 n.a. (capital) San Fernando 128 n.a. St. Vincent 1854 193 130 St. Kitts 1053 166 81 St. Kitts 1854 166 43 St. Kitta 1855 166 65 St. Kitts 20,741 1058 47 n.a. Tobago 186 2 1 1 Britioh Guiana 1887 1,306 n.a.

Sources; Wrong, op- cit., pp. 6 9 -7 0 , "Blue Book Report No* 6 a" (Barbados), 1BB8. B.C.5.P.. Vol. 5V, 1069; "Bite Book Report No. 51h (TrinidadJ, 1685-1806; "Blue Book Report No. 39" (Brltiah Guiana), 1887 H-C.S.P., Vol. 72, 1668; H.C.S.P., Vol. 55, 1884, pp. 16-17- 57 125 St* Andrew had 761 and 49 registered electors respectively. The Blue

Book for Barbados (18B8 ) reported 2,i-69 for the year 1887* The 1885

Blue Book for Guyana also registered 1,311 electors on increase of 5 over 108^ and 101 over 1 8 8 3 *

Political franchise, as one can see from these statistics, wao not enjoyed by the majority of citizens. Women did. not have the right to vote and were not considered a part of the political process before

1919 in Jamaica.^ 6 |jD other West Indian territory hod granted the vote to women. By 1065, the West Indian laboring blacks and some colored politicians had united to gain by force of arms what privi­ leges they were unable to win through peaceful democratic compromise.

The Mo rant Bay Revolution and Its Consequences 1065

After ESuancIpation in 183*+, upwards of twenty-two revolts or rebellions of political and economic significance occurred in the West

Indies. The moat important was the Morant Bay Revolution in Jamaica

1865* It was important because it was the first time after Emancipation

that the worker, primarily blackG and coloreds, displayed a great deal of group solidarity for winning their demands. Both social groups were convinced that they "must combine and hong together" if such demands 127 were to be obtained from the planters and the Crown, The Jfcirant Bay

Revolution had its roots in the social injustices which confronted the

125 H,C,S,P., Vol. 30, 1875} P- 3* Violence and threats by the workers were treated as misdemeanors. 126 Report by the Hon. E.F.L. Wood, M.F. on his visit to the West Indies and British Guiana. Cmd. 1079. Vol. 16. 1922.

127 Bay, Vol. 1. op, cit., p. 3 5 . H.C.B.P., Vol. 31, loc. cit. This overt unity was considered subversive by the planters. 50 laboring blacks. The two basic causes for the Moront Bay Revolution were political and economic, Politically, the laboring blacks had never functioned aa citizens in any political activity, In abort, they were excluded from doing go. Their historical exclusion wa3 a primary cause for the revolution, AIgo, the laboring blacks who were tenant farmers dlGliked. their continued payment of rent for the land they occupied.

Those tenant farmers considered the land Q3 a major contributor to their misfortune. A further cause for the Morant Bay Revolution involved the worker and hie relationship to the law. The tenant farmer had no confidence in the legal system which worked against him. Whenever the tenant vent to court, he was Judged by a magistrate who was both politi­ cian and plantation owner* These three basic reasons, therefore, de­ scribed on historical trend developed between manter and slave. This trend has not changed in post-emancipation society between employer and employee. The workers, realizing their social, political and economic handicaps which confronted them decided to revolt against their masters.

The Moront Bay Revolution w q g not on accident; it was planned and carefully executed by its leaders. The laboring class knew what it wanted; it was organized and armed with weapons to enforce their demands. The historical tension between the lower classes and the white minority had been evident since l£&5 aD waG evidenced in Dominica.

This tension increased to such a magnitude that it exploded into a

Revolution in 186^ to thwart the continued ascendency of the white minority. The Revolution seemed to show that these two social groups were no longer prepared to tolerate any "passive exclusion1' from the 59

128 polities of the society.

Tile Moi-Jit Bay Revolution was not a race war; however, it transcended race, taking on a certain racial aspect only because those who controlled the society were men of different racial stock. Since the whites were the class with wealth and power the revolutionaries 139 were aiming at forcing the whites to abandon the colony. The

Morant Bay devolution cannot be treated as a temporary incident or a passing phenomenon in Vest Indian history. It fitted into the general political and radical trend of the laboring men throughout the West 130 Indies from 1937« ^ WELQ also a part of the universal agita­ tion common among workers in the nineteenth century. The Morant Bay

Revolution, therefore, was the epitome of the laborer's desire for liberty and freedom--the two primary demands of the inbcrineman in

West Indian hiotory.

The Morant Boy Rebellion had a deep intellectual foundation drawn from many sources. According to C. P, Lucas the British

ISO Trollope, ''Trollope’s West Indies.11 Living Age, Vol. 6k, (Boston, January-March, 1869), p. 211. After emancipation, this fear grew to alarming proportion among the whites.

139 ’’Copy of a Despatch from Governor Eyre to the Rt. Hon. Edward Cardwell," Vol. 30, 1666, pp.5-6. Grey to Duke of New Castle, op. cit., p. 6 , By 1853, the coloreds in the Jamaica Assembly were attempting to dominate the legislature, take control of all public offices and make them less desired by the Europeans and more attractive to them.

130 Cundall, op, cit., passim. Table VI io confined to the period between 18^4-1905* 60 historian* the white inhabitants in the Windward Islands had been sympathetic to the French Revolution. The ideals of liberty* fraternity and equality atirred the negro maroons to revolt against the French authorities all during the nineteenth century. In St. Vincent the

Garib Indiana were always ready to revolt. It van in St. Lucia that the new revolutionary doctrineo of the French Revolution in all their 131 extravaganceo became pronounced. The Haitian peasant who liberated

Haiti in l80t and influenced by the revolutionary doctrines of the

French Revolutionary ware served a3 a veritable source of inspiration to the leadera of the Morant Bay Revolution.

This Revolution had its generals and slogans; "Colour for 133 Colour" and "Shin for Shin." Active participants had to take solemn oaths and pledge allegiance to the dentruction of the social 13*+ system. The ideological bias of the Morant Bay Revolution* there­ fore* has been influenced by these external forces vhich ployed a chief part in determining It3 direction and psychology of the West Indian laborer.

131 Lucas* op. cit.* p, 211. The National Convention in St, Lucia was rewarded with the title of "faithful for its support."

132 Lyre to Cardwell* op, cit.* p. 3 . The Haitian Revolution was "constantly before the peasantry" in Jamaica; Froude* op. cit.* p. 9 6 . The blacks were also viewing the Irioh problem in which they aaw a common Identity.

133 Report of the Jamaican Royal Commission 1866, op. cit., pp. *+ and lb.

13*+ Ibid.* p. 1 6 , 61

The Revolutionaries vert? occupiers of rented londo who refused to pay their rent, claiming that the lands belonged to them "by right."

Their main objective was to take back the land a which were taken from them. It was an attempt at agrarian reforai-a reallocation of the pattern of the land tenure system.'*'^’ Though many of the revolutionaries were small proprietors in Jamaica, a large percentage were still renters, laborers and wage-earners on those large sugar estates. Life on these plantations was wretched and degrading. A writer in the Hew York Times,

June 17, 1665 * described the general pattern of existence among the working masses as so deplorable that the people were "dying like rotten 137 Gheep1* without the knowledge of the parochial government. Those around Morant Day were constantly seen exposed on the highway for lack of money to secure medical treatment. Hence, the working masses saw the land as responsible for their misfortune.

The revolutionaries reasoned that they ought to take "complete 130 possession of the country" as a guarantee against oppression. The rights claimed by the revolutionaries included that of purchasing lands

136 According to the Report of the Jamaican Royal Commission of 1666, one David Puller was heard to say that the working masses would take the land; the owners dared say anything.

137 Hew York Times, June 17* 1665* (Taken from the Jamaica Journal).

130 "Despatch from Governor Eyre to Edward Cardwell," op. cit., p. 11, 139 as a prerequiaite to their political franchise* The mere fact that

the working masses aspired to procure land to secure the political rights

was an attempt at making the society egalitarian and democratic where

they could obtain Justice in the courts against their masters whenever lhO they sought redress of their grievances. i ill The Revolution vat nationalistic. The Royal Commission of

1866 investigating the Morant Boy Revolution, stated that William Bogle

the leader of the Revolution told his followers that Jamaica was theirs

and they must seiae it since "they had been trodden under sandals" for 1^2 too long. This incipient nationalism vac built on the premise that

the country belonged to those who work it, and was held in trust for them by the British Crown*

The Revolution started when the laboring black3 were refused

a sympathetic hearing to their petition from Queen Victoria to grant

better and improved living conditions to her subjects. Hie Queen refusedj

139 Trollope, The West Indies and the Spanish Main* op. cit,, p. 1 1 6 . Much care was token to prevent the negroes from holding freehold property. Royal Commission 1 6 6 6 , op. cit., p, Samuel Clarke giving evidence be­ fore the commission stated that if their rights were denied, they were prepared to fight and shed blood for it.

ItO Royal Commission 1666. p. 17. Whenever the laborer came to court to redress his grievances, his case wan adjudicated upon a magis­ trate whose interests and feelinga were hostile to the laborers as occupiers. For this reason the laboring class had no confidence in the courts.

Ill Woodward, op* cit., p. 37^. This author considered the revolution an basically economic.

1*12 Jamaica Royal Commission 1666, op, cit., p, 16, 63

she advised her subjects through her local representatives that they

must work harder. The Queen woo very unsympathetic to the poverty anti

sufferings of the West Indian worker. The reply to the suffering worker

was cold and well thought out. The reply admonished them to work for

wages and that their conditions would be ’’steadily and continuously"

improved "when their labor is wanted and for as long as it ic wonted."

Furthermore, continued the Queen, that through tliuir "own industry and

prudence" roust they escape their plight. J The Queen framed her reply

In the context and tone of the political philoeopliy of Froude, Trollope

and Carlylej she was also voicing the sentiments of the “upper and

middle class in England" who were "positively enraged at the demands

for equal consideration with Irishmen, Scotsmen, and Englishmen....1'1*^

The consequences of the Revolution were disastrous to the entire

West Indies* In Jamaica, the Crown, in quelling the Morant Bay Revolu­

tion in 1665, fired upon the peasants and executed the ringleaders.^'*

1^3 Sir Alan Burns, op. cit., p. €7 1 . The cold letter shocked the blacks in Jamaica and it Influenced an already dangerous situation.

JM The Spectator, June 1660. In the Victorian Age 1039~19OO, the Queen had used her great Influence in all affairs and since the request was placed before her she "commanded1' her Secretory of State to inform Governor Eyre in auch language showed she had some power but did not care to use it for any positive good towards the laboring blacks. lady Trevelynln (ed*) The History of England from the Accession of James II, Hew York: Harper and Brothers, lS77i p* 2 7 * “There can be no doubt that the sovereign was by the old policy of the realm, competent to give or let the domains of the Crown in ouch manner aa seemed good to him."

lk$ In Antigua in lSH, the disturbances caused by the blacks were quelled vigorously, decisively and promptly. This was the pattern of settling disputes. 64

Four hundred and thirty-nine percana were summarily executed, one thousand

houses were burnt down and six hundred persona were severely flogged

including women. Marines from the Wolverine aided by Maroons punished

the laboring men with promptitude and severity. Governor Eyre declared

martial law for thirty days.

Throughout the West Indies, Britain finally abolished dll the

Houses of Assembly because it was feared that representative government

under a "black majority would be more Intolerable than the planters.11^"^

As a consequence of this worker’s revolution, the Jamaican legislature

petitioned the Crown to change the constitutional arrangement from

minimal representative government to Crown colony. The new constitu­

tion imposed upon the Jamaicans reduced that colony to the same status

S3 Trinidad and British Guiana which hod Crown Colony governments. In

this new form of government, the Crown hod all powers which it vested

in the Governor. Britain was in full control over every phase of life.

Representative government which was common to Jamaica where the local

assemblies bad run their internal affairs and controlled taxation was

token away. By I876, all West Indian territories except Barbados, lh7 Bahamas and Burrauda were under Crown Colony rule. The local Assemblies

by 1866 became b o powerful that Britain used the Morant Bay Revolution

as logical and cogent reason for abolishing them. British policy in

settling labor disputes during slavery and after Emancipation was positive, certain and severe. It was for this purpose that Britain

146 Wrong, op. cit., p. 5 6 * Froude, op. cit., pp. 66-9 9 . Black rule was Inevitable and Britain knew this but could not tolerate grant­ ing political power to a black parliament.

ll+7 H.G.5+P.. Vol. 7* 1076. 65 maintained ouch large nrrnieG in the Caribbean* The policy of re­ pression was placed In bold relief during the Morant Bay Revolution.

But Britain militarism did not solve the fundamental labor questions aggravated by the Revolution of 1 8 6 5 . New and purposeful labor lava and courts were necessary to resolve this historical its sue between mao- lhfi ter and servant, landlord and tenant and employer and employee* The obsolete mechanisms in the Master and Servant Act was unable to cope with the conflicta that arose with free labor. All these problems were compounded with that of race and color which is still an integral part of West Indian labor management relations*

Table VII explains the major labor strikes, their nature and methods employed to settle them. Because of the lack of effective labor legislation to protect the workers' rights, it was easy for the British to employ the military (police, anny, and navy) to settle any strike or labor dispute.

Lucas, op. cit,, p. 110. John Stuart Mill considered this repressive policy as an "harsh and unfair treatment of colored men because they were colored.11 For Carlyle it was the only method to preserve "public peace, life and property.11 The English peasant was rewarded with the Reform Acte of 1832 and 1867 and the recognition of trade unions in 1 B7I* U.C.B.F., Vol. 3* 1666. In England Parlia­ ment passed the following Bills; M,Qie Laboring Classes Houses Act, No. 9f 1666" (England) and the "laboring Classes Lodging Houses and Dwelling Act, No, 1866,11 In Jamaica, one thousand vorke re* houses were burnt down and the British Parliament passed a Bill entitled" "An Act to Amend the Political Constitution of the Island," No. 17* It gave Britain full control to alter and amend It as she saw fit. 66

The anti-Portuguese strikes by the blacks and the wage riots

by both Indians and blacks were settled in similar fashion. Since labor

disputes were criminal offenses under the Master and Servant Act of 1^9 1644 vhlch stipulated the penal sanctions against offenders, the most

effective formula to curb the militant laboring classes was by force

of arms.

After the Morant Bay Revolution, the West Indies did not

experience an upsurge in organized labor union activity among the labor­

ing masses. However, it was apparent that colonial legislatures were

cognizant of the need for legislation to improve the social plight of

the lower classes. The workers recognizing their low economic status

began to form mutual aid societies independent of any governmental

assistance.

In many of the territories, luvs were enacted immediately for

the registration of benefit or mutual aid and friendly societies which

provided facilities for sickness, death, old age, and self-help. In

Trinidad the colonial legislature In l6p3 passed a law (Ia w No. 16) "to

regulate and provide for the registration of friendly societies

The law provided a system of registration for mutual aid societies

whereby the government could have an effective control over them.

These early societies organized by the workers were on attempt

at encouraging purposeful group solidarity among the workers. The regis­

tration of the societies was to discourage the consciousness among the

The Hnployer and Servant Act Ordinance 1653 was similar to the Master and Servant Act of 1844,

150 H.C.5.P., Vol. $b, op. cit., p. 4. POLITICAL AMD SOCIAL DISTURBANCES IN THE WEST INDIES 1&W-1905 o 1 o i Ph CO 53 U) s T i t f-H E f t £ O 8 it 3 □ to e QJ s (ft 3 ai ft ft v u O 0 01 tl < & >> +» Q> tii NO 1 3 II to CO •g ■S'S & H "S H u U LTV ai > at P a ■8 1 £ 4J S If to -P at o m a 01

00 ,3 1 p •H u <3 5 ■tj *■ +s tci p tc. .a LTN O —I i nJ o o a & O o to CJ 0 OJ i t u I I ) n o CO m n s a U"\ ON > J ft (JO ft 3 +> Ift 0 at 9 tt o td P- ;8 £ ’“S I 3 m rH P ON ir% ft o (ft 3 % d o £3 ±} O a p tn H H ON 9

a £ H « a £ ro p O ■p 0 O G d 01 0 u I ) £ 1 a P £ ■3 l! H £ 13 H m 0 g 0J ft 0 1 * CJ ■s •H £ CO LT\ 0 a p H & rO 1 o o ai 0 0 o 01 0 td & } S’ i a ■p 3 a I ltn C5 3 H I? a o > P- 68

workers anil the formation of labor organization which would concentrate

too much power in the hands of the laboring class. Jamaica had a lav

similar to that of Trinidad. However, tinder the Jamaican lav (I^iw No.

23) incorporated trading companies also had to rcgioter. This law

was entitled ^The Incorporated Companieo and Societies I/tv, 1666/''*'^'

This law amended acts which related to friendly c o d e tics and benefit

building socle ties ond incorporated trading companies. Barbados laborers

had provident societies which did not differ from mutual or benefit 152 societies of Trinidad and Jamaica.

Guyana went one step further than the aforementioned territories

in setting up machinery for the settlement of disputes among persons prospecting for gold in the mining industry. Disputes may arise from petty larceny of personal property or disputes between on employer and

employee on the nature of a contract.^"^

The Ordinance was "to moke provision for raining of gold, silver, precious stones and valuable minerals/1 It aimed at regulating the

151 H.C.5.P., Vol. 72j op. cit., p. k.

West Indian Civil flights Guardian, No. 3* October lB^l, p.6.

153 In the Daily Argosy, British Guiana, January 10, 191k. All labor contracts between laborer and master had to be registered to put some validity to contract. These contracts were on on Individual basis. Registration of contracts was baaed on the Employers and Servants Ordinance of 1653* 69 mining industry and stipulated "for the determination of disputes... by giving the person aggrieved the right to a rehearing before a Judge 15k with an appeal to the full court." This Ordinance had no provision for labor disputes arising out of labor-management relationships. It wa3 to deal with difficulties in a particular industry. But whatever the shortcomings of the laws to come to grips with labor-management dis­ putes, one can say that registration under the Friendly Societies Law conferred legal recognition and protection on the activities of these unions as mutual provident and benefit societies. It seems plausible to conclude that the Crown and the colonial governments were becoming conscious of and somewhat concerned about the poverty of their lower classes. Yet such concern did not encourage the ruling groupn nor the

Crown to legislate trade union laws whereby the lover classes could bargain for higher wages and better working conditions. Such laws were being developed in other colonial territories as Australia, Canada and New Zealand, In the Caribbean, on the contrary, the plan tern and local colonists had the liberty of association and were cooperating together as a countervailing force against the laboring class. Ibis class of men was severely punished whenever they attempted to demand their rights as citizens. Colonial government hod never granted representation to the laboring men who, argued Carlyle, jmiGt be servants

15k Blue Book Report No. 39: British Guiana Vol. 72, op. cit., p. 6 , In Antigua, Law No. 5 of 1087 provided for ,fAn Act to appoint Commissioners of Contracts." Antigua Blue Book 1887» Their duties were not specifically stated but one conjectures that the ordinance dealt with registration of contracts. 70 of the ruling elite. This raison d ’etre van the central theme of

British historical writings in the nineteenth century which determined the tone and gave substance to the Crown's policy in her West Indian colonies. This policy of military repression and constitutional racism a 3 advocated by Carlyle wan the determining pattern for oettling labor disputes. CJIAPTEH I I I

SQGIG-ECONOMIC PROBLEMS AND POLITICS 1892-1938

Labor disputes were generally uncommon in the West Indies during

I91U-191 9 . They did occur on many sugar estates prior to the beginn­ ing of the First World War* These labor disputes, whenever they took place, involved wages. Such disputes were very common in British

Guiana where the Indian contract laborer demanded better wages* The period which is described here is 19QG-I913 when contract labor under the Master and Servant Act was still fashionable.

The labor disputes or strikes were not permitted to occur be­ tween the years 1914-1918. This period wan relatively quiet and may be due to two reasons: (l) Britain was engaged In war and needed raw materials which the colonies could supplyj {£) the exports of raw materials Increased considerably and the worker was appreciably reworded with better wages. However, housing, health, sanitation and education for the worker were deplorably bad. On the whole, the workers' social conditions were growing worse and demanded Immediate attention by Weat

Indian governments.

The entire society was very similar to the period immediately after emancipation in the West Indies. In fact, nothing changed with regard to the overall welfare of the worker. A careful look at the following tabular statement shows the economic and social state of the worker in Trinidad as it takes into account bis wages for 1935r 1919 and pre-war years.

71 72

TABLE VIII

COMPARATIVE WAGES FOR AGRICULTURAL WORKERS

1M TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO (CENTS PER DAY)

CATEGORY 1935 1919 PRE-WAR

Male 30-60 36-50 16-36

Female 2^-30 l3-37i 12-16

Children 15-25 15-30 12-25

Source: Report of the Trinidad Advisory Board 1935-6 Council Paper No* 08 of 1936* Trinidad and Tobago, pp. 20 and 3 0 * 73

These statistics Ghow that the wages paid to agricultural workers were low, a perennial problem which aggravated master-tiervant

relationships. in Trinidad and all Caribbean territories the downward

trend in real wages began immediately after the First World War and be­ came very serious in 1929-1936* Th<* wage movements had major political and social consequences. Trinidad's commodity prices rose twenty-five per cent above the pre-war level. In Tobago, commodity prices rose 1 fifty per cent over the pre-war level.

In Georgetown, Guyana, the rise In commodities averaged not less than fifty-three per cent. In rural areas, prices rose about £ fifty per cent. In Trinidad and Guyana, the increase in commodity prices, was not appreciably different. Rates in agricultural wages

also parallel those paid to the Guyanese worker which was between 3 twenty-five and ninety cents per day#

No West Indian territory was considered to be in a state of

affluence* Immediately after the First World War, economic decline

stepped in and plunged West Indian society into turmoil. Everywhere,

1 Report of the Trinidad Wages Advisory Board, 1935-6, op. cit., p. ^ »

2 Report of the Committee appointed to Enquire.. .due to the war. Georgetown, Demarora, February 21, I917, G5Q, HoT 1466/17, B.G. Ho. 103*+ * The Argosy Press Co*, Ltd., p.

3 M* J* Meehan. Hie Guianas Commercial and Economic Survey, p.12, Trade Information Bulletin, Ro. 516, U.S. DepartmentTof Commerce; Orde Browne Labor Conditions in the West Indies Cmd. 6070, I939, p. 95# In Jamaica, the workingmen received between 36-60 cents and women 21-36 cents per day. Wages were also depressed In Guyana and other West Indian territories. 74

tho workingmen suffered and were unable to cope with the high cost of

living* The following statistics dealing with Guyana, illustrate the gravity of the workers' dilemma.

The statistics for dholl and flour are very revealing. These

two commodities formed the basic diet of the worker* The increased

value of these necessities pressed heavily on the low income of the v o r k e m Coupled with these two article, nil other commodities which were oeuentlal to a balanced diet were very expensive* This pattern was common throughout the entire West Indies* However, the workers1 plight was more serious in Barbados and the other Eastern Caribbean territories whose economies arc totally dependent on sugar. The wages paid in Barbados before and after the Second World War were lower than U in Trinidad, Jamaica and Guyana. The wages paid on the sugar planta­

tions were pegged to the movements on the world market. Both planter

and worker felt the setbacks caused by falling world prices for sugar.

A communication from the Governor of Barbados to the Secretary of State reminded the Colonial Office that the Barbados agricultural

community was never well paid and it was "on the borderland of starva­

tion,"? In addition, the Barbados legislature had to curtail the

expenditure on all social services beneficial to the poorer masses*

The West Indian Royal Commission Report (Crad* 6 iyk) 1936-1939* argued favorably "for a large expenditure on social services and

Report of the Trinidad Wages Advisory Board 1935-6, op* cit., p. 19. Wages fell 50 per cent in Trinidad.

^"Despatch from the Governor of Barbados to the Secretary of State for the Colonies, No. 2,:i 1930, Ctnd, 37^5* P* £>• 75

TABLE IX

THE PRICE INCREASES OF MSIC COMMODITIES IN GUYANA 1919

ARTICLES X INCREASE ARTICLES X INCREASE

Boots and Shoes 50-100 Clothing 50-100

Haberdashery 50-100 Cornmeal 87

Beef, salt 65 Becf-f resli 30

*Dholl 100 Fish-salt 50

Flour 117 Fork-salt 65

Matchas-local Rice-Brown 63 Imported 50

Sugar 81 Hood-piece 100

Butter-common AS Coffee 25

Coconut oil 30 Drugs 25

*Ghee 20 Kerosene Oil 25

Lard 37 Milk—condensed 37

Margarine 16 Feas-Split 41

Tork-fresh 36 Kents 25

Soap-common 35 .

SOURCE! Report of the Committee....due to the War, op. cit,* p. 2,

(*Dlioll find Ghee fire two basic food staples used by Indians.) 7 G

development which not even the least poor of the West Indian colonies

can hope to undertake from their own resources."** This meant that the

laborers were denied capital for administering programs which could im­

prove the production of food and sugar.

Economies dependent on the consumer demands of world markets are

always susceptible to serious dislocations. Since West Indian economies

are too outward oriented, any serious fall in the price of sugar has great

economic, social and hence great political consequences. In the follow­

ing table, the figures for foreign trade in Guyana from 1913-1927 illus­

trate how the lack of exports has affected the Internal stability of

that country.

From 1913 to 1917, the trade balance in Guyana vas E°°d. but

Imports exceeded exports in 1910. This adverse balance of trade for

Guyana had its consequences in labor unrest since the sugar plantations

reduced wages to about fifty percent and employed fewer laborers. The years 1919, 1923, and 1924 were good but were not sufficiently productive

to offset the entrenched socio-economic problems. In 1926 and 1927 the drop in trade become acute. The two main causes were (a) unfavorable world market which preceded the Great Depression in the U.S.A. and the entire world in 1929; (b) drought which affected productivity of sugar and forced the slackening of capital imports for development.^ Sugar exports were 13,069 tons less in quantity and 735,483 less in price value,

£ Heat Indian Royal Commission 1938-39 Recommendations. Cmd, 6741, p. 9. 7 "Despatch from the Governor of the Leeward inlands tD the Secretary Of State for the Colonies, No. I1', 1930, Cmd, 3745, p. 5. Drought"accentuated the distress of the laboring and peasant classes11 in all other areas in the West Indies, 77

TABLE X

FOREIGN TRADE OF BRITISH GUIANA

YEAR IMPORTS EXPORTS YEAR IMPORTS EXPORTS

1913 $7,734,862 $9,565,844 1920 $22,669,002 $26,282,456

1914 7,665,530 11,313,082 1921 15,710,247 15,451*325

1915 8,796,247 14,833,824 1922 11,004,414 13,123,535

1916 10,509,931 16,140,110 1923 12,811,011 17,395,207

1917 13,947,440 18,253,716 1924 13*171,898 15,553,377

1918 16,292,249 13,817,315 1925 13,960,483 14,242,059

1919 15,721,822 17,592,450 1926 12,474,852 12,249*006

SOURCE: Meehan, op, cit., p, IB 70

Even diamonds showed a marked decline in quantity exported and in foreign exchange earned. Hence, foreign exchange for internal development was inadequate. Britain, the principal source of aid to the West Indian governments, wan unable and reluctant to grant the needed financial assistance to her distressed colonies. Whatever aid Britain granted was g merely to maintain a bare subsistence level. The foreign exchange earn­ ings for these years 1913-192G were uncertain. This uncertainty of foreign exchange and dependence on world prices for local raw materials did more to affect the revenue of all the territories. Table XI portrays the revenue, expenditure, imports and exports of the major territories in the West Indies.

The countries whose trade and estimated revenues are under review are the largest and most affluent among the Caribbean territories. Their economies are more diversified except for Barbados which has principally a mono-crop economy*— sugar. British Guiana (Guyana), Jamaica, and

Trinidad are mineral producing countries. This diversification of their economies which is too externolly oriented reacted quickly to the unfav­ orable world-wide price fluctuations of their principal export— sugar.

Tliis product was affected by the 1937 decline in the world market as it was in the Great Depression, Also China, a large Importer of sugar, was experiencing an internal war which made importation of sugar quite un- □ certain. These two factors were reflected in the trade statistics of

1937. Furthermore, from the loss of revenue due to the unfavorable

^''Telegram from the Secretary of State for the Colonies to the Governor of British Guiana". Cmd. 3705, p. 50. q "Colonial Empire in 1937-fl". Cmd. 5760, op. cit., p. 13. Gold was the only colonial commodity that fetched a high price but was not enough to earn the needed additional revenue. 79

TABLE XI

ESTIMATED REVENUE, TOTAL IMPORTS AND EXPORTS BARBADOS, BRITISH GUIANA, JAMAICA & TRINIDAD-TOBAGO 1937-1938

COLONY ESTIMATED ESTIMATED TOTAL TOTAL REVENUE EXPENDITURE IMPORTS EXPORTS

Barbados 461,085 458,461 2,220,650 1,646,709

British Guiana 1,250,858 1,227,731 2,395,103 2,737,161

Jamaica (f) 2,279,799 2,222,884 6,138,379 4,994,281

Trinidad- Tobago 2,456,847 2,087,809 7*465,732 6,568,890 (a) (b)

(a) Exports arc ’’Domestic Exports" only.

(b) Revised Estimates of Revenue and Expenditures for the year 1937.

(f) Estimates of Revenue and Expenditure for the year ending 31st March, 1938.

SOURCE: The Colonial Empire in 1937-38, Cmd, 5760. Appendix 1, p. 77. 80

balance of trade, it may reasonably be stated that the entire West

Indies was experiencing great financial distress.

For the purpose of dramatizing this financial distress, an

analysis could bo made of the financial status of Guyana between 1921-1927

as stated in The Report of the British Culana Commission in 1927. The

findings show the financial status of Guyana to be unfavorable. The

country's liability exceeded its overall assets. Loans floated and those

to be floated were M , 301,304 which meant L14- 2s. 7d. per capita^ for

a population of 304,412. This was considered very high for a country of

poor agricultural laborers. The problem became more alarming since the

country realized a spiralling deficit at the end of 1926 and a projected

deficit for 1927. It was not until 1923 that Guyana had a surplus of

L33.155 but at the end of 1927, there existed a deficit of fc681,9B5.

This crucial financial predicament was not offset by the Reserved Fund

of Lf)8,&58 and the Surplus Deficit Fund of tl5,8B3, Had both funds been

utilized against the estimated financial adverses for 1926 and 1927,

Guyana would have been in arrears of hl50,834. This economic problem was

not a singular phenomenon to Guyana. It was a West Indian problem faced

by every government in the area. It was an unfortunate situation - a

situation which according to the Governor of Barbados deserved an "immedi­

ate rather than prospective" remedy.^

The mother country was unable to assist her colonies unless their

^ T h e public debt for the Gold Coast (Ghana) was b5, 12s. 8d. per capita; Ll, 5s. Od. for Nigeria; Ceylon h2. 17s. 6d.

"^"Telegram from the Governor of Barbados to the Secretary of State for the Colonies", No. 6 , 1930, p. 15. Cmd. 3705. Op, cit. SI

requests for aid were "absolutely essential*11 Britain gave no aid but

received aid from the government of Trinidad and Tobago to assist the 13 British government out of its "financial crisis/’ These colonial de­

pendencies were better donors to the British Crown than good "welfare

recipients" and, Britain, according to Arthur Creech Jones, former Colonial

Secretary, was displaying Its "official irresponsibility and dominance of

narrow calculating colonial interests

In 1929, most of the West Indian colonies were indebted to the

British Crown. This indebtedness continued until after 1939. These poor

territories were unable to repay or even to service the loans. By 1938,

Antigua had a foreign debt of 169,207; Cuyana, 1=4,394,914; Grenada,

L365,907; Montserrat, fc7,565; St. Kltts-Nevis, 126,656; St. Lucia, 1=10,276;

St. Vincent L86,0B1; Trinidad L3,940,167; Barbados 1=377,256; Jamaica, 15 1=4,303,162. In 1929 also, Guyana had just Incurred a new loan of

^Waad, Cmd. 1679 op. cit,, p. 4. H . C . S. P. , Vol. 16, 1922, "Copy of the Treasury MinutesV Bee. 3, 1931 relative to the contribution of 125,000 by the Colony of Trinidad and Tobago to His Majesty's Government in the U.K., H.C.S.F., 1931-1932, Vol. 18. This "generous gift" was to render "assistance in" Britain's "present financial crisis."

13H.C.S.P., 1931-1932, Vol. 18, loc, cit. Cmd, 8973-1 for 1916- 1917, U .C.S .P . , Vol. 17, During the war, St. Kitts-Nevie gave Britain bl0,000, St, Vincentfs contribution was {=2,000. In addition, "ordinance No, 2 of 1916" was passed in St. Vincent to raise the gift by way of a special war tax, Barbados gave Britain 1=25,000. 14 Arthur Creech Jones. "Preface to Labour in the West Indies" by W. A. Lewis. Research Series No. 44, Fabian Society, London, 1939.

15H.G.5.P., Vol. 10, pp. 2-24. 82

L2,000,QOO. Those a tat let leg reveal tliat with the already adverse trade balance, depleted reserves and revenue, coupled with low wages, rising consumer prices these countries were in no way able to continue without any serious internal repercussions. The indebtedness of the West Indian governments did prevent any type of purposeful social development. The society was suffering from mismanagement by government officials who were unable to assist In any constructive plan for development.

In addition, these statistics show that the major hardships were borne by the laboring class. Their plight grew crucial when the govern­ ments had to service their loans by way of new taxes. An analysis of these figures also reveals that few loans ware granted for houses, sani­ tation, education or any other social measures to improve the social wel­ fare of the laboring classes. Though some colonies received loans for housing,^ the loans granted were very small in proportion to the popula­ tion. They were of little social value since, too few workers were able to enjoy them, Such a loan was received by St. Lucia for improved water supply; one by St. George's, capital of Grenada, for eradication of malaria* Loans with greater social emphasis for the laboring blacks were obstensibly fewer than those for immediate economic projects.

Most of the loans Incurred during the period of greatest social distress, 1929-1934* were for a period of twenty-five years with an in­ terest rate of five percent. Exports of sugar and the general balance of trade were adverse for ell the colonies. This huge indebtedness, major

^Antigua had a loan for house building; Grenada had a loan for public health and anti-malarial drainage; Montserrat, St. Kitts-Ncvls had leans for houses; St. Vincent had a loan for public health and a housing scheme. 03 social crises la unemployment, underemployment and malnutrition were

Inescapable, It was the economic conditions of these problems In rela­

tion to the worker which were the principal contributory factors to

these problems nod to the high rate of malaria and infant mortality among the poorer classes.

The Economics of Population. Unemployment in the 192Q1s and

1930'a was "serious to the point of desperation"^ and it was not sur­ prising that the West Indian agricultural worker Hod such a low standard of living. Trinidad, Guyana and Jamaica are not totally dependent on agriculture owing to petroleum, asphalt in Trinidad, and bauxite in

Guyana and Jamaica are other sources of income. However, agriculture 18 is still the major employer in all West Indian territories.

The overabundance of cheap labor was seasonal for the estate laborer. This was injurious to the proper and effective development of

the principle of collective bargaining. This condition also retarded the recognition of labor organisation. The employer was favorably placed and was not eager or willing to grant any concessions. Whatever benefits

the worker obtained had to come by illegal means since the principles of

the Master and Servant Act were in force. Moreover, the bulk of the un­ employed was unable to vote.

The problem of unemployment grew threatening by the 1930 rs be­ cause of continued increase in population and lack of effective outlet for emigration except to Britain which has s.ltice Imposed stringent

1 y Orde Browne, op. cit., p, 98, 18 Ibid. In 1930 Jamaica had about 14,100 workers in agriculture. BA measures on West Indian immigration. it was this unemployed and under­

employed class tUat was easily susceptible to the ideas of the politi­

cians. This high population growth and its social implications are pre­

sented In Table XII.

The tabular statement concerning the social implication of the

large group of poor men la grim especially the statistics relating to

infant mortality rate. This high incidence of mortality had a germane

relationship to wages paid the worker. Infant mortality was high among

the laboring and poorer class who had no money to provide the basic amenities for medical and housing facilities. Parents were unable to purchase nutritive foods with the required basic amount of proteins for

themselves and their families.

The Trinidad Wages Committee reported in its findings of 1914-

1920 that many of the labor strikes and disputes beginning in 1919 were caused by inability of laborers to provide necessities for maintenance of life.^ The First Report of the Committee on Nutrition in the Colonial

Empire categorically stated that the adverse economic conditions of the laboring class, poverty, low wages, unemployment and ignorance were 20 attributable to malnutrition.

The average diet of the laboring men consisted of rice, flour, 21 sweet potatoes, yams, onions, salt pork or beef, aaltfish and sugar.

Heat, especially fresh meat and vegetables are seldom eaten. These are

^HflRes Committee (Trinidad), op, dt., p. 11.

Cmd, 6051, op. cit., pp, 80-91. Hany families "live on the borderline of extreme poverty" since they were unable to buy food; Cmd. 3705, H.C.S.P. . Vol. 33, op, cit,, p. 12, The Secretary of State was warned by Vest Indian governments of impending "starvation to thousands of the laboring classes."

^^m d , 6051, op. cit., pp, 80-81. 85

TABLE XII

POPULATION AND HEALTH HATE 1936 B.W.I.

COUNTRY POPULATION BIRTll RATE INFANT MORTALITY □EATH RATE RATE

Antigua 34,230 37.1 111.2 20.4

Barbados 188,294 31.80 198. 18,45

Dominica 48,294 31.58 96.60 13.71

Guyana 328,219 35.3 120.0 20.4

Grenada 87,105 31.98 104.0 15.5

Jamaica 1,138,558 32.35 118.0(1937) 17.4

Montserrat 13*630 39.32 118.7 14,88

St* Kitts 37,454 36.0 162.9 26.0

St* Lucia 65,026 32.0 97.9 14.9

St. Vincent 56,511 39,14 119.3 16.35

Trinidad 448,253 32.93 96.02 16,28

SOURCE: Cmd* 6051. "First Report □£ the Committee on Nutrition In the Colonial Empire.*1 Part II, "Summary of the Information Regarding Nutrition in the Colonial Empire,** pp. 135-136, K.C.S.P., Vol. 10, op. cit., 1928-1939 * 86 delicacies which arc consumed primarily on Sundays wlien families still cat their special meal. The diet consisted of too much starch and too little proteins*

The report was emphatic in stating that the health of the laborer can be improved by about twenty-five percent without any additional cost 22 and would increase output and value to the benefit of the planter. As a result of nutritional diseases among the poorer classes, increased productivity was curtailed. Even the West Indian governments did not attempt to organize agriculture from a "standpoint of nutritional needs 21 of the people" whose bodies were unhealthy for active manual work.

West Indian governments on the whole spent very little for medi­ cal expenditure. Nevertheless* medical expenditure in 1945 as a per­ centage of the total expenditure was high for St. Vincent, St. Kitts-Nevis, 24 Antigua, Grenada, and Dominica, The highest death and mortality rate was among the laboring class in St. Kitts-Nevis. The medical expenditure

In Barbados in relationship to the total expenditure was 11,3 percent; in Jamaica* B.9 percent; Guyana, 10.2 percent; Montserrat, 8.9 percent;

Trlaidad-Tobago, 9,2 percent woe low. In addition* very little was spent on providing medical information for the lower classes to prevent their attracting diseases. Pew of the territories were able to spend

22 Ibid., p. 99,

23Ibid., p. 85.

2\jest India Royal Commission Report, Cmd. 6607* 1945* Chapter VIII, p. 141. St. Vincent 19.6 percent; St, Kitts-Nevis 18,6 percent; Antigua 17,1 percent; Grenada 16.9 percent; and Dominica 15.6 percent. 87 n t large sums on medical services and were also short of such medical expertise to improve the health of the population.

Sanitation, therefore, became an urgent priority because the health of the workers was deplorable. A contributory factor to the bad health of the workers was poor housing facilities. Housing among the workers in rural and urban areas was of the "barrack" type. These houses were very common among thn indentured workers and this kind of housing arrangement was still utilized by the workers up to 1939. Even today, West Indian workers are poorly housed, especially those on the sugar plantations.

The "barrack" house was a long wooden building with galvanized roof and divided by a long partition running from one end to another.

The long partition, in turn, was sub-divided into small rooms which were devoid of any sanitary facilities, Rooms in the "barrack11 house were about tan or twelve feet long and those with more than two rooms were rarely found. Orde Browne described West Indian housing as being "de­ plorably bad".^ Such housing for the worker bred unhealthy and unhy­ gienic living conditions. The incidences of tuberculosis and malaria were pronounced and were the primary causes of death among the workers.

Housing for the West Indian worker had always been taken care of by the sugar estates. But this ceased after 1917 when indentured

^The territories spent a large percentage of their total bud­ gets on servicing the loans borrowed. Antigua 4.6%; Barbados 2,5%; Granada ID.2%; Guyana 21,2%; Jamaica 11,9%; Montserrat 3.0%; St. Kitts- Nevis 3,7%; St, Lucia 12.4%; St. Vincent 6.1%; and Trinidad-Tobago 9.5%.

^"Trinidad and Tobago Disturbances.11 1937 Cmd. 5641, H.C.S.P. t Vol. 15, 1937-1938, This report has a good description of the "barrack" type house, 27 Orde Browne, op, cit., p. 20, 88

laborers became free* Even todayt the worker’s bouse ha3 shown no

marked Improvement In size and amenities for bis large family. The

shanties of Kingston, Jamaica, and Tort-of-Spain, Trinidad, arc some of 28 the worst in the Caribbean and still reminiscent of the worker’s past.

The poverty of the West Indian worker, particularly the agricul­

tural worker, was not unique during 1919-1938, Jlut it seems that the

Vest Indian worker's statue can only be fully appreciated when compared with others In more industrialized areas during the same time and space.

Before any comparison or contrast can be made between the West Indian worker and any other workers in England or the United States, one must readily accept the fact that these two societies were enjoying a higher

level of economic development than the West Indian agrarian society and whatever economic setbacks workers in the industrialized societies ex­ perienced were temporary rather than permanent as in the case of the

West Indian worker*

Whenever the plight of the West Indian worker is seen vis-a-vis

that of his English counterpart, one sees the English worker obtaining six percent wage increase between 1900-1914. In 1919, wages rose twenty percent and again In 1920 reaching a peak of about "175 percent above the

1914 level and thus compensating the average worker for the rise in the

2Bcrad. 5641, op* cit., p. 4. John-John, a Shanty town in Fort- of-Spain, is well described as on ’’entangled conglomeration of unsightly ruinous huts and privy cesspits, placed helter-skelter on a sloping steep and slippery hillside - a danger to health, life and limb for the local residents and a menace to the surrounding city population." 09 coat of living. In the West Indies, wages fell about 50 per cent.^

During these years of great distress in England and the West Indies, the

English worker was more cared for than the West Indian worker. For instance, 1914-1929 witnessed a fall in birth rate and improved social services for the English worker, Ha was provided with other facilities such as Old Age Pension, Health Insurance, Workmen’s Compensation, which were in existence long before 1914, But in the West Indies, whatever working men’s compensation Act was passed, did not make any provision for agricultural workers; also the employer was not responsible for damages sustained by this class or worker. The Workingmens Compensation Act of

1935 in Guyana was limited to injuries sustained by the agricultural worker caused by the defects in machinery plants or any carelessness of 31 the employer or his deputies. This Workmen's Compensation Act was, In every farm, a piece of limited legislation.

Also, between 1914-1929 the English skilled and unskilled worker had universal unemployment Insurance and his children were provided with free secondary education. The West Indian worker had no such facilities since it was believed that the laborer’s needs were "few and easily

^G.D.tl, Cole, A Short History of the British Working Class. 1789-1937, (London: George Allen and Unwin Ltd., 1937), p. 220,

^Report of the Trinidad and Tobago Advisory Board 1935-6, op. cit,, p. 21. The West Indian worker still experiences a low standard of living when compared with other workers,

.C.S.P,i Vol. 15, op. cit,, p, 50. All other territories had such similar Labor Ordinances; Cf. Daniel A. Aheam, Jr., The Wages of Farm and Factory Laborers 1914-1944. (New York; Columbia U. Press 1945), pp. 34-35 & 214. In the U.S. farm wages in the South were lower by 25 par cent in 1939 than the national average. It was 50 per cent lower than the Pacific States. These percentages reflect the wages received by negro farm laborers than white farm workers who are "almost always paid less than a white worker.” 90 32 satisfied.11

In 1937, the English worker experienced a rise in wages and a

13 per cent decline in unemployment. In the West Indies, almost all the territories had an increase in wages. In Guyana, wages rose to 90 per cent of pre-war level of 1930, fallowed by a 4.2 per cent in cost of 33 living.However, large the increase in wages for the West Indian worker, the hulk of the labor force which numbered 184,000 or 92 per cent in Jamaica was not making more than $2.25 per week. In Guyana the weekly net pay was $W. I. 1,14 plus 10 per cent war bonus in 1940 resulted in 34 $W. I. 1,25 weekly. Indeed, when one compares the misery of the West

Indian worker with his English counterpart, one could appreciate the fact that the depressed nature of West Indian society made life less tolerable for him. Both the skilled and unskilled worker in England were provided with amenities which aided him "in his standard of life 35 and a considerable increase in security against absolute destitution."

^"Despatch from the Governor of Barbados to the Secretary of State for the Colonies" 1930, op. cit., p. 7, Aheam, op. cit,, pp. 214 and 169, All the measures introduced by the Hew Deal failed to make pro- vision for the farm laborers under Workmen’s Compensation Act, and Unemployment Insurance,

33H.C.S,P.. Vol. IQ, op, cit., p. 85, Browne, op. cit., p. 97. Skilled workers throughout the West Indies maintained a high wage rate.

^ British Guiana! Report of the Work on the Department of Labor and Government of 1940, Part 1, p. 4; Ahcam, op. cit,, p, 170. In Louisiana a laborer was paid $1,50 per day for 9 hrs. In Florida a worker was paid not less than $2,00 per day for 9 hrs.

^Cole, op. cit., p. 222, 91

The Evolution of Early Trade Unionism 1892-1919

Labor Institutions for resolving worker-management conflicts were very few or non-existent. Such labor institutions were required and their growth was inevitable. Whatever mutual societies existed* for the benefit of the worker ware insufficient to cope with the pressing demands for mare improved and regulatory organizations.

During these years the workers became active in Jamaica, Trinidad,

Barbados and Guyana. In Trinidad the Workingmen’s Association was formed in 1097* but it declined after the Water Riots in 1903 due to the perse- cution of its members. This organisation never functioned as a trade union; it was an opposition party working for legislative reforms, trade union legislation, factory legislation, social Insurance measures, tnini- 37 mum wages* agrarian and constitutional reforms. In its diligent efforts in working for general improved worker arrangements, the Trinidad Work­ ingmen’s Association forced the government to introduce Workmen’s

Compensation which was a purposeful piece of social legislation for the workers.

Jamaica, however, experienced a more positive and somewhat successful venture at trade union development. The Carpenters* Brick- 30 layers and Painters Union held its first major meeting August 8, 1898.

Tills union* otherwise known as the Artizan (sic) Union, was a craft

Lewis, "Labor Conditions in the Vest Indies," Research Scries. No. 44, op. cit., p, 20. The Workingmen’s Association had about 800 members.

^Ibid,, pp. 20-21,

n d Daily Gleaner (Jamaica) , August 8, 1898. Daily_ Gleaner (Jamaica), August 10, 1098. 92

union. The Artiaan Union on various occasions presented proposals to

the Director of Public Works concerning the rates to be adopted by all

30 craftsmen on the island. This union expended much time and effort in

obtaining better working and living conditions plus the establishment

of a Technical School in Kingston to develop competency and efficiency 40 among the workers. The Artizan Union endeavored to work through

existing constitutional traditions by making representations to the

Governor to legislate accordingly for the welfare of this class of men 41 who were existing at "the point of bare subsistence.11 Instead of the

government helping the workers, stated the Daily Gleaner, May 28, 1900, 42 it apparently sought only to make life unbearable for them.

At no time was any attention paid to the workers. Mo systematic

pattern for resolving the problems was ever formulated. Hie workers were marginal entities whose existence was not of much interest to the

State. Since the theory was that these lower class elements could exist on "bare subsistence," their social and economic well being was not of any great concern for the state. This concept concerning their existence was a cogent explanation for the Crown and local legislatures

•^Dally^ Gleaner (Jamaica), April 18, 1900, op. cit., p. 7. In this meeting the Artizan Union discussed "Schedules of Rates" and sent a deputation to the Governor to present a list of their grievancesr unem­ ployment, low wages, system of awarding contracts and "prevailing poverty existing among the working classes.11 ^Ibid. On December 20, 1890 President E. L. McKenzie told the meeting that the union was becoming "indignant" because the interests and "intelligence" of the union were affronted by the government and other elements in the Society.

41Ibid.

^ Dailv Gleaner. May 28, 1900, p. 4. Daily Gleaner. October 20, 1900 where editorial "Our Poor and Commission" stated the views of the Evangelical Churches on social problem of the poor laborers. The edi­ torial mentioned that work was scarce but when it was found, the wage paid "was insufficient" to "keep body and soul together." 93 to delay in doing anything worthwhile for this class. One must realize that the laboring men were aware of Che stateTs attitude in remedying the social misfortunes. Such negligence an the part of the state influenced the movements of the leaders who realized that their only hope rests Upon "concerted action.,," to "protect their variou3 t ■»] interests," In the Resolution passed Wednesday May 9* 1900, the

Artisan Union solicited the aid of all responsible citizens in the society. They were determined that their union should work with the employers to build a society worthy of all classes of men. Though their self-interest was evident, this class of men was prompted more 44 hy patriotism and national prosperity of the country.

With certainty, the Jamaican laboring men, cognizant of their deprived status in the social milieu, acted responsibly whenever the welfare of the state was involved, as In Jamaica when the Artizan Union requested permission from the government to build a technical school in

Kingston. This was the role labor wanted to play. As part of the State, this class was a part of the political construction and was prevented from enjoying their right in discussing policies which affected them and their relationship to other men In the State. This concern for the welfare of the state was Irrefutable because without the workers, no society can function effectively. It was this basic concept of their right to function as citizens which helped to increase tlieir political

/ HJ Daily Gleaner, May 9, 1900, p. 4. In a Resolution pa3Sed by the Artizan Union of said date, it was resolved to adopt "all lawful means to protect their social and political interests." In doing this, they sought the assistance of all ortizans and employers in the society. 94 awareness or militancy. This was not a new political idealism among the 45 laboring class. One saw evidence of it in Dominica in 1944 when the coloreds and the blacks united to wrest political control of the House of Assembly from the planters.

The labor unions and workingmen's associations, which ware formed to assist the workers, were not enduring. In Trinidad, the Workingmen’s

Association made direct efforts, but failed to unite the skilled workers in 1910; It was revived after 1919. In Jamaica, the Artizan Union failed because many of its members went to foreign countries to seek employment*

In Jamaica emigration lessened the existence of this particular union but not the continued growth and formation of new ones. The Daily

Cleaner. May 19, 1919, mentioned that one Baines Alves called a meeting to form the Jamaican Federation of Labor among barmen, barmaids, hotel waiters and women working in rum shops,^ Baines Alves was also the president of the Longshoremen Union and the Jamaican Federation of

Labor.

Other unions operated in Jamaica, Guyana and Barbados* They were organized about 1907-19QB Iti these territories. In Jamaica, the print­ ers' organization was styled the Printers Union which was very Influen­ tial in Jamaica. One writer, E, D. Cronon, reported that Marcus Garvey joined with other workers In a printers strike during 1907. But the embezzlement of the union funds by its treasurer, Garvey, became

^ H.C.S.P,, Vol. 31, 1645, loc. cit,

^ Dailv Gleaner (Jamaica), May 19, 1919. Rums hop worker worked 15 hrs., b a.m. - 9 p.m. for 8/-10s. per week or ($1.92-$2.40); Barmaids 16 hrs., 7 a.m. - 11 p.m. and must work on Sundays, Good Fridays and every holiday without overtime for $W. I. 2.40; Barmen and waiters 18 hrs. 95 doubtful of; the effectiveness of the labor movement as a vehicle for social change.^

The tobacco workers had a similar organization* A strike occurred on June 30, 1908 when these craftsmen in the Jamaica Tobacco Company revolted because management denied them the Indulgence of their old right of five cigars daily. These uniori3 in Jamaica, Guyana and Barba­ dos had maintained close contact with certain American labor unions*

The Dally Gleaner* Hay 19, 1919 reported that a meeting was called by

Baines Alves attended by Honorables H.A, Simpson, M.P. for Kingston,

Jamaica, and J.A.G, Smith, M.P* for Clarendon, to discuss "American

Federation of Labor and Trades Union In Jamaica."^® The American

Federation of Labor had shown great interest in Jamaica from these early years. The American unions sent periodicals and tracts on trade union and related matters. On one occasion the Artizan Union received pamphlets on "Land Tax'1 from J, Hunt of Cincinnati, U.S.A. Jamaica’s relationship was further emphasized when the Jamaica Trades and Labor

Union Ho. 12575 was affiliated with the American Federation of Labor. 49 This Jamaican Union was local Ho. 16,203, In 1919, a very noteworthy incident occurred. It was the Convention of the American Federation of

Labor held in Atlantic City, The Jamaica affiliate did not send dele­ gates "due to restrictions at home.1'^ However, regrets were sent to

^E.D. Cronon, lllack Moses (Madisoni The University of Wiscon~ sin Press, 1957), p. 10. 48 Daily Gleaner (Jamaica), May 19, 1919, op, cit,

^^Daily Gleaner, April 17, 1919.

5°Paily Gleaner. May 19* 1919, op. cit. 96

Frank Morrison, Secretary of the A,F, of L. , together with a letter of

sympathy to Brother Fresident Mr. Gompers, Gompers hud sustained in- 51 juries in a car accident, The Jamaican workers displayed once more

the principle of international solidarity when the Cigar Makers Inter­

national Union and the Iron and Steel Workers of the U.S. were on 52 strike. These workers sent "a tidy sum" to the A.F* of L. to be 53 divided among the two striking unions.

Only Guyana and Barbados in the same period had such international

relationship with U, S. labor unions. This time, it was the International

Typographical Union of America. This American union Issued charters to

printers unions for both Guyana and Barbados in 190B,"^ A similar

charter was granted to a local In Jamaica in 1898.^

Information on the history of early trade unionism in the West

Indies is very limited due to the lack of proper records by the various

trade union organisations. The earliest evidence of trade union activity

was in Jamaica, Trinidad, Barbados and Guyana, especially among the

skilled and semi-skilled workers. However, in Jamaica the agricultural

workers on the banana estates of the United Fruit Company were organized

around 1918 by Balnea Alves, Also, efforts at organizing the tobacco

51Ibid.

^ Daily Gleaner. Friday, December 5, 1919, 53 It was Local Ho. 16,203 which sent the money, 5A The Typographical Journal. Vol. 33, Ho. 4 (190Q), P. 465, Guyana's Charter No. 666 had 24 members; the Barbados Charter No. 606 had 23 members. 55 The Typographical Journal. Vol. 12, Ho. 11, June, 1898, p. 497. It was Charter Ho, 339 whose membership numbered 21, 97 workers were partially successful. Trade union activity was more evident among the skilled workers and their success was due to the assistance given them by American unions. In 1919, agricultural workers on sugar plantations were still suffering from the effects of contract labor which discouraged trade union activity. Throughout the entire West

Indies* trade union activity failed to grow because the employers and the British Parliament did not recognize trade unions as legal organizations. Details are lacking on the number of workers who were unionized. The following tabular statement in Tables XI1I-A and XTII-B

Illustrate the growth of the labor force with particular reference to agriculture. But though the labor force was large, the number of organized workers was not more than ten thousand dues-paying members and about ten to fifteen thousand non-paying members. But by 1943* when trade unions began to function as political parties, union membership increased to no more than 25,000 members in all the Vest Indies. How­ ever* dues-paying members did not increase proportionately. For example, in Guyana the UGLU in 1944 had 1*489 members, 437 of whom were dues- paying, In Trinidad, the British Empire Workers and Citizens Home Rule

Party had nine hundred members and one hundred members were dues-paying.

The International trade union contacts of these West Indian labor unions explain that ventures at forming labor organizations are not new; and that politization of labor could be attributed to the foreign in­ fluences of the American labor unions. The British trade unions had very little influence on the West Indian trade unions during this time.

For the series of labor strikes in Jamaica around 1919 was not only mirroring the poverty of the years but was following the international trend in the world. Russia, France and Italy were in turmoil and the 98

TABLE Xlll-A

GROWTH OF THE WORKING FORCE (DOTH SEXES)

Territories 1911 1921 1943-1946 1960

Barbados 100,600 94,600 93,500 85,400 British Guiana 191,100 178,400 147,100 Jamaica 410,900 443,900 484,300 648,000 Antigua 17,500 17,200 18,600 N.A. Montserrat 6,900 6,400 6,600 N.A, St. Kitts-Nevis 21,700 19,300 20,800 N.A. Trinidad 192,600 208,600 213,100 262,600 Dominica 20,800 25,500 21,300 22,477 Grenada 33,500 33,700 27,600 25,170 St, Lucia 7,600 26,900 31,900 28,544 St. Vincent 20,600 21,600 22,700 23,310

TABLE XIII-B

EMPLOYMENT IN AGRICULTURE

Territories 1911 1921 1943-1946 1960

Barbados 37,700 34,200 26,800 22,440 Jamaica 271,500 205,700 228,600 N.A. British Guiana 106,500 85,000 67,500 N.A, Antigua 9,400 0,500 N.A. Montserrat 4,600 4,000 N.A. St. Kitts-Nevia 18,800 11*100 11,600 N.A. Trinidad 97,100 95,000 58,000 54,000 Dominica 13,000 18,600 12,400 17,193 Grenada 18,000 17,400 13,000 10,095 St, Lucia 17*800 18,600 17,300 15,144 St* Vincent 12,300 12,300 12,100 9,954

Cenflua-Data 1921, 1943, 1946, i960 (Provisional). 99

Gospel of Revolt was common among the workers of the world who were 56 demanding "a voice In matters affecting" them.

The Politics of 1919-193B. Social change In the West Indies bocame irresistable when the workers recognized their social status.

For men of every class seek and aspire to change. This desire for social improvement was evident among West Indian laboring blacks and the colored middle groups.

Immediately after the Fir3t World War (1918)* West Indian workers began to organize strikes not only for Improved working conditions but for their political franchise. The planters or the whites opposed this demand. The colored middle class was also anxious to obtain their political franchise for members of its own group. But men arc seldom daunted by fear to abandon their hope of liberty especially when other men are seen prospering under it. The demand for liberty becomes more pressing subservience more unbearable when the oppressed through educa­ tion has freed its mind from fear. For this reason, an inferior social status cannot be tolerated since liberty cannot be compromised.

Basically, the laboring blacks wanted social change and social reforms which they had been demanding for over a century. They wanted representative government with an enlarged franchise. ^ For greater participation in the political process of the society could ensure or

Daily Gleaner. Hay 19, 1919. Froude, op.cit., p. 9fl. Some thirty years before 1919, when West Indian workers were agitating for liberty, Froude noted that the "keener witted blacks" were watching eagerly the Irish problem in which they claim a common identity, Cf. "Governor Eyre Royal Commission of Inquiry.11 II.C.S .F . . Vol. 30, op, cit. The Morant Bay Revolution in 1865 was a worker's revolution influenced In part by the Haitian Revolution.

^^Wood. Qnd. 1697 op. cit., p. 6 . The entire history of the laboring blacks was to achieve representative government. 100

guarantee the improvement of; their social welfare.

Many factora were responsible for this continued awareness in

politics. In World War I many West Indians had fought In the war.

These soldiers experienced a higher standard of living abroad. On 58 their return home, they began to agitate for fundamental social changes.

Because of the bad social conditions among the workers, agitation was

very easy. The soldiers returning home, adopted an aggressive posture

towards the existing conditions. Their position on representative

government was not refuted by the native middle group of blacks and a

few whites and colored professionals who were developing into a vocal 59 and articulate professional class. The black Intelligentsia supported

the aspirations of the laboring blacks merely to seek cultural Identity and political power. West Indian black intelligentsia has always

alienated itself from the black laboring masses since the masses were poor, illiterate and lacked social prestige In a class and color

conscious society,^

.*■'

**®Gnd. 5641, op,cit., p. 79, Workers had also returned home from the United States of America. Dmd, 5760, op. cit. Many Barbadians and Jamaicans repatriated from Cuba after the war imbibed social ideas which called for change within the social order. 59 This native middle group composed of a black intelligentsia, local b o m whites (employer class) and coloreds (offspring of white father and black mother). Hie coloreds are very color and class conscious and would have nothing to do with black skin Afro-West Indians, They tolerate the black (one with dark skin) who though from low status is accepted for his achievement! This middle group lacked any degree of cohesiveness.

^Lewis, op, cit., p. 7, 101

The white middle group was Interested primarily in maintaining the status quo,*^ for it was they who controlled the government and any attempt at enlarging the franchise would weaken the power and influence of the whites. The black intelligentsia and the coloreds had no real political power and had never fully gained the confidence of the black workers and white employers. So the two most powerful social groups to emerge after the Revolution of the 1930rs In the West Indies were the millions of poor, votelcas blacks and a few powerful whites.

West Indian society hod always enjoyed this social dichotomy which has polarized the black worker and the entrenched power of the whites.

Hence it would be difficult to free West Indian labor relations and political institutions from traces or overtones of race, color and class.

This pattern of social conduct between the various social groups has Its origin in the historical development of the society. Marcus Garvey, the

West Indian social crusader was against this social system which relega- 62 ted the poor who were black to an inferior position. Garvey was so appalled by the poverty of the workers that he contested a seat in the

1930 elections in Jamaica as a member of the People's Political Party.

This type of society which determines a man's mobility and his

^Lewis, loc. cit. The black intelligentsia, local horn whites, and coloreds formed the bureaucracy which impeded progress, 62 Adolph Edwards, Marcus Garvey. New Beacon Publication 1967, p. 31; Overseas Edition of the Gleaner. September 30, 1964, The Attorney- General of Jamaica before his colleagues in the Senate reminded them that "there were actually two Jamaicans - one was white or nearly so and wealthy and the other dark-skinned and poor; Moko. No. 3, November 29, 1968* Manley noted that in Jamaican society the economy had two levels in which one was poor and without opportunities; and the other was rich and had all the opportunities. 102 social status on race and skin color heightened the political sophisti­ cation of the workers who by 1937-1939 began to analyse their problems G 3 in t o m s of "white against black," The Italian invasion of Ethiopia was seen in this fashion where white men were fighting black men. West

Indian workers, stated Arthur Lewis, the West Indian economist, reasoned

that Britain, a white nation, had betrayed the Africans and symbolically all black men. This invasion convinced the workers that Britain was not 64 eager to or concerned with the defense of the blacks. Their emotional involvement was obvious because the laboring blacks saw men of their own 65 race and color dominated by another race. The only alternative to this subordination, the blacks reasoned, was for them to obtain their poli­ tical franchise from Britain.

Britain knew that representative government with full universal suffrage must be granted to her Vest Indian colonics. The Crown con­ sidered the majority of those clamoring for the suffrage too "backward and politically undeveloped,11^ so self-government was delayed. The

fi 1 DJW, A, Eackles. The Barbados Disturbances. Barbados: Advo­ cate Co., Ltd., 1937, p. 4*

^ L e w i s , op, cit,, p. 12 j Cmd, 5641, op, cit,, p. 78. In Trini­ dad the oilfield workers showed a great dislike for the South African personnel on the staff of the Trinidad Leaseholds Ltd.

^Britain's invasion of Anguilla In i960 evoked strong emotions from the laboring blacks since Britain refused to use force against the white minority Government in Rhodesia,

^Wood, op. cit., p. 7; "Report of the Closer Union CcumIssion relating to the Leeward Islands, Trinidad and Tobago,” Cmd* 43Q3, April 1933, Il.C.S.P.. Vol. 15. Tills Commission composed of West Indian middle class politicians opposed universal adult suffrage becausa the laboring population was educationally backward and "temperamentally unfit to judge11 complex political matters. 10 3

Crown waa afraid that self-governmEnt would grant too much power to the

laboring blacks who would dominate the small white minority. This con­

tinued fear Dn the part of the Crown was a major raison d'etre for deny­

ing the laboring blacks their political franchise. Furthermore, the

Crown argued that only a small minority sought self-government,^

The explanation advanced by the Crown against popularly elected

governments were similar to those of the local Chambers of Commerce, planters associations and the local legislatures. The opinions of these powerful minority organizations carried much influence in determining

the rights of other sectors in the society.In Trinidad and Tebago,

the Chamber of Commerce opposed the franchise for the laboring blacks on the pretext that their demands were "largely inspired by movements external to the colony.This pattern of conduct, was characteristic of all West Indian governments to their lower class citizens. All these

West Indian territories had middle class representative government associations to promote and enhance their own political and sectional interests. But none of these associations except for Grenada and Trini­ dad was any consideration given to those issues relating to the laborers.

These two countries had Workingmen's Associations with programs dealing

®^Wocd, op, cit., p. 6. Cf. James Anthony Froude, The English in the West Indies. (New York: Charles Scribners Sons, 1867), p. 99. Froude wrote in 1887 that the blacks were certain that majority rule must prevail as in other countriesj Wood, op. cit., p. 5, In 1922, Wood, the Englishman, saw the inevitability of popular representative government. CO Wood, op, cit., p. 25, 6Q Ihid. The St. Kitts-Nevis Representative Association wanted a limited franchise for the middle class only. Its request was opposed by the Agricultural and Commercial Society - a planter's organization. 104 70 with slum clearance, health* labor relations and housing*

Social changes were seldom adopted and political reforms were granted only to the middle groups and the planters. The Windward-

Leeward Islands, Trinidad and Tobago, had some constitutional reforms in 1924. The reforms were more beneficial to the middle groups than to the workers. For the unofficial majorities elected by "popular" vote was representative of these groups since the workers did not have the income nor property qualifications,^

Popularly elected governments in the West Indies were minority governments* These governments never attempted to solve intelligently the question of the franchise as it bore upon the interests of the laboring population. This attitude was evident when the political leaders of the various West Indian governments met in Dominica in 1932 to formulate plans for constitutional changes and majority government 72 for the islands. West Indian political leaders were reluctant in discussing the question of political franchise and adult suffrage when the Issue was raised by Trinidad-Tobngo* The Commission, made up of

^Lewis* op. cit., p. 32.

^British Guiana: Report of the British Guiana Constitution Commission. Gnd. 29B5, p. 10, Since 1B49 to 1927, the franchise changed very little except In qualification. In 1849 it was $W I 600 (1*125) per annum; 1891 It was reduced to $W I 480 (M00); in 1909 $V I 300 (162,10s.) which made it one half of what it waa in 1847, It was the same in 1927; Cf, Wood, op. cit. In Jamaica, nine members were elected to the local legislature in 1884 by popular vote; it increased to 14 in 1895. Quali­ fications were lowered in 1909, Guyana had lowered voting qualifications in 1909 also as stated in Ordinance No. 24 of 1909.

^These were the governments: Trinidad-Tobago, Windward- Leeward Islands, and Barbados, 105 middle group politicians waa "definitely opposed to ...... universal 71 adult suffrage" for the laboring population.

Social and political democracy for the laboring class depended on education. This lower class element of the body politic did not possess the basic educational requirement hence their automatic disqualification until their present standard of education in the Islands "was greatly ii 74 advanced. In Guyana, (British Guiana) the right to vote by this

"deserving class of people" was predicated upon the "purchasing power of money.In 1927, though income qualifications for voting were lowered in Jamaica and Trinidad, the political participation of the laboring blacks did not appreciably improve. The workers were still too poor to pay and the colored legislator were unmindful to lower further the income qualification. The West Indian colored middle group, black intelligentsia and the white aristocracy were the principal social, economic and politi­ cal forces until 1935. Since the revolutions in 1935-1937 the laboring masses have seined the initiative.

The issue of representative government and political franchise was fundamentally a problem of political power and control. Anthony Froude

Report of the Closer Commission Cmd. 43B3, op, cit.* p. 21, This commission was in sympathy with the claim of the lower class to vote. They were deserving of the vote; Cf Lewis, op, cit. West Indian leaders did not want the working class to get their suffrage; Eric Williams, The Negro in the Caribbean. (Washington; D.C., 1942)* p, 90. Williams stated that the franchise qualification adopted by each island "showed clearly the unsympathetic attitude of the colored middle class to the aspirations of the barefooted man." *j / Report of the Closer Commission Cmd. 4383, op. cit., p, 21.

^ British- Guiana, Cmd, 2985, op. cit,, p, 12. 106

saw the real hindrance to representative government in the Crown's

unwillingness to accept a black, parliament with a black ministry,^ The majority of the people were striving towards full participatory democracy.

The Crown could have avoided the revolutions which took place in

the West Indies during 1935-193B. But according to Arthur Creech Jones, former Colonial Secretary, the Crown needed a poor lower class to guar­ antee a source of "cheap labor1' to produce "cheap raw materials" for the 77 British. The Crown was protecting its own interests at the expense of

the West Indian workers. Had the Crown instituted progressive legisla­

tion prior to 1935-193B, it could be spid that the West Indian colonies would not have revolted. Soiit was the Crown's negligence in dealing with the severe unemployment and underemployment, as well as its failure

to abolish the Master and Servant Act and grant constitutional and poli­

tical changes which plunged her Vest Indian colonies into open revolution.

The tabular chronology of the revolts in Table XXV emphasized that

these social upheavals were common to the entire British Caribbean. The

center of these revolts was on the sugar estates where wages were

especially low. It should also be realized thot wages were the chief

cause of the revolts which were settled militarily. This was the his­

torical trend in post emancipation West Indian Society.

The labor unrest prior to 1935 did not produce fundamental changes

brought about by the labor convulsions of 1935-1938. St. Kitts, a pre­

dominantly black island was the first to erupt against its small white

^Froude, op, cit,, pp. 68 and 282. He realized that the entire issue was "political power." Britain was reluctant to grant political franchise to the laboring people abandoned to their fate of subservience to the Crown. 77 Creech Jones, "preface" to W. Arthur Lewis, op. cit. REVOLUTIONS IN THE B.tt.I. 1935-1938 g n t 3 Q C H w U O l _ O LJ Ifl O u bn 0 w H H 43 i e in U O C/1 tfl

m cm h g g p H i-H n < —l i— r-i 3 T iT o o rH *H i I—1 (Ti n ■vT a - £ '-J £ & t r -rt (3 -rl -rl *i-l I-H j j ► > fl) m o t y 0 6 4U nj 3 □ Jy nJ . C n o y P c , J 4 D U CTi *T f - a v p ) t l r n 03 1— 1 ’-) r M •rt U* 5 1 ^ ^ rH £ D( cn (4 ID U - o t-i a y OJ V) u a (fl a> d QJ l f W n pi SO R [4 u td U] M Jn >d > d > n 4J H □ 0 40 D3 co 0 - iz* so U9 □ (A u a -u u to b H rl I 01 a • 4 *d d * L43 3 A Ul tfl H \ o a ]H O 'H rH & S H H iH 40 u 4-1 t s i t & CO y y o y i—l M i-i m w I * » D O H m C H 4 • n c i r m H 0 cu 0 C* iH H A* *H H a o 2 t > i ly y y y y y ‘rl ol y id | - i n o j n to cn a 0 - 40 - a U 4-1 u +i d u TJ l-l cj u n ■ * * '> £ *'T> r—1 > * !>i a q ^ 1 y a m u 40 £ " i h i—1 n c cn iJ c/J l-l o t ■H K H IS H U 40 (0 Ad & C 3 (0 U na o b y o o u i y i i r 4J 1 - COl m LA i-H o o id o u i h 4 r Cl irl 44 l f -H t t m u c y 4 H id SI -9 d i HI |4 f* o * & cfl co cd 1 ^ * 0 □ (0 m G o t m 107 108 employer class. The protest started among the plantation workers who were refused an Increase in wages. Another cause for the revolt in that island was for land reform since the black, wage earners could not gain access to the fertile lands which they needed for agriculture. In St.

Vincent, the workers revolted against an increase of c u b toms duties in

1935; a coal strike occurred in St. Lucia, 1935; throughout Guyana, labor disputes on the sugar plantations in 1935 were very prevalent; Trinidad had an oil strike which became a general strike in 1937; Barbados the most conservative of the West Indian islands had a sympathetic strike in support of tile other West Indian workers in 1937; once more in 1937, Guy­ ana, St. Lucia and Jamaica had strikes on their sugar plantations; in

1938, Jamaica had a dockers' strike.

The revolution which was at first confined to the agricultural workers changed its character and orientation when the oilfield workers struck in Trinidad in 1937. These were the first workers to strike in

Trinidad against low wages and high coat of living. The labor unrest then spread to the sugar areas dominated by Bast Indian laborers. The oilfield workers are primarily Afro-West Indians and the sugar workers are of East Indian ancestry. It was the first time that both groups 7 8 which formed the laboring class displayed group solidarity. In Trini­ dad the labor unrest became political when an ex-oilfield worker, Uriah

’'Buzz1' Butler formed his British Empire Workers and Citizens Home Rule

C.S.P.i Vol. 30, 18GG, op. cit., p. 6 . In the Moront Bay Rebellion of 1865, the question was generally asked "whore did the coolies stand?" Their position was always equivocal; Cf. it.C.S.P., Vol. 77, 1906. In British Guiana (Guyana) 1903 a petition was sent to the Secretary of State against state aided immigration from India. This petition stated that thousands of coolies as well as blacks or natives wore unemployed. The petition was sent by the blacks who mentioned the free coolies who were also suffering. 109 l’nrty. The party had about one hundred duns paying members and nine, hundred others who were not, Barbados, Jamaica and Guyana were equally affected. In Barbados, the workers were always poor but patriotically

Brit tali. This island, according to Paul Blanshard, had the "most conser­ vative oligarchies" in existence when the revolution broke out.^ The revolution in Barbados centered around one Clem Payne, a propagandist and trade unionist, lie was a Trinidadian of Barbadian parentage who had returned home to lead the revolution in that island. The Barbados government, fearful of his inflamdtory speeches to the workers, hod him deported to Trinidad where he was tried for sedition, a charge which

Butler (Trinidad) and Alexander Bustamante (Jamaica) also had to answer. BO

In Jamaica, H o m a n Manley and his cousin, Alexander Bustamante, emerged as strong political figures. Both men formed political parties out of the chaotic situation, Norman Manley lent his talents as a clover lawyer to the defense of the poor, and Alexander Bustamante, who was

Jailed during the revolution, became the idol of the laboring masses.

Power was not new to Alexander Bustamante. He was already enjoying power 81 among his followers, On the other hand, Norman Hanley was in an entirely new situation as an intellectual who found it difficult to

79 Paul Dlanshard, Democracy and Empire in the Caribbean, (New York: The Macmillan Co,, 1947), p. 26,

^Arthur Lewis, ap, cit., p. 16. Clem Payne's seditious charge was that he caused (a) discontent and disaffection among her Majesty's subjects; (b) "promoted ill will and hostility between different clas­ ses;11 and (c) he urged the workers to organize trade unions. 81 Mary Manning Carley, Jamaica^ The Old and New (New York: Frederick A, Praeger, 1963), p. 131. Bustamante was a political force long before the revolts of 1935-1938. 110

Identify with the laboring blacks. It was due to liis British training which impressed upon Him n class consciousness.

Grnntley Adams of Barbados! another Oxford trained lawyer, was in a similar predicament. But both tnen gave able leadership to the labor-* ing blacks. However, the most successful labor-politicians to emerge from this confused and meaningful period in West Indian history were simple and unsophisticated man who took the Initiative from the white and colored middle groups. The black masses had finally won power and

Bustamante, Butler and Clem Fayne CTrinidad) were the real labor- politicians ,

The revolutions in the British West Indies are of major signi­ ficance to West Indian society. After the revolutions* West Indian middle groups - white, black intelligentsia and coloreds - formed an 82 alliance to hinder the progress of the laboring blacks. Some whites, black intelligentsia and the coloreds joined the laboring masses. Their leaders farmed trade unions autl political parties. The middle groups joined these associations merely to maintain white supremacy. It was a fundamental cause for hlack, colored and white middle group West Indians to Join political parties. It was the white supremacy, argued Arthur 83 Lewis, that the blacks were endeavoring to destroy.

®^Blanshard, op. cit., p. 98. Bustamante "had a tacit alliance with the business groups;11 Moreley Ayearst, The British West Indies t The Search for Self-Government, CNew York; New York University Press, 1906), p, 74, Bustamante was reluctant to work for self-government for Jamaica because he feared liis countrymen were not "ready for responsible government.11

Lewis, op. cit., p. 7; Cf, Williams, op cit,, p, 91. To Williams, it was a showdown between "white aristocracy" and the black, masses from which the colored middle class must choose. Ill

The years 1900-1930 Illustrate the continued capacity of the West

Indian laboring blacks whose social and economic distress culminated in the revolutions of 1935-1930. The entire period from 1034 to 1938 clearly portrays one significant truth that West Indian Labor lias struggled against poverty and governmental inaction. The years 1935-193B convinced the West Indian worker that only through direct political ac­ tivism, can be resolved the eutrenched social injustice which has char­ acterised his relationship with the state. Also one must not forget that the years 1936-1938 ushered in a new phase for the West Indies and set the tone for greater participation of worker’s democracy in a contemporary setting.

The West Indian worker had won his partial political franchise by

1937. All would gain it completely by 1943, as in Jamaica. Cut agrar­ ian reform, town planning, slum clearance, unemployment, under-employment, and effective labor laws were Still not advantageous to the Workers,

Even as late as 1970 the West Indian worker was still poor and suffered from the same social destitution which bad tormented his life since

1034. The major cities of Kingston, Fort-of-Spain, Georgetown and

Bridgetown still have their bad, unhealthy social conditions. Workers still would not resort to strike because it would be unlawful and local governments would be antagonistic whenever the worker demanded more and better benefits. The old labor politicians are either inactive or disgraced, but new leadership is found in George Weekes CTrinidad),

Cheddi Jagan and Forbes BurnhamCGuyana), the few labor-politicians who have not forgotten the essential significance of 1935-1938. CHATTER IV

POLITICS AND LAHOH 1935-1950

ToliticH and labor during the years 1936-1938 were the high point

in West Indian history with 1937 as a turning point in West Indian soc­

iety. The Royal Commission Report of 1938 (Moyne Report), though pre­

viously mentioned), stated that the revolutionary disturbances during

1935-1938 "were no longer a blind protest against a worsening of condi­

tions, but a positive demand for the creation of new conditions that will

render possible a better and less restricted lifo,"^ It was the ordinary

mart and the workers who were remodelling West Indian society to suit

their needs. Prior to the years 1935-1938, labor's role was not clearly

defined and the worker had no official voice or any representative to

defend and protect tils interests. Labor was not fully organized and was unaware of its rights and duties in a democratic environment although

it was fully cognizant that it must act collectively to win its desired

aim.

In the period 1935-1938, the mutual dependency of the Indian

plantation worker and the black industrial worker was manifest. In

every territory where both racial groups comprised the majority of the

•^Royal Commission Report, Cmd, 6174, op. cit*, Chap, 1., p. B; Cf, Rawle Farley, "Caribbean Labor Comes of Age," Free Labor World, April, 1958, Ho, 94, p. 30, Farley considers the years around 1937 to be the time when "a new Caribbean civilization" came into being by the strivings of "ordinary men and women..." Cf. Williams, op. cit., p. 91. The black working class was the prime mover in the process of social change-

112 1 1 3 work force in sugar estates and industry, the principle of unity and group solidarity was evident. Both social groups on account of their past experiences in labor disputes against tliclr managers were denied their rights because each worker presented his grievance personally to his employer. The worker during 1935-1938 displayed a more conscious behavior since the issues transcended race and his immediate environment.

Hence, the Labor Movement in the West Indies was born out of the revolutionary turmoil af Che period, Whatever success the worker won, this success was accompanied by an indigenous nationalism. It was not surprising that the worker was becoming more involved in politics. The economic reforms and fundamental changes to be affected forced the labor­ ing men to elect representatives sympathetic to their aspirations to the local legislatures. This was a reasonable assumption but the Crown did not grant adult universal suffrage which would have enfranchised tliou- 2 sands of workers. Only in Jamaica the worker enjoyed universal adult suffrage. In Guyana, stevedores and East Indian agricultural workers 3 were represented in the local legislature, in Trinidad, however, the legislature had no elected representative from the laboring men. As for

Barbados, the workers obtained a reduction in income qualification and the granting of the vote to women. These concessions were granted in

1943 during the war. In Trinidad, adult universal suffrage was granted

2 "Stanley’s Despatch to the Governor of Jamaica/' Chid. G427; The Caribbean Islands and the War. (Washington! U.S. Government Printing Office, 1943), p, 57. In 1943, Jamaica was offered adult universal suffrage. Other territories - Guyana and Trinidad - were given improved constitutions which did not make any provision for workers’ representa­ tives to the local legislatures.

^Ibid., p. 58. Governor appointed these representatives since these two groups did not possess the qualifications for voting. 114

In 1945, Barbados 1951 and Guyana 1953. By 1945 only Jamaica and Trini­ dad were enjoying adult universal suffrage but other West Indian terri­

tories were experimenting with internal self-rule. The West Indian worker anticipated full self-government as a means to a better way of life but the Crown postponed it. The limited constitutional changes in the West Indies during 1939-1945 were to heighten the "moral crisis" common in the territories in those years. For in 1942 actual distur­ bances took place in Jamaica and Trinidad, It was claimed that many of

these disturbances were the result of German propaganda being broadcast from Berlin to the Caribbean islands,^ As a consequence of these broad­ casts by the Axis, disturbances occurred in the Bahamas in June 1942,

Jamaica had experienced similar workers' disturbances in June and July of the same year. In Trinidad, the Governor reported evidences of hooliganism. During these war years, the Crown changed its policies from welfare programs to development^ and practical procedures were followed to encourage political democracy,^ But the process towards political democratization of Caribbean society was slow and tedious.

The workers were faced with a problem of resolving the constitutional

^Ibid., pp. 10-11. The Berlin Radio told the Caribbean peoples of Germany’s success in the war and warned them that "lie who sails for North America sails certainly to death."

^Cmd. 6427, loc. cit. £ British Dependencies in the Caribbean and North Atlantic 1939- 1952, Cmd, 8575, p. 4; Cf. T. S. Simey, Welfare and Planning in the West Indies, (Oxford: Clarendon Press 1945), passim. In this Preface, Simey argued that this welfare planning was good for people at a primi­ tive stage of development.

^Labor Policies in the West Indies, op. cit., p, 34* According to this ILO Report, the war produced regional cooperation, economic development and greater worker participation in the society. 115

issues for Chair full participation.

Because of the evident collective awareness among the workers,

leaders such bg Uriah Butler, Alexander Bustamante and Vere Bird

of Antigua organised political parties around these workers whose primary

aim was constitutional advancement - the prerequisite to greater control

of those forces which had prevented the workers from functional involve­ ment.

Two basic facts emerged from the social upheavals between 1935-

1938; that labor was becoming an organized social organism and that the

political parties though dependent on the workers for support were not

true labor parties. Furthermore, the political parties were the direct

consequence of the workers1 initiative, However, the need for immediate

social change brought about a labor-political alliance and a black worker-

indinn alliance. The workers or blacks formed the basis of political

power and the coloreds gave intellectual leadership. For this reason,

Norman Manley (Jamaica) and Grantlcy Adams (Barbados) joined the labor movement in the West Indies, Alexander Bustamante was not an intellec­

tual but a colored middle class money lender who was easily identifiable with the workers as well as the proprietor class.

This labor-political solidarity was ephemeral because labor

leaders either were influenced by local oligarchies or denied the right

to form the government. Uriah "Buzz" Butler, the labor leader, had wen

®Lcwis, op, cit,, p. 32, Historically free coloreds and blacks have joined forces to gain their demands from a reluctant planter oli­ garchy; Donald Wood, Trinidad in Transition; The Years After Slavery. (London* Oxford U. Fress 1968), p, 303. Both coloreds and blacks joined together merely to promote "the interests of their awn class,..11 Cf. BIonshard, op. cit., p, 98. In Jamaica though Alexander Bustamante led the workers' revolt, he had a "tacit alliance with business groups..." 116 the 1950 general elections In Trinidad. His part/ lied "won a majority of elected seats'1 in the local legislature. Because of Ills radicalism, and "by a species of chicanery which the Constitution permitted"^ complained Eric Williams, Butler was denied the right to fomt the first workers' government in the West Indies. Instead, Albert Gomes, a

Portuguese, was asked by the Governor to form the government. Labor was denied political participation. So the issues which are still dividing the labor movement in the Caribbean are fundamentally political ones and will remain so for a long time, The history of West Indian labor and trade union movement Is one of constant strain and stress.

The labor leaders are convinced that since labor is the guardian of society and the most democratic institution in the West Indies,^ its political Involvement in every aspect of national development is inevitable*

Labor’s Role.

One positive aspect of the revolutions in the West Indies 1935-

1937 was that West Indian labor became institutionalized* In almost all the colonies, the Crown set up labor departments to cope with the labor problems in the society* These revolutions started by the workers have helped to politicize labor and convince its leaders that it is labor that must play the major role in the creation of the new West

Indian society* And from 1935-1937, labor leaders realizing the result

5Eric Williams, History of the People of Trinidad and Tobago* (Trinidad: P.N.K. Publishing Co., Inc*, 1962), p. 238.

^Statement by Lionel Beckles, (General Secretary of the Oilfield Workers Trade Union, Trinidad 6 Tobago) personal interview, December 19, 1969* 117

of direct political action, arc determined to participate fully in the

building of a Caribbean society.

Labor's concern for political matters is due, therefore, to its

low status in the society. In nineteenth century West Indian society,1

the laboring blacks and the indentured servants were socially despised

by other segments of the society. This social ostracism drove this

laboring class to take political action as a means of seeking social

respectability and within the same process to improve their economic misery.

Throughout the entire history of West Indian society the laboring

blacks have exhibited a profound desire to build "representative insti­

tutions fashioned after the British model,11 ^ The laboring blacks

fought steadfastly to gain political influence (sic) only to be denied

this right by the native middle class the the Crown.^ This denial of

political power has contributed to a very great extent to the intransi­

gence of West Indian labor. C. L, R, James, the West Indian social historian and thinker, descrihed the mood of the "West Indian masses11

1 T. as being "at an extremely high pitch" because the democratization of

the West Indian society which was a fundamental ideal among the workers

in the 1930's is slowly giving way to constitutional dictatorships of

the middle class politicians.

^Wood, op. cit, , p. 6 ,

^BlanBhard, op. cit*, p. 98; Cf* C. L. R. James. The Life of Captain Cipriani. An. A ccount of British. Government in the West Indies. (Kelson* n.p. 1932} , p. 8 . The white Creole sided with the English "to keep tha great hulk of the people in subjection.1*

l3C. L. R. James, Party Politics in the West Indies, (Trinidad; n.n. 1962), p . 13. 113

The labor movement does not seek to monopolize power. Instead,

the labor movement is at tempting to assist West Indian governments in building the ideal West Indian society as any other social unit. This

concept of labor's role in the society is not accepted ay West Indian

political leaders. However, the Minister of Labor and Social Security in Guyana, W. G. Carrington, hopes to develop a "new approach"^ in which the labor movement would contribute to the welfare of the society.

In this way, labor will become a part of the decision miking process as

it shares power with the politicians. This measure in Ltself will not make labor less political nor will it diffuse its political assertive­ ness. I£ labor is permitted to get involved in the political experience of the society, tills "new approach" would strengthen th« democratic institutions in Ifcst Indian society, For the trade unions represent the largest portion of people; they are the only true democratic organi­ zations in the West Indies and the only real "opposition parties" capable of articulating the frustrations within the society.

C. L, R. James affirms that It is necessary to encourage this direct participation of this social unit In politics since it will assist in the democratization process alien in West Indian society. For, the

Caribbean environment which has an intolerable sensitivity to "whiteness" cart only reach a level of mature sophistication when the French Creole,

Chinese, Jew, Syrian, Lebanese, Caucasian and Afro-Saxon unite with the

Indian peasant and the hlack. masses.

West Indian labor is strategically placed to do tbis. For labor as a social force will have to bring about a "social unification" where

^Statement by W. G, Carrington, Minister of Labor, Guyana, per­ sonal interview, August 18, 1969. 119

race and color arc no criteria for effective involvement. The members

of the society would then ha united by social association and social

need "whose first loyalty will be to the state and not to the ethnic

groups. "15

The democratization of West Indian society can only be fully

developed when the major social and economic forces within the society

are joined together to build the nation. The sugar unions and oil

(Trinidad), sugar and bauxite (Jamaica and Guyana) are conscious of this

fact. Upon the social unification of the major economic interests

hinges tile socio-economic and political ideology of the tiew We3t Indian

state. ^ But the social, economic and political forces in West Indian

society are so prejudicial to the worker that a sustained and well

thought out plan for social betterment with the labor unions as the

base is crucially necessary.

Likewise, the middle class professional politicians In the area

are doing everything in their power to thwart the demands of the workers

as they strive to purposefully democratize and create new institutions

15 C. L. R. James, "West Indians of East Indian Descent,lf Ibis Pamphlet. Ho. 1, pp. 5-6, (Trinidad: Enterprise Printing, n.d.), passim. lfi The Moko. Vol* 3, November 29, 19GB. The paper affirmed that "the workers in industry like sugar and bauxite are being united, disci­ plined and organized by the cooperative form of labor process necessitated by large scale industry;11 Cf. Jame3 . This Pamphlet, op, cit,, p, 5. James foresaw an island wide social unification of oil and sugar workers In Trinidad; Farley, Trade Union Development., op. cit,, p. 23, Farley noted that the West Indian "trade union movement Is participating in the task of national reconstruction." As a consequence of the very nature of West Indian society, the trade unian movement Is "committed to their resolution," 120

Indigenous to the West Indian cultural past."^ The middle class poli­ tician has always aligned himself with the Crown and whatever power he 18 enjoyed was given to him by the Crown. . The middle class politician, therefore, was never fully involved in the social problems of the labor­ ing masses who expected the middle class politician to initiate funda­ mental change but he Is too concerned with his social status. Generally, the middle class politician was "either conformist or indifferent or 15 react (sic) In isolation." Hia involvement In the problems of the working man was to enhance his political ambition and to give expression 20 to his frustrations. Hence, political parties gave the middle class

1 7 'Burnham’s "Cooperative Republic" proclaimed in February 1970, attempts to build a workers' state or socialism based on the conmunal experience of the blacks and Indians, The experiment is not obsessed with Marxist ideology of Cheddl Jagan and his People’s Progressive Party. t a Creech Jones, op, cit. The colonial office had always sought this type of politicians who would cooperate with the Crown to "implement and operate the instructions of Downing St.,."; Raymond Smith, British Guiana (London; Oxford U. Preaa, 1964), p. 171, Hanley, Bustamante (Jamaica), Grantley Adams (Barbados) became "moderates in a partnership with British officials and foreign businessmen" after taking office; The Nation (official organ of the People’s National Movement), September 29, 1967, p, 6 . Eric Williams, finding himself in the same predicament as these former politicians, has followed a right wing policy because of the "harsh political economic and social realities" which face Trinidad and Tobago, Williams’ political philosophy is similar to those of the present West Indian leaders except Cheddi Jagan and Forbes Burnham left wing socialists. For this reason, Cheddi Jagan was thrown out of office by the British. 19 Farley, op. cit., p. 17. 2n uIbid., p. 16. The middle class politicians found greater "ex­ pression in their political roles" since functioning in this capacity would keep them at the pyramid of social status; Ovar Oxaal, Black Intellectuals Come to Power, The Rise of Creole Nationalism in Trinidad and Tobago. CCamhridge, Mass: Schenkman Publishing Co,, Inc., I960), p. 102, Williams had occupied "a social status near the top of the Creole system of prestige" when he was thrown out of the Caribbean Commission. So he formed the People's' National Movement with middle class leaders and mass support in 1956 to take control of the government and maintoin his social status. 121 politicians an opportunity "to declare their common cause with the lower 21 class at considerable personal risk," So the crisis in West Indian society revolves around o scramble for power by the middle class creole politician whom some West Indian workers consider as working in unison with foreign and local economic interests to the detriment of the worker*

Also, the political representatives of the middle class tend to curtail the freedom of the worker to the benefit of the privileged groups.

The worker's status as a citizen and as a worker has become so precarious that the National Workers Union (Jamaica), the labor arm of the People's National Party whose president is Senator Michael Manley, has supported the socialist economic program of the party which would reorganize the society to ensure hatter advantages for the worker. It is necessary to do this because the inconsistencies of colonial society which are still existent in Jamaica and the entire West Indies are 22 threatening to destroy the "prospect of national unity, , ,T1 and as long as the worker is denied his role in making the decisions which influence his life, warns Weekes and other labor leaders, his militancy will in­ crease and the worker will, when necessary, use whatever means possible 23 to redress his grievances*

n I Ibid., p. 98; Cf, Lewis, op. cit., p. 7. Lewie, n middle class We3t Indian intellectual and Rawlc Parley agreed that the middle class Joined or formed political parties in their search for identity and to maintain the status quo, ^ The National Workers Union of Jamaicai The Thirteenth Annual Report* November 1, 1964-OctoUer 23, 1965; passim. 2 |1 Ibid., Cf. George Weeks, Trade Unions and Politics,1' (a lecture deLlvered at the University of the West Indies at St. Augustine, Trini­ dad). Vanguard Cofficial organ of the Oilfield Workers Trade Union) December 23, 1965, p, 3. Weekas Is determined through political action to free the society from "social and economic pressure;11 Cf. The Moko, op. cit, Norman Manley drawing the attention of society to the sufferings of the worker in Jamaica and the West Indies stated that West Indian governments have lost power to control the society. 122

Trade Unions and Politico 1935-1950

After the 1935 revolutions In the West Indies, the labor movement

became actively political. Labor leaders and politicians realized the

value of organized labor as a base for political action. Uriah "Buzz"

butler, Andrew Cipriani (Trinidnd-Tcbago)* Robert Bradshaw (St. Kitta),

Vere Bird (Antigua), Norman Manley, Alexander Bustamante (Jamaica) and

Crantlcy Adams (Barbados) quickly organized labor unions for political

action. The "political parties" were generally styled "labor parties"

without fundamentally adopting any program with a bias towards labor.

The early West Indian political parties, however, drew their support

from the labor unions that sought their political leadership in the

legislative councils, Elence the trend among middle class politicians to

append "labor" to political parties was for strategic reasons. Also,

the labor parties were closely attached to the British Labor Party which

defended their interests in the British Parliament.^ Hie foremost politicians Norman Mauley and Grantley Adams were pro-British in their political orientation.

The utilization of the word "labor" was merely for sentimental purposes in the hope that the British would be more generous to the demands of the colonics. Another name would have conjured up misunder­ standing in the British Parliament. Those other political parties formed by the middle class which were not designated as labor parties had simi­ lar programs aa those which, used the name "labor". For Manley’s People's

National Party based on socialist principles was identical with the

^Eric Williams, History of the People of Trinidad and Tobago, op. cit,, p. 217. Andrew Cipriani’s Labor Party (Trinidad) was in close communication with, the British Labor Party, Bustamante and Adams formed labor parties* Manley did not use the word "labor11 but "nationalist" to get broader support. 123 programs of all labor parties, Thcae labor parties arc fundomentally conservative and they adopted programs of minor social reforms without 25 changing the social structure to include the laboring blocks.

In moat of the islands as political parties were being formed, organised Inhor became the center of political influence and was used effectively by the politicians to gain power. In certain territories where political organisations were not properly formed, politicians developed Workingmen's Associations as in Trinidad and St. Vincent,

In Trinidad the Workingmen's Association functioned from its inception

in 1890 to 1932 as a type of opposition party which worked for trade union reform. It was never a trade union organization. However, it changed its name in 1932 from the Trinidad Workingmen's Association *yc. to the Trinidad labor Party. The party had no trade union base. The

Workingmen’s Association bad two branchesi (1) Railway Union; and

(2) Stevedores Union. They did not register and did not function as such. But the Workingmen's Association did register under the companies ordinance. But after the passing of the Trade Union Ordinance of 1932, the name was changed to the Trinidad Labor Party. In St. Vincent the

Workingmen's Association was never registered as a trade uunion but 27 represented the workers in the conflicts with the employers.

^■Yloreley Ayearst, The British West Indies: The Search for Self Government. (New York: University Press, 1960), p. 212, The Barbados Labor Party and the Jamaica Labor Party are conservative reform­ ist parties. The Barbados Labor Party led by Sir Grantley Adams* former premier of Barbados, come into heing in 1938.

^ C m d , 5641, op, cit.* p. 48.

^Lewis, op. cit,, p. 14, 124

Prior to the institutionalization of the labor movement In the

Caribbean, no attempts wore made at forming political organisations,

Both middle class and worker class organisations proliferated In the

Caribbean during tha 1920's and early 1930's. It was common to find a

representative association, working class society, workers league or

universal benevolent association in every territory but these organiza­

tions had no large following. One should not conclude that worker ini­

tiative was lacking in forming a national organisation. Uriah "Buzz"

butler, leader of the British Empire Workers and Citizens Home Rule

Party, was responsible for the strike in Trinidad during 1937, Clem

Payne was both founder and president of the Earbador Labor Union. Both

men were genuine lahor leaders and were summarily arrested and jailed

for their trade union activities. It meant, therefore, that political

leadership reverted to the middle class because of the oppressive

measures practised against the leaders of the working class by the

British.

Alexander Bustamante, a middle class money lender and powerful

advocate of labor, was also arrested and jailed. However, stated Paul

BIanshard, Bustamante was never denied power by the British because he 2 Q was never antagonistic to the local and foreign economic groups.

From as early as 1933, therefore, West Indian labor bad definite politi­

cal characteristics which, from the onset seemed to have been inevitable

and middle class politicians were not alow in. capitalizing on the vacuum

created by the dearth of leadership, Manley and Adams were quick in

forming trade unions to ensure the votes necessary for gaining power.

In Jamaica, ■ Manley wanted Bustamante to lead the labor arm of the party.

28 Blansfiard, loc. cit., p, 98, Bustamante had already formed a "tacit alliance with the business groups." 125

This belief was abort-lived for Bustamante soon, after his release from prison started the Jamaica Labor Party In 1943 to contest the first general elections in 1944 under adult suffrage. The party Is the same

as the Bustamante Industrial Union with Bustamante as the President i 29 General.

Hanley, having lost the trade union support of the Bustamante

Industrial Union, "came to realize that a successful party must be based on a strong union support as the Jamaica Labor Party," Manley soon formed the Trades Union Council which was later replaced by the

National Workers Union. This type of political trade unionism where trade unions are an Integral part of and affiliated with a political party since the late 1930f3 is still a common feature in the West

Indian political life.

The political labor alliance was the same in Barbados, Grantley

Adams was the dominant figure in that Island, tie was the leader of

Barbados Progressive League which evolved into the Barbados Labor Party.

This party had the Barbados Workers Union as Its trade union base,

Grantley Adams was its leader.

In Guyana and Trinidad, political parties and labor unions followed racial lines. These organizations, whenever they were formed, concentrated in certain areas where a particular ethnic group is dominant.

This trend has influenced the labor-politics alliance which was

29 M a r y Hanning Corley, Jamaica; The Old and Ne w . (New York; Frederick A. Praeger, 1963), p. 131. Bustamante, the labor leader, was a "political force longe before 1938."

^°Peter Ahrahama, Jamaica; An Island Mosaic, ( L o n d o n : HMSO, 1957), p. 174. The Bustamante Industrial Trade Union is basically a labor organization which Bustamante named the Jamaica Labor Party. 126

characteristic of the 1930's. However, since strong political institu­

tions were not carefully established in these two areas, the principal part of all political agitation had to be spearheaded by the trade union

leaders. Therefore, as a consequence of the peculiar pattern of the society, the trade union leaders were forced into politics. In 1917,

the British Guiana Labor Union developed especially in the urban centers where the majority of the workers were black. Nathaniel Critchlow, the

founder, was confronted with many and various problems, which needed

direct political measures. As a result, British Guiana Labor Union was

formed in 1917 and began to agitate for an equitable Trade Union Law

for granting trade unions legal status. The BGLU opposed the Seditious

Publications Bill and fought for Rent Restriction Laws which according 31 to Francis X, Mark "were frankly political ventures." In 1931 the

British Guiana Workers League was registered. This organization had a

large influx of middle class professionals and the politician A, A. 32 Thome was its leader. This experiment in a "labor-politics" alliance waa not too successful for the constitutional arrangements in that country were not too favorable for any political experimentation with labor,The seeming failure of this "labor-politlcs" alliance did not

^Francis X, Mark, "Organized Labor In British Guiana." The Caribbean in Transition: Papers on Social. Political and Economic Development. Second Caribbean Scholars Conference, Mona, Jamaica, April 14-19, 1964, p, 226.

^Rupert Tello. Highlights on Growth and Development of the British. Guiana Trade Union Movement. Miscellaneous Pamphlets No. 1, 1959. A. A. Thorne in 1932 visited Russia, On his return he introduced the word "comrade" to the Caribbean workers.

-^Cmd, 5641, op. cit., p. 48. In the Trade Union Ordinance No. 20, 1932. No provision for the "right of peaceful picketing or giving unions immunity against action In tort" was made. 127 discourage other leaders from taking a positive stand on social issues.

The Manpower Citizens Association formed in 1936 and registered in 1937 was a middle class institution. This union had a broad ethnic base, and was dominated by the Indian sugar workers. It was the first general workers union In Guyana and Its leadership was controlled by 34 Ayub Kdun, an Indian jeweller who had progressive political ideas.

This middle class organization functioned both as a political party and a trade union. It was engaged in all the political questions effect­ ing the Guyanese people Just as the labor-political organization in

Barbados, Jamaica and Trinidad.

In Trinidad, the British Empire and Citizens Home Rule Party, otherwise called the Butler Party, was founded by Uriah "Buzz11 Butler,

This "party" was actually a trade union which fought for the rights of the workers in the industrial south while Cipriani^ Labor Party concen­ trated in the urban north. Butler’s expulsion from the Trinidad Labor

Party for his radical views gave the workers one of their best leaders.

Working class leadership then moved from Cipriani to Butler, who remained the most powerful personality in labor and politics until 1956. Butler advised hla followers to liberate the country "from the spoilers, the 35 oppressor, and exploiter of ’his1 people...11 Clem Payne, the Barbados labor leader, wanted the people to have a direct hand in matters affecting them. Ha sought the ex termination of the middle class. Clem Payne

■^Mark. op, cit., p. 228. The hierarchy of the organization was primarily in the hands of an ex-planter, a merchant, a doctor and a Hindu priest. 35 Williams, Hla to try of the People of Trinidad and Tobago, op. cit,, p. 236,

"^Beckles, 0pT cit., p. 238, 128

and Uriah Butler practised a politics pregnant with nationalist fervor

and anti-imperialist pronouncements. The local legislatures adopted 37 painful measures to curtail their power and influence over the massen.

Both labor leaders had the charisma for political leadership but were

unable to organize the energies of the laboring masses to obtain power*

It is the political extremism □£ both men which set them apart from the middle class political leadership.

The early political-labor alliance in Guyana, Jamaica, Barbados

and the Windward and Leeward Islands aimed at greater political sophis­

tication and economic improvement for the working class. These programs were not influenced by foreign Ideologies, They catered to the aspira­

tions of the workingmen. According to the policy of these "labor- political" alliances, their leaders worked assiduously to gain universal

adult suffrage for the workers as a prelude to the political independence

of these territories. This interest and involvement of the trade union movement in politics was very welcome for three cogent reasons: (1) to

obtain national independence, (2) to guarantee the full participation of

the workers in the society, and {3) to ensure the achievement of their economic goals. This psychology in their thought pattern was influenced more by their economic misfortune and not by any great lust for political power. And it is for these reasons political trade unionism is so evi­ dent in the Heat Indies today.

Caribbean Congress of Labor Newsletter. Vol. 9, December 30, 1963, p. 1. When Jagan tried to curtail the power of local and foreign business and failed to cooperate with- the British, he was deposed. Gene Meekins, a U. S, citizen .and ..member of the American Newspaper Guild, helped edit the LqBor Advocate toffIcial arm of the MPCA) and the radio programs to "assist the B. G. Trades Union Council in its publicity against Jagan and the PPP* 129

The post 1937 trada unions performed a dual role in West Indian society. These trade union leaders lacked intellectual awareness and ideological biases. Consequently, the trade union movement emerged as 30 a reaction ’’against bad political and economic conditions.’'

Political involvement was primary to the immediate and vital needs of the workers. However, in Jamaica at the formation of the

Bustamante Industrial Union, the leader Bustamante advised the workers on to "eschew politics" and concentrate on material rewards. For four years Bustamante opposed any attempt to seek independence and trade union participation in politics. In 1943, he transformed the SITU into the Jamaica Labor Party with Bustamante as president. Bustamante and his Jamaica Labor Party contested and won the first elections in 1944.

However, Bustamante the labor leader who frowned on any political engagement by his trade union was elected as the first premier of

Jamaica.

Bustamante's political power was the determining factor in per­ suading Hanley to form his National Workers Union. The Jamaica exper­ ience is not unique to that territory. All these territories have had

38 Osmond Dyce, Trade Unions and Politics, (a lecture delivered to a leadership Training Seminar in Trinidad, July 12, 1964,) P* 5; Cf, Sylvester Hondeair, "Trade Unions and Politics,11 Transport Worker. September 8 , 19S6, p. 4. The attitude of the labor leaders has not changed. The Chief Secretary-Treasurer of the Transport-Induatrial Workers Union, Sylvester Mondesir, encouraged trade unionists to take a more active part in politics hecausa of the- dangers which the working class movement in Trinidad and Tobago faces under the present government (P.N.H.l which he claims is "anti worker."

33Ih id ., p. 6. 130 a similar evolution where trade unions have functioned as political 40 parties* It is, therefore, reasonable to state that the major ques­ tions of slum clearance, housing, land, reform, constitutional changes, and public health had to be solved by means of political action. All the trade unions in the area have clarified their position on the poli­ tical orientation of their organizations that no one can misunderstand.

This political question was clearly stated in the "Constitution of the

Commercial, Technical and Allied Workers Union" of St* Vincent in 1963.

In this statement of its policy, the constitution acknowledged the desirability of its leadership and members "to fight whether by political action or economic action or by social, welfare or community activity to eradicate poverty, ignorance and disease,r1^ The lack of proper political institutions was so pronounced that the workers were pushed into militant action to secure constitutional advancement for the area. In short, West Indian society dislikes the worker and con­ siders his labor as a commodity to be bought and dispensed with without thinking that the worker is an integral part of the society. This low social status of the worker is in keeping with the historical evolution of West Indian society.

^®In Antigua, St, Kitts, St. Lucia, St, Vincent, Grenada, Guyana and Qarkadoa, trade unions were in the forefront of political indepen­ dence, The St, Lucia workers union in the labor arm of the St, Lucia Labor Party. In Antigua, The Antigua Trades and Labor Union functions as a trade union and political party. Vere Bird is the President and Prime Minister of Antigua; Caribbean Congresa of Labor Hewsletter. February 21, 1964, p, 2. It is mentioned here that "it participates in every aspect of democratic activity in the country and is very influen­ tial in government." (sic).

^Constitution of the Commercial. Technical and Allied Workers Union. (Kingston, St, Vincent: November 29,-December 1, 1963), passim. 131

Whether labor will become "apolitical" depends on the middle

class professional politicians - the "new brokers" of West Indian society.

Since the Second World War, the West Indian worker has become more

radicalized. This is because the worker has seen his problem In a world

contest - a world struggle against imperialism. In this way, the West

Indian worker is convinced that his destiny is similar to that of other workers in the world, especially those in the Third World of which he is

a part.^ So the new attitude and psychology of the West Indian labor movement is guided by these considerations. No longer Is the worker prepared to accept his inferior social status but is ready to fight

to improve his social condition in a community of varied and conflicting social Interests, Labor’s overt participation in strictly political matters was very pronounced during 1935-1950. The primary interest of

the labor leaders was to secure political Independence from the Crown.

No West Indian territory, however, was granted full independence before

1962, The dominant and influential politicians were labor leaders whose power was gradually being eroded by the middle class professional politicians whom the Crown considered as the "new brokers" for an inde­ pendent West Indies, The politics of this new middle class did not differ from that of the Crown. As a consequence, a rift among the labor-politicians was inevitable during the yearn 1950 to 1970 on strictly ideological grounds*

The Nation. June 9, 1967, p* 1. George Weekes condemned the members of the ruling People’s National Party for being "the quislings of the army of occupation" CTnataco, Tate and Lyle and British Petroleum) for committing "acts of aggression against the workers in the West Indies." CHAPTER V

THE NEW POLITICS AND THE LABOR MOVEMENT 1950-1970

WEST INDIAN SOCIALISM: AN INTERPRETATION

The principal early advocate of Vest Indian socialism was

Andrew Cipriani. He was of middle-class West Indian origin who pub­ lished the Socialist, a paper concerned primarily with social reforms and West Indian Federation,* Nothing in his writings showed any trace of Marxist socialism to solve West Indian problems. Cipriani did not devote his energies to the issue of imperialism and colonialism.

Manley and Adams were In the 1930*3 also considered socialists.

Their socialism was reformist atid was patterned and influenced by

Cipriani. This type of socialism, reasoned Richard Hart, the Jamaican

Marxist, leaned "mere and more to the right*""* This economic and poli­ tical program of social reform proposed compulsory education, workmen’s compensation, an eight-hour day, abolition of child labor, minimum wages, prison reform, adult suffrage, self-government and political federation for the West Indies.

The labor movement, therefore, from the nature of its program

Novelle Richards, Socialism and the West Indies: Its Origins and Aims, (Trinidad: 1959), p. 6. 2 A, Chase, ap, cit,, p. Ik, Cipriani advocated that the West Indies should seek self-government which would permit the colonies "to conduct their own affairs under a colonial Parliament. . ."

•^PNF’s New Policy, op. cit., p. 15*

132 133

was considered socialist in that its leaders attempted to solve the

social questions which affected the body politic through legislative

action.^ The major issue which confronted those early labor politicians

was liow to nationalize all utilities and basic industries. It was Im­

possible for these early middle-class politicians to attempt nationali­

zation of oil, sugar and bauxite and the public utilities of electricity

and transportation, because the party hierarchy owned the major indus­

tries, Hence in no way was it possible to form a "democratic socialist

party" as Adams would have done.** Even Manley who adopted a political

ideology based on socialism has changed his mind on vital national

issues so often that it is very difficult to categorize him as a soci­

alist, It is also true that the People’s Motional Party is composed of

both right and left wing elements. Whenever the Left pursues left wing

doctrinaire policies, this segment of the party is liable to be ex­

pelled, ^ However, it was not the left wing in the party which espoused

socialism, but Borman Manley who "was by social status and financial

position a conservative nationalist."^ Unlike the party hierarchy, the

party members display "a stubborn attachment to the labels and symbols

4 Labor Marches On, {A record of achievements and statement of the future policy of the Barbados Labor Party, 1951). The slogan of the Barbados Labor Party was: "Vote Labor, Vote Left." The program was re­ formist! and pro-working class.

"'Report of the 2nd World Congress, (ICETU), Milan 1951, p. 214, Adams anticipated a workers party that "will act against the employers in the interest of the workers and force the government into siding with the working class,"

^In 1951, Arthur Henry, Richard Hart, Ken Hill and Frank Hill were expelled from the PHP for left wing views.

^Hew World Fortnightly, No. 9, op. cit., p. 4. 134

D of socialism,11 By 1952, Hanley’s socialism was becoming a hindrance

to the party's progress and he (Manley) was obliged to clarify the party’s position on the major issue of nationalization of the major in­ dustries. In 1954, David Goore, representing the Party Executive at the

University of the West Indies Summer School at Ilona, Jamaica, announced

that the Party T1had no intention to nationalize existing industries. . ,

Manley himself disavowed socialism as unworkable and impractical on April

22, I960 in an Interview with a Canadian Cultural Mission when he de­ clared that his government 11 though socialist, could not adopt all the formal concepts of socialism, Nationalization as a fundamental prin­ ciple in West Indian socialist thought would not encourage private capi­

tal to come into Jamaica or any territory in the West Indies. Manley's socialism use, nt first, singularly "out of purely opportunist considera­ t ions"^ and his final disavowal was prompted by the reality of West 12 Indian economic limitations" and his inability to win future elections.

Though Manley becajna disenchanted with socialism, Burnham and

Ibid,, p. 15. The right wing leadership never attempted to abolish "the Party's clinched fist salute, nor could they prescribe the singing of the Red Flag."

^Ibid., pp, 15-16,

^ I b i d , , p. 16.

n ibid., p. 15. 1 2 Richards, op. cit,, p. 7; Cf. Nation, September 29, 1967, p. 6. Williams frowns upon socialism because of the "harsh political, economic and social realities" West Indian society faces. 135

Jagan discussed the economic development of Guyana and the West Indies

in relation to socialism. The People's National Congress* whose presi­

dent is Forbes D u m b am, advocates a policy of democratic socialism with emphasis on "cooperatives" to guarantee the worker full economic privi- 13 leges in his society. Within the framework of democratic socialism,

the PNC "supports a socialist program of economic development. . ." and is "revolutionary in its intention to change the old order. ,fl^ how­

ever, the PNC ifl following a very cautious and pragmatic plan in its approach to economic development in Guyana. Burnham is desirous of pri­ vate capital and expertise for the development of Guyana but intends

finally to wrest control of all economic units from the privote sector.

This policy of eventual control of economic development is "the responsi­ bility of the state.

Burnham's democratic socialism will function within his coopera­ tive Republic. Its social basis is the "African cooperative villages" and "the Indian communal labor"^ which are characteristic of Guyanese and West Indian culture. This type of "social cooperativism" is func­ tionally related to West Indian family tradition and, therefore, has a

^V e e k End Post and Sunday Argosy. September 1* 1963, p. 2. 14 Guyana, {Reference Division, London: H.M.E.O., February, 1966)* p. 9.

-^Spotlight. May, 1961, p. 13.

^ N e w Nation, (Guyana) {official organ of the PNC) , November 23, 1969* p. 12, strong indigenous foundation.^ The cooperative Republic does not ex­

clude big business from participating in this historical venture of 18 nation building- But the emphasis is on the worker who f,has had far

legs economic power than his political power-In thia "new approach"

the worker will not only participate "in a real way in the growth and ownership of the nation’s wealth" but will see the truth of "the politi­ cal concept of one man one vote" translated "into the economic life of the nation.

The formula for achieving this democratic socialism ia "the 21 ideology of cooperation 11 among all sectors of the community. It is 22 an attempt "to involve the masses of people In economic planning."

This "cooperative enterprise" will enable the poor masses of workers to help build and strengthen the nation. With this psychological uplift, o all Guyanese will become partners working for the same cause— the State.

This "cooperative philosophy" will foster greater social contact among the different economic classes and racial groups with the purpose of

Loc cit. Rice cultivation is a family enterprise. It strengthens the kinship relation. "Social cooperativism" will adopt this social pattern and reinforce it. 18 New Nation, December 14, 1969, p. B. 19- Loc. cit. 20 Loc. cit. 21 New Nation, September 21, 1969, p. 2.

^^INew Nation, October 12, 1969, p. 7.

^ N e w Nation, January 4 t 1970, p. 1, 137 minimizing "intercammunal problems" which are principally "a reflection 2i of class" antagonisms identified as ethnic and racial problems- This

"new approach is bold and revolutionary.'1 It is the worker who, once n. f more, is beginning to be a real part in Nest Indian society. IiumhamrB

socialism stresses the importance oE the "little man" who muat be grouped 26 into cooperatives "for Implementing socialism in Guyana." Burnham has

shied away from the issue of nationalization and doctrinaire Marxist socialism to which Jagan has made a committment.

Jagan1& socialism was viewed with alarm by the Colonial Office because he had Intended to curtail the influence and power of the local

and foreign economic interests. Jagan’s political philosophy is doc­

trinaire and views the Vest Indian worker as a part of the world struggle

against imperialism. However, addressing the Committee of Seventeen of

the United Nations In July 1962, Jagan was careful to assure the committee

that he would build a "socialist economy within a framework of a parlia- 27 mentary democracy."

Jagan1 s People's Progressive Party is the only West Indian party

^ N e w Nation, October 12, 1969, op. cit., p. 7. 25 New Nation. December-January 4, 1970, op. cit., p. 1. Burnham "expressed confidence" that "the little man (the worker) will become a real man In our lifetime." 26 New Motion, December 14, 1969, op. cit,f p. 0. 27 Guyana, op. cit., p. 9. 138 to have direct contact with Moscow and Cuba,2® The other political parties are affiliated with the British Labor Party which is considered socialist. This is the reason why the People's National Congress

(Guyana) and the Democratic Labor Party (Barbados) have adopted the label of socialism. In fact, all Vest Indian political parties are right wing groupings except the PNC and the PPP which are left wing or radical in their approach to solving the problems facing the West Indian worker.

Bustamante, the lahor politician, eschewed socialism, and would not be drawn into any ideological question with Manley. And Eric

Williams, political leader of the People's National Movement, refused to have "socialist" tagged to the West Indian Federal Labor Party of which pq the PNM was an affiliate. Winston Mahabir, the former Miniscar of

Health in the People's National Movement government, lodged a similar 30 complaint against Eric Williams who wants nothing to do with socialism.

Most West Indian middle-class politicians do not understand the social dynamics— the communalisrn and voluntary village groupings of their society, and, therefore, are unable to capture the mood of the worker. On the whole, the West Indian middle-class politician has been

nD In 1966, George Weekes, president of the Oilfield Workers Trade Union, George Bowen, Editor of the Vanguard, and Clive Phill, mem­ ber of the Workers and Farmers Party, attended the Latin American Soli­ darity Conference in Cuba, 1967. 29 Jagan, The West on Trial, (New York: International Publishers, 1967), p. 183. 30 Winston Mahabir, The Challenges of Nationalism and Independence In the Multi-racial Society. (A lecture delivered at McGill University, Canada, 1967). Mahabir thinks Williams has become very reactionary and has joined with foreign and local capitalists to suppress the working class. 139

31 "completely aloof from the people", and, therefore, cannot, except for

Burnham, create and translate their political ideology to fit into the culture pattern of the people. Consequent to this weakness, the demo­ cratic socialists, conservatives and notionalists hove failed to forge o cohesive national society from the varied ethnic cultures of the West

Indian peoples.

Furthermore, West Indian society is still primarily agrarian where the bulk of the workers depend on agriculture for employment. The society has not reached the level of industrial sophistication which one would encounter in the advanced societies. So a political ideology can give purpose to the mas3 of poor workers who make up the labor movement.

The lahor movement composed of ordinary workers cannot frown upon the communalisii of both black and Indian worker. If Vest Indian labor lead­ ers fail to realize and appreciate this reality* the West Indian labor movement will continue to be divided and be easily susceptible to exter­ nal ideologies,

The Cold War and the Labor Movement.

The West Indian Labor Movement reflected the stresses of the Cold

War. After the Second World War, West Indian political leaders were split on the policies and programs to be implemented in the West Indies.

All the leaders (Manley, Bustamante, Adams, Jagan, etc.,) agreed that social change was inevitable but these very leaders were unable to decide on any positive plan for building West Indian society.

Two schools of thought have dominated the entire labor movement from the end of the Second World War until today. One school of

31 Richards, op. cit*, p, 9, 140

political thought whose chief protagonist is Clieddi Jagan* conceived

of the West Indies as a "part of a wider struggle against capitalism 32 and colonialism,M This doctrinaire Marxist approach by Jagan* the

former Guyanese prime minister and leader of the FPF, has not only helped to radicalize and sensitize Guyanese labor but the entire West 33 Indian labor movement as well* For it is in the context of the inter­

national workers struggle that West Indian labor lenders are orienting

the rank and file.

The opposing philosophy of Grantley Adams, former premier of

Barbados, is in direct contrast to Jagan1 s. Adams, a democratic social­

ist, schooled in British parliamentary practices has been critizad as nn 3 4 apologist of British colonialism. The two opposing philosophies have

a great effect on Ueat Indian labor. These concepts were formulated in

the pattern of the Cold War and have helped to internationalize the

labor movement.

The first major impact of the two opposing models was dramatized

during 1949 at the splitting of the World Federation of Trade Unions.

32 Smith, op. cit,, p. 169. Jagan cannot reconcile himself with Grantley Adams whom he still considers assisting imperialism at the ex­ pense of the workers. His views are also held by fellow left wing Marxists, Arthur Henry* Richard Hart, Ren Hill, and Frank Bill, whom Manley had to expel from the PNP for thoir left wing radicalism, 33 C.L.R, James, ,rThe Union and the Country*, Vanguard, September 17* 1965. According to James, the Oilfield Workers Trade Union is strategically placed f4n the Vanguard of the struggle against foreign imperialism,n 34 Jagan* ap. cit,* p. 160. In 1946 Grantley Adams* addressing the UN General Assembly meeting in Paris, spoke in defense nf British colonial policies. 141

35 West Indian labor politicians abandoned the WFTU and helped found the

International Confederation of Free Trade Unions, Almost all the West

Indian labor politicians who attended the London menting in 1949 voiced

their fear of communism.^ Vest Indian labor politicians supported in

full measure the political ideology of the ICFTU In the London meeting

of 1949, Two years later at the meeting of the ICFTU in Hi Ian, Adams 37 was appointed a member of the Executive Doard. ' Grantley Adams was

representative of this group of labor politicians who wholeheartedly

supported the ideals of the ICFTU, Such political idealism was unfavor­ able to Richard Hart and Cheddi Jagan who did not want West Indian labor

to play a supporting role in the interest of the ICFTU,

Jagan disagreed with Adams and the Cold War policies of the

West which he (Jagan) believed were in favor of colonialism. By

January 1950, Jagan, quoting from a resolution of the Trade Union Confer­ ence of Asian and Australasian countries held under the auspices of the

World Federation of Trade Unions, presented the immediate issue confront­

ing West Indian working class. The resolution charged that "the

^ F * W. Dailey, General Industrial Conditions and Labor Relations in Trinidad, (Trinidadi GPQ, 1954), p. 33. Up to 1954 two of the most influential unions were still members of the WFTU. The President-General of the OWTU had just returned from the socialist countries "and was pub­ licly expressing the greatest admiration for the Soviet System, , *"

^Report of the ICFTU Conference 1949, November-December, London, pp, 47-75. G.F. Charles of St. Lucia Workers Union and R, Bradshaw of the St. Kitta-Nevis Trades and Labor Union sought financial aid to fight communism. 37 In 1952, Barbados was made the headquarters for the ICFTU operations in the Caribbean. Adams, who helped to found the organisa­ tion, was then prime minister of Barbados, 142 reactionary leaders of tlie AF of L* the CIO, and the British TUC" were

"assisting In the realisation of Imperialistic plans. . .to intensify 3S the plunder (sic) of the working people.11 lagan'a position was immediately challenged once more by Grantley Adams, leader of the

Barbados Workers Union and premier of Barbados. In 1952, Adams made a position statement defining how West Indian labor should be developed in light of the Cold War, tie emphatically stated that the Caribbean peoples and, particularly the West Indian worker, must support those nations which were in favor of "freedom and social justice as against the tctali- 39 tarian system that sought to oppress the human spirit."

Adams speaking before the Second World Congress (ICFTU) in Milan,

1951, was convinced chat neither the United States nor Britain was help­ ing the West Indies for selfish reasons.^ He argued persuasively in

Milan, 1951, for West Indian labor unions to abandon the World Federa­ tion of Trade Unions for the International Confederation of Free Trade

Unions.

The former organization was controlled by the Russians and was manipulated for their own political benefit. The Americans and the

British, unwilling to cope with the politics within the WFTU* left this

30 F. A. Ilayas, The Rise of West Indian Democracy. (Barbados: Advocate Press, 1953), p. 179.

39Ibld., p. 183, AO Report of the 2nd World Congress (ICJTU) op. cit., p. 215, 1951. Adams suggested to organizers of the new federation of labor (ICFTU) "that the AFL and CIO and the Canadian Congress of Labor should send observers11, . . to the West Indies "to see what help they could give the trade union. . ,rT 143

world organisation to set up the International Confederation of Free

Trade Unions in 1949.

Adams did not view the Issue of colonialism and Imperialism as

did Jngan or Richard llart. He was also in favor of the American Federa­

tion of Labor, the Congress of Industrial Organization and the Canadian

Congress of Labor to assist their West Indian counterparts, since

American and British aid to the Caribbean are prompted more by "the

spirit of moral leadership" and their "desire to help poorer friends. .

Hart, In a May Day massage, charged imperialism having failed to thwart

"the advances of the Caribbean masses by frontal attack", was succeeding

by "introducing" among the workers its "agent in the form of the so- 42 called ICFTU." Adams was virtual master of the labor movement in the

Caribbean. He was ably supported by Manley and Hubert H, Critchlow,

founder of the British Guiana Labor Union. With the support of these

influential labor politicians, Adams was able to exercise much influence

as president of the Caribbean Labor Congress from its formation in

Barbados 1945 to 1952. Manley and H. tJ, Critchlow of Guyana were the

vice-presidents with Richard Hart, later head of the Jamaica Socialist 43 Party, as Secretary. The Caribbean Labor Congress which was formed

with a policy of socialism and independence for the West Indian people,

was finally scrapped about 1952 because of ideological conflicts between

41Ibid.

^^Hoyoa, p. 181. Ken Hill, Frank Hill, Richard Hart and Arthur Henry, who had controlled the Jamaica TCU, refused to withdraw from the WFTU, 43 Hoyas, op, cit., p, 185, Adams vowed not to allow the "Caribbean Labor Congress to be used as q pawn in the Cold War power politico." 144

Grantley Adams who favored the West and Clicddi Jag an wlio supported the policies of Soviet Russia. This ideological conflict,therefore, has con- continued to plague West Indian labor- It was clearly dramatized in

Guyana during 195Q-1964 when the People’s Progressive Party was in power.

The tensions of the Cold War which Adams attempted to keep out of the A A Caribbean was given a temporary setback in 1952.

In Guyana, the Trade Union Council actively participates in politics as do other labor federations in the Caribbean. The dominant trade union in Guyana is the Manpower Citizens Association. Around 1951

Cheddi lagan was the Treasurer of this union and also president of the

Saw Mills and Forest Workers Union while he held positions as Minister of Trade and Industry, Prime Minister, and leader of the Peoples Pro­ gressive Party.

Forbes Burnham, the present prime minister of Guyana* was presi­ dent of the British Guiana Trade Union Council and Chairman of the Peoples

Progressive Party (PPP) before he formed his own People’s National Con­ gress (PNC). Richard Ishmael, a political rival of Cheddi Jagan is now the new president of the Manpower Citizens Association. Ishmael and

Jagan held conflicting views on political and labor matters and by 1953, the MPCA was the principal internal opponent to Jaganfs Labor Relations

Bill, The schism that occurred in the labor movement in Guyana followed doctrinaire ideological biases which polarized the "reds" against the

^Jdgan, op. cit., pp. ISO-181. Since West Indian Labor politicians had close ties with the British TUC and the British Labor Party it was obvious that these leaders would not have had continued affiliation with the WFTU. 145

"employer stooges."^

A split occurred In 1953 in the Guyanese labor movement* The

People's Progressive Party used the MPCA, of which Jagan was treasurer, to gain political power In 1950* The MPCA represented the Indian sugar 46 workers and the black urban workers prior to 1953. It was easy for the People’s Progressive Party to gain popular support because Cheddi

Jagan represented the aspirations of the Indian clement, and Forbes

Burnham, former president of the Waterfront Union, represented the black urban worker. Also, it was the first time in Guyanese history when a multi-racial political party "took up the cause of the laborers In the national legislaturejjQth Jagan and Burnham were "folk heroes" to this lower class community. They were the most powerful figures in the country and as long os they remained united, they were a serious threat 48 to the status quo. But within a year after taking office In 1953, the

"unity" within the PFP was shattered after the government was discredited

45 Tello, op. cit., p. 9. The MPCA was considered a company union ruled by the Sugar Manufacturers Association. 46 The Workers and Farmers Party of Trinidad gains most of its support from the sugar and oilfield workers. The sugar workers are chiefly Indians end the oilfield workers are primarily black. This party has very little political influence. 47 Chandra Jayawardena. "Ideology and Conflict in lower Class Communities", Comparative Studies in Society and History: An Interna­ tional Quarterly. Vol. 10, No. 4, (Ann Arbor; University of Michigan, July 1960), p. 417. 48 Smith, op, cit,, p. 163, Britain had hoped that after the PFP gained power, it would become less ideological "in partnership with British officials and foreign businessmen"; Cf. Phillip Reno, The Ordeal of British Guiana, Vols. 3 and 4, (New York; Monthly Review Press, July-August, 1964), p. 18. "... the sugar companies and the United States and British unions simply feared the outcome of a free bargaining agent. . ." contended Phillip Reno. 146 for trying to control the labor movement by giving the Minister of Labor power over the trade unions. However, the Issue of "communist subversion" 49 was die principal charge against Jagan anti the PFP. The charge of communism was enough to divide the Guyanese labor movement and split the party hierarchy Into pro-Burnham and pra-Jagan factions,The schism within the party, therefore, divided Guyanese society ethnically and ideologically,

Jaganfs detractors have condemned the FFP for all the problems in Guyanese society and in the labor movement because of his introduc­ tion of the Labor Relations Bill in 1953. The Labor Relatione Bill was opposed by organized labor led by Ishmael, The Bill was again intro­ duced in 1963,

The People's Progressive Party is a mass party or populist party.

It was the first one to be formed in the West Indies and to gain politi­ cal control of the government. It gained power in 1953 after winning the first general elections under universal adult suffrage. The party organized its own labor union in the sugar belt to compete against the established Manpower Citizens Association, The party is anti—imperialist.

Jagan, op. cit., p. 170, The PPP was considered communist; Cf. Ohcar Bishop, British Guiana Parliament* (Georgetown: Demerara, n.d.), p. 6, It was believed that Jagan1 s government was controlled by commu­ nists, Cf. The Communist Martyr, (The account of the struggle for free trade unionism in British Guiana 1964), published by the BGTUC passim; Smith, op. cot., p. 176, Harold MacMillan, then Minister of Housing and Local Government during the House of Commons Debate of B.C. acknowledged that "none of the separate accusations against the People's Progressive Party leaders could be held sufficient enough to Justify the serious course which Har Majesty’s Government had to adopt. * ."

"^Chaae, op, cit., p, 209. Burnham, speaking of the Bill, knew that "It guarantees a basic human right to join any trade union" which the worker "desires to join. , ," 147

It has adopted this policy because It thinks that Guyana Is too dominated 51 by foreign capitalists who exploit the wealth of the country. The only way to stop this wanton exploitation concluded the PFF, is by or­ ganising a socialist state and developing Guyana into a people's democracy.

The PPP is a new phenomenon representing tho aspirations of the

Vest Indian working class which had been demanding social reform from their leaders. The anti-imperialism and socialist policies of the PPP were influenced by the historical development of the West Indian working 52 class. The first approach to solving the social injustices in the society was the immediate introduction in 1953 of the Labor Relations Bill by the PPP government. This Bill was aimed at permitting "the free forma- 51 tlon of labor unions." The Bill would have permitted the workers,

through a secret ballot* to decide the union of their choice. Any new union challenging the old one in an industry would have to poll upward of

65 percent of the workers' votes. Any union which gains recognition in any industry would be recognized as the sole bargaining representative of the workers. Hie Minister of Labor would not have direct control over the union but he could use his power to see that recognition of the union is maintained. In thin way, the Bill would eliminate many of the juris­ dictional conflicts in a single industry where management lias to contend

"^Smith, op. cit., p. 169; Cf. Dailey, op. cit,* pp. 39-40. The West Indian Independence Party of Trinidad had a similar policy.

^Caribbean Conference Bulletin. Vol. 1* No, 2, 1967, p. 7. C.L.R, James calls for a concerted effort by Caribbean peoples to "tear off two centuries of Imperialist domination. . .before we can see our past clearly and know what we have to do." Cf. New World Quarterly , March 1963* p. 5. The aspirations of the PPP were "in the context historically necessary and operationally" sound, 53 Ayearst* op. cit., p. 154. This Bill according to the standards of attitudes of the colonial planters "was no doubt revolutionary." Cf. Chase, op. cit., pp. 209-210. 14 B with more than one union. This practice was In keeping with the princi­ pals of parliamentary democracy. For instituting trade union democracy, the PFP was accused by the MPCA of attempting to put the unions into the "hands of the Minister of Labor,

The PPF contended that the MPCA was a company union and was not duly representing the workers who showed their displeasure at the results of the 1953 general elections.^ In the 1953 general elections the MPCA president, vice-president, and secretary were candidates for public office. They were nominated by the National Democratic Party, a middle- class party and arch rival of the PPP, a workers' party. They were all unsuccessful. Even the MPCA's secretary, who ran in a sugar area, did not gain a seat. It was the PPP that won large majorities in this elec­ tion. The National Democratic Party won only two seats in the urban areas. For the first time the urban blacks and the East Indian workers united to elect a worker's government. This general election won by the PFP'a labor politicians was the first time that a worker’s government

~*^Thc Communist Martyr, op. cit. passim, Trinidad's Institutional Stabilization Act, (1965) had a similar philosophy,

^Guy a n a Graphic, August 8, 1966, p. 1, Richard Ishmael, presi­ dent of the MPCA called "for an increase in the local selling price of sugar" at the 28th annual delegates conference of the MPCA. The request for the increase was unanimously accepted. However, "delegates repre­ senting the sugar workers" noted with grave concern the tremendous hard­ ships placed on the workers in the industry; Cf, Mirror (Guyana) Monday, August 8, 1966, p. 1, W,E. Harrison, Secretary of Guyana Sugar Producers Association was quite "glad to see the MPCA passing a motion to back the price of sugar for local consumption."

"^Tello, op. cit* In 1953, the election was a worker’s election where ministers were labor officials and recognition for the Guyanese Agricultural Workers Union was sympathetically supported by these PPP ministers; Cf. Peter Newman, British Gu_lana; Problems of Cohesion in an Immigrant Society. (London Institute of Race Relations: Oxford U* Press, 1964), p. BO. The PPP was the "political expression of the united working front" which seized power in 1953 only to be expelled by the British; in Trinidad the Nest Indian Independence Party which was socialist never gained power. 149 was legally elected in the West Indies. However, 11. . .the party's trade union group was unable to shade the position of the MPCA which had both the collective contract In the sugar industry and the support of the

Sugar Producers Association. So the new legislation proposed by the

PPP government was designed to make it possible for the GWU to oust the

MPCA from the sugar-labor field."^The PPP did not succeed in realising its ambition for a break in the unity of the party leadership divided the workers Into pro-Burnliam and pro-Jagan factions. The basis of power was shattered and Guyana's society experienced severe social tensions common to a multi-racial society. Race then became a major criterion for mobility and politics was discussed in terms of race and ethnic background, lagan's ambition to form a coalition of urban creole and rural East Indian middle class, resulting in a straight forward class struggle of the usual type, eluded his grasp.^

Ten years later (1963)s after the suspension of the Guyanese constitution in 1953, the Jagan government introduced a similar LaboT

Relations Bill which resulted in the serious GO-day strike. Curing those

80 days, Forbes Burnham, president of the British Guiana Labor Union and leader of the People's National Congress, with Richard Ishmael, president

□f the MPCA, were not frustrated as in 1953, because of the international 59 labor alliances working in their favor. Burnham and Ishmael gained

E J Alexander, op. cit., p. 229, 58 Newman, op. cit., p. 78. 59 "The Situation in Guyana", Tree Labour World, No, 42, December 1953, p. 3-4. The ICFTU has two affiliates in Guyana: The MPCA and the British Guiana Union of Journalists (BGUJ), The TUC (Guyana) and the ICFTU "itself did all in their (sic) power to intervene". On the Execu­ tive Board of the ICFTU, two views prevailed: (a) Britain "had no al­ ternative", (b) a more acceptable procedure should follow "to deal with it." 150 the support of Britain, United States and the ICFTU.^ Jagan found assistance in Cuba and Russia.^

In the big power politics that ensued, the Guyanese worker was caught in the middle. His survival was seen and understood in the con- 62 text of the Cold War foreign policies of Britain, U. S. and Canada.

The United States and Britain understood the Guyanese situation in this context and reacted accordingly to protect their interests. To in­ fluence the Guyanese worker and to alert him against the conspiratorial nature of communism, Peter D 1Aguiar, businessman and president of the

United Front was responsible for bringing Ur, Fred Schwartz’s anti-

The American Institute for Free Labor Development Country Labor Plan Guyana, (Washington: n.p., 1968), p. 22, "The primary goal" of the U. S, "is to support and assist the one element in the society which is in the militant cause of freedom, democracy, economic aid and social progress— the trade union movement”; Cf. "The Situation in Guyana, op. cit., p. 3. The ICFTU stated that its interest was to uphold Freedom and democracy in the free World Labor movement wherever it is threatened. In Guyana "the past was misery" and Guyana cannot lead suddenly Into "the ranks of mature, constructive democracy" without assistance.

^Caribbean Congress of Labor Newsletter. April 28, 1964, p. 1. The MPGA charged Jagan with "systematic hooliganism.1' Cf. Sunday, Graphic, June 2, 1963. 62 The Inter-American Labor Bulletin. Vol. 17, No. 2, February, 1966, p. 1.

^Survey of the Alliance for Progress--Labor Policies and Pro­ grams. (A study prepared at the request of the sub-committee on American Republic Affairs by the staff of the committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate, together with a report of the Comptroller General), (D.L., USGPQ, July 15, 1968), p. 9. The United States "support­ ed Burnham over Cheddi Jagan in Guyana"; Cf. The Inter-American Labor Bulletin, vol. 18, Nos. 10-11, October-November, 1966, p. 6. Burnham acknowledges that the AFL-GIO "has been of considerable assistance" during the 1963 strike and after. 151 communist crusade and Moral Rearmament into Guyana. Jagan was unable to withstand tlie pressure of the external forces which gave assistance to his opponents within the Guyanese labor movement. Jagan was al­ ways afraid that the full wrath of the Western democracies would be brought down upon liim.^ Jagan was nothing less than a parvenu— an upstart who worked diligently to change the existing order, lie failed to change it; it was impossible to do it. Both the GAWU (Guyana Agri­ cultural Union) - PPP and the MPCA - BGTUC - PNC represented the conflic­ ting ideologies of the Cold War of both the United States and Russia.

Both Jagan and Burnham were no longer attuned to the national interests of Guyanese society. Their principal interest, charged the Sunday

Graphic, was to maintain and obtain power to support the policies of &7 their international supporters.

The Guyanese experience is not unique to West Indian labor since Guyana is a cultural part of the wider East Indian historical

Newman* op. cit., p. SB,

^Caribbean Congress of Labor* December 30, 1963, op, cit., Richard Hart, the Jamaican Marxist, gave hia expertise to the Jagan government during the crisis- He was employed by the Guiana Publishing Co., which is owned by the PPP. Jack Kelshall, a Trinidadian Marxist, was Jagan’s confidential secretary. 66 Newman, op. cit,, p, 85; Cf. Daily Chronicle, Overseas Edition, Georgetown, Guyana, S.A., June 23, 1964, p. 3* Also Daily Chronicle, Georgetown, Guyana, August 15, 1963. Doth Peter D ’Aguiar and Senator Ann Jardim accused Jagan af using Cimpex, a private trading organization, to smuggle arms and money from Russia via Cuba to Guyana.

^Sunday Graphic, Guyana, op, cit. The ideological commitment of the GAWU - PPP alliance argued Mondaine (nomdepluma of critic) demon­ strated that the PPP was too "involved in a conspiratorial struggle.1' As the MPCA-BGTUC-PNC alliance, it was "forced into a tacit alliance with the U.S.A. and its Internal allies in Guyana.11 152

experience. The Guyanese labor movement has experienced the same

historical stresses as Trinidad, Jamaica anti Barbados,**^ For in all

these territories, the same social legislation was effected by the

Crown. Furthermore, the Cold War policies of the major metropolitan

countries have demonstrated that the West Indian labor movement will

continue to be influenced by external forces because of Its importance

in the evolution of West Indian society. The poverty and outward orien­

tation make the labor movement depend on foreign organizations for fi- * 69 nancial help.

In 1970, the West Indian labor movement was affiliated with

ICFTU and its regional body, QRIT, Whatever position this international

and regional body take on foreign policies towards the communists is

reflected within the Caribbean labor movement. For the labor movement, which was once the center of social change in the society, is now wooed

6B Osmond Dyce, "Labor Unites in Trinidad", Free Labor World. 193/94, July-August 1966. In the late 1940*b the new National Federa­ tion of Trade Unions was sat up in opposition to the WFTU affiliated TUG, which left later and merged with the National Federation of Trade Unions in December 1957. It later Joined the ICFTU. The split, which occurred in the labor movement in 1965, was patched up by Joe Morris of the Canadian Labor Congress and Robert Gross of ORIT (ICFTUrs regional body) and Frank Walcct, an ICFTU Executive Board member; Cf. Dailey, op. cit., pp. 39-40. 69 Osmond Dyce, "The Check Off System in the Caribbean, Free Labor World, No, 142, April 1962, p. 131. The check off system started about nine years ago. It is in force in sugar, manufacturing, ports, dry goods, and oil in Trinidad, Jamaica and Guyana. St. Lucia intro­ duced this Bystem in 1950. Dues are about eight cents per week, which is "too low" according to Dyce. 153

70 relentlessly by the Free World in its fight against communism. Anti­

communism was the theme of the first conference of the ICFTU held in

London, 1949. West Indian leaders such as G.F.L, Charles of the St.

Lucia Workers Union and Robert Bradshaw of the St. Kltts-Nevis Trades and Labor Union demanded aid from the World Labor Organisation to 71 "assist In the fight against communism."

Richard Islimael. Speech delivered at the 3rd Continental Congress, held in San Jose, Costa Rica, April 13-17, 1955, p. 28; Cf. Report of the Sixth Continental Congress of ORIT, February 2-6, 1965, Mexico City, p. 56. In 1962, a tension increased in the Guyanese labor movement. The "international labor movement" was forced "to step up its own vigilance." This was to demonstrate "to government (Jagan1s) that the free internation labor sectors were united in support of the BGTD." Cf. Labor Advocate (official organ of the MPCA), Sunday, July 28, 1963, p. 2. George Heany, president of the AFL-CIO, cabled Richard Ishmael, president of the MPCA, congratulating him "for the magnificent fight waged by BGTU In defence of democratic trade union principles. ."

^ICFTU Report 1949, op, cit. (London), November-Dee ember, p. 49. Cf. Dailey, op. cit,, pp. 39-40* In 1952 the West Indian Independence Party had adopted a program against Imperialism and Colonialism. The Oilfield Workers Trade Union and the Federated Workers Union were affili­ ated with this Party which was considered "communist inspired and to a large extent directed," The party is now practically non-existent. Senator John Rojas, former head of the OWTU, la now a member of the People's National Movement and Quintln O ’Connor, former head of the FWTU is dead. However, the Workers and Farmers Party whose preisdent is the Troskylte C*L.R. James, has a good working relation with the Oilfield Workers Trode Union (OWTU). CHAPTER VI

LABOR LEGISLATION AND INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS 1867-1970

Labor Legislation 1867-1962. Labor legislation in the West

Indies resembles the labor laws of the United Kingdom, The British labor laws since 1930, when Lord Passcfield advised all West Indian governors to improve social conditions, were simplified to suit the

West Indies. Prior to this date— 1930— no labor law passed by the

British Parliament was applicable to the West Indies* In 1871 British trade unions were held to be legal organizations."^ But this law was not applied to British West Indian territories because it was thought that 3uch laws were advanced societies* Even the Master and Servant Act as amended in 1867 was still fashionable in the Caribbean up to 1939,

This amendment provided remedies for bTeach of contract between employer and employee. But In the Caribbean, employers had the liberty to form associations and they cooperated in matters affecting wages paid and hours worked. Since British labor legislation did not take the West

Indian worker into consideration, it meant that any combination or labor union that went on strike, was committing a crime and liable to penal sanction*

The first labor law to encourage workers1 organizations was passed In 1930* Such laws were Influenced by the British Parliament.

^British Trade Union Act, 1891, Sections 2 and 3,

154 155

9 In September 17, 1930, Lord rassfiold (Sidney Webb) Impressed by the deplorable social end Industrial conditions and an obsolete Master end

Servant Act, realized the necessity for labor unions. The Circular

Despatch from Lord Passfield stipulated that labor unions were not crimi­ nal bodies and were to be encouraged as lawful entities. It Is true that many of the labor enactments encouraged by the U.K. in her West

Indian colonies were those based on the International Labor Conventions of the I.L.O. relating to the employment of women in industry, to young persons and children, to dock workers, to minimum wages and to workmen's compensation, but these laws did not grant the workers1 organizations the right to collective bargaining. The principle of collective bar­ gaining, which is a fundamental ingredient of union democracy was not encouraged. Hence wage increases and improved social benefits were to be determined by the generosity of the employers. The right to picket without incurring any legal sanction which the Trade Dispute Act of

1906 granted to the British worker, was denied his West Indian counter­ part.^ Pear of the worker by the Crown and local authorities required that labor unions must engage solely in economic matters. But the fact

^Lord Passfield, September 17, 1930 In Circular Despatch on the Trade Union Ordinances Mo. 10 of 1932. It followed the U.K. Law of 1871, 1876, 1906, 1913 and Part II of the Trade Disputes and Trade Union Act of 1927, 3Ibid,

^Labor Supervision in the Colonial Empire 1937-19A3, Bo. 185, (London H.M.S-O., 1943), p. 12. The governors agreed that such trade union legislation to benefit the worker was unnecessary and "premature" because of the backward "stage of development" of trade unions in the society. 156

that trade unions were to refrain from political action was "an addition­

al and challenging motivation for political unionism,"'*

Tile early labor unions that ware confronted with the necessity

of registering either were not registered or functioned as loose group­

ings of special interests to avoid legal sanctions by the local authori­

ties, These special interest groups were difficult to categorize as either labor unions or political parties.** To assure the International

Labor Organization and the colonies of its interest in labor problems,

Britain by 1937, Introduced labor departments in her colonies for ex­ changing Information pertaining to labor. The colonial office acting as trustee for the British colonics, did not force the local governors and the employers to safeguard the rights of the natives* Colonial governors were reluctant to do go because they felt that the introduc­ tion of progressive laws governing labor would be inimical to the entire society because of the low level of ’'development attained by the unions. .

So union democracy, which would have, assisted in bringing about greater social Justice and safeguard the rights of the laboring masses, was not encouraged by the Colonial Office and the local governors. This negli­ gence was in vogue throughout the West Indies and it grew worse between

^Walter Bowen, Colonial Trade Unions, Series No. 167, (London: Fabian Publications 1954), p. 68# ", . .the British registration re­ quirements and subsequent restrictions. , .actually provided an addi­ tional and challenging motivation for political unionism."

^Butler’s British Empire Workers and llome Rule Party was neither a political party nor a trade union. Cipriani's Trinidad and Tobago Workingmen's Association did not register as n trade union though It pressed for trade union legislation.

^Labor Supervision, op, cit., p* 12. 157

1930 and 1962. As e consequence to the lack of effective labor laws to protect the Interest of the workers, West Indian employers developed a policy of overt repression. Intimidation, and victimization of the workers. No West Indian territory escaped the repressive force of these

local governments and the employers. In Jamaica, throe years after Lord

Passfield's Circular to West Indian governments, the workers in the Public

Works Department in Jamaica struck for an increase in pay from 2/- to

4/- per day {1 shilling WI ** about $0.24 cts, US). The workers were pro­ testing the low wages paid to meet the rising cost of living engendered by the depressed state of the economy. The entire West Indian society, especially the worker was greatly affected. Housing leaves much to be desired and, in many places, it was deplorable. Unemployment reached the point of desperation. The government, instead of democratically discus­ sing the issue with the workers, sent armed policemen against the workers to force them back to work. In Jamaica or in any other West Indian ter­ ritory, any effort on the part of the workers to organize for better O social rewards was deemed seditions and therefore ruthlessly crushed.

Five years later, in Trelawny, Jamaica, four persons were killed by the police in the course of a strike which occurred on that plantation.^

Armed repression of strikes was a common procedure in settling labor grievances.

In Barbados, during 1937, workers were charged before the

Criminal Assizes "with sedition and rebellion."^ During that very year,

Q A.A. Colehroke, "Labor Conditions in Jamaica", Negro Anthology, Nancy Cunard (ed.) 1931-1933. (London; Wishart and Co., 1934), p. 452. q George Padmore, ,TFacism in the West Indies", Crisis, Vol. 45 (Illinois: 1938), p. 78.

^Ibid., p. 79, Trinidad had a "Sedition Bill" to reduce labor agitation. 15B

Ulric Grant, a Barbadian labor leader was imprisoned for actively leading a workers' demonstration in that island, Trinidad did not escape tlie repression and intimidation of the Crown and local governments , ^ In

1937, the workers in the oilfields and sugar areas affected also by the worsening of the social conditions struck aa in all other islands in the

West Indies and Guyana- Uriah Butler was brought to trial as the one responsible for the labor disturbances in Trinidad, British warships

11. H.5. Ajax and 11.M.S. Exeter, with police, blue jackets, mariners and volunteers, landed In Trinidad to squash the labor revolts.^

Government control and intimidation became more evident during and after the Second World War. According to an article in the Inter­ national Labor Review, the local governments placed severe limitations on 1 1 "legitimate trade union activity*' which they equate with Bolshevism and 14 would not countenance such activities. Labor unions were frequently

Ibid., p. 78, Clem Payne, another labor leader, was deported from Barbados in 1937 to Trinidad and was imprisionetJ for six weeks be­ cause the political pamphlet "Liberty11 was found on him. Butler and Bustamante were similarly treated. Bustamante later formed an alliance with the managerial or propertied Interests. 12 Trinidad and Tobago Disturbances Cmd. 5641, op. cit., pp. G6-6B. The armed forces numbered 1,920 men plus 265 unarmed special constables. Total officers and men were 2,185. 13 Labor Problems in the West Indies, International Labor Review, Vol. 37, January-June, 1938, p. 501. 14 Padmore, op. cit., p. 79\ C£. Trinidad and Tobago Disturbances, op. cit., p. 7B, Prior to the workers' revolutions of the 1930*3 em­ ployers were slow in realizing the need for conciliation or collective bargaining. Their attitude was discouraging. Cf, also Labor Policies in the West Indies, op. cit., p. 159, Collective bargaining was slow in de­ veloping In the Windward islands. It was not better in other West Indian territories. 159

persecuted and tlie local governments were opposed to formulating laws

for their protection because labor unions were Illegal. The West India

Royal Commission stated that "powerful vested interest has stood in the 15 way" of the evolution of trade unions. This inability of Labor leaders

to function in a political capacity retarded the evolution of institu­

tionalized trade unions in the West Indies. Up to 1924 no labor leader

was popularly elected to any local legislature in the West Indies. How­

ever, by early 1943, the constitutional advancement in Jamaica marked a

new phase for labor politicians to seek office. In Guyana, the governor

"appointed representatives" to the local legislature to represent "East

Indian agricultural workers and stevedoresIn other respects also,

government policies to encourage such trends towards allowing labor rep­

resentation in the local legislatures to assisting in the formulation of

progressive laws for the institutionalization of labor unions was opposed.

Thus in Jamaica, the trade union law of 1919, amended in 193Q and 1940,

permitted peaceful picketing without threat of intimidation by the police.^

But no union funds were to be used for political activities. This pro­

hibition reflected the fact that the labor unions were politically

^Cmd. 6607, op. cit., p. 200, 16 The Caribbean Islands and the War. (Washington, D.C.! USGPO, 1943), p. 58. Hubert N. Critchlow of the BGLU was nominated to represent labor by 1943. 17 Padmore, op, cit., p. 79; C.P. Alexander, "Trinidad Labor Con­ ditions Revealed," The African, (Hew York: The African Publishing Corporation 1947), p. The Seamen and Waterfront Workers Trade Union which struck in 1946 saw five of their officials arrested after the Commissioner of Police entered their office* 16D oriented. However, in Trinidad, union funds could be used "in furtherance IS of political objectives" with the approval of the members.

The Barbados Trade Union Act of 193? (amended in 1940} Is similar to that of Trinidad. However, the Guyana Trade Union Ordinance of 1921

(amended 1943, 194G, and 1947) did not allow for trade union funds to be applied to political affairs. Tlie Leeward Islands also used union funds for political affairs. Grenada and St. Vincent did not have this pro­ vision, These laws did not in any way prevent the labor leaders from concentrating on political questions,

The colonial legislation was somewhat more favorable in other aspects of labor legislation. For instance, in Guyana, the Summary

Jurisdiction Offences Ordinance 1B93 (amended 1930, 1931, 1932, 1933,

1937, 1942) allowed for peaceful picketing. By 1943 only St, Vincent had no law which protected the worker against picketing, intimidation, and illegal strikes or lockouts. In these early years, 1914-1939, such a law was very necessary in the Caribbean. Indeed, the Colonial Office and the governors in the West Indies were quite eager to see the West

Indian worker develop a democracy influenced by the Westminster model.

During the war of 1939-1945, labor agitation was sporadic and the colonial authorities did not fail to repress any worker strikes.

British West Indian governments controlled and limited trade union 19 activities in order to curtail any axis influence. This policy of

ID Summary Labor Legislation in the British West Indies, Bulletin Ho. 28, Reference 09930/1, (Barbados: Advocate Co., 1949), pp. SB and 9l[ Cf* Rules of the St. Lucia Commercial and General Workers Union, Wo. 23. This union supports the use of union funds "only for lawful political purposes affecting labor." 19 The Caribbean Islands and the War, op. cit., pp. 10-11. 161

colonial government control was not challenged until 1953 in Guyana by

the People's Progressive Party which Introduced Its own Labor Relations

Dill, All other a elf-governing territories had introduced no substantive

labor legislation before 1962 when Jamaica and Trinidad became irdcpendent

monarchies in the British West Indies. After 1962, past1-Independent labor

legislation became very fashionable as a means of curbing the militancy of

labor. Tables XV-A, XV-0, and XV-C give a summary of basic labor legis­

lation in Guyana, Jamaica and Trinidad from 1891-1969.

No West Indian territory has a labor code outlining the regula­

tions governing management-employee relationships. Almost all of the

territories have archaic colonial laws which are not applicable to modern

industrial relations. The labor legislations in Guyana, Jamaica, Trinidad, and the Eastern Caribbean guarantee (1) the right to organize; (2) fix minimum wage rates and vacation leave for workers employed In specified

trades; (3) provide for the safety and well being of workers in factories;

(4) regulate the recruitment of workers for work abroad and contracts be"

tween these workers and their employers; (5) regulate hours to be worked by women and minors and persons in specified business establishments;

(6) protect workers' wages; and (7) provide compensation in case of 20 accident, disease, or death as a result of work.

These laws do not protect the worker against unlawful dismissal

from his work by the employer. No West Indian territory has any legis­ lation to enforce these rights in court* The Industrial fitablliaatlan

Act (1965) in Trinidad and the Trades Dispute Bill (1969) of Guyana

^Labor Law and Practice in Trinidad and Tobago, op. cit., p, 19. Labor Law and Practice in Guyana, op, cit., Appendix A, p. 41. labor Law and Practice in Jamaica, op, cit., p. 27, 162

TABLE XV-A

SUMMARY OF BASIC LABOR LEGISLATION - JAMAICA 1919-1969

YEAR ORDINANCES, ACTS OR LAVS DESCRIPTION

1919 Trade Union Law Law legalizes trade unions and em­ ployer associations. Amended in 1938 to permit peaceful picketing, remove liability for breach of con­ tract in case of strikes, and pro­ hibits tort actions against unions. Amended 1950, 1959.

193S Minimum Wage Law Amended 1945, 194B, 1956* 1957, Minimum wages established by var­ ious decrees.

1936 Trade Dispute (Arbi­ Amended in 1957. Controls labor tration and Enquiry) disputes. Law.

1936 Workmen's Compensa­ Amended 1939, 1941, 1960. Law re­ tion Law pealed when incorporated into Na­ tional Insurance Act which came Into force April 4, 1966. Law guaranteed compensation to workmen for injuries sustained in course of work.

1957 Shop and Offices Law Repeals the Shop Assistants Law of 1937 Regulations issues for shops.

Sugar Workers Pension Incorporated into the National In­ surance Act 1966.

1919 The Employers1 Lio- This law had a limited effect. It billty Law was the first step taken to settle claims by workers when injury was caused by a defect in the plant* working conditions or supervision.

1966 National Insurance Ant To provide social security and national Insurance. 163

TABLE XV—B

SUMMARY OF BASIC LEGISLATION GUYANA - 1891-1969

YEAR ORDINANCES, ACTS OR LAWS DESCRIPTION

1891 Indian Labor Ordinance To control and regulate Immigration, wages, and labor conditions of con­ tract labor.

1921 Trades Unions Ordinance Gave legal status to labor organisa­ tions.

1944 Simps Ordinance Replaced by Shops (consolidation) Ordinance of 1958. Regulated the opening and closing of shops, itours of work, prescribed minimum standards of sanitation.

1942 Labor Ordinance Prescribes hours of work, minimum wages, overtime rates, and regulate labor contracts.

1947 Factories Ordinance Serves the same purpose as shops ordinance insofar as industrial establishments (including docks, ships, and railway) are concerned.

1969 Trade Disputes Act To regulate trade unions. (proposed) 1969

1969 National Insurance and To provide social security and Social Security Act national insurance. 164

TABLE XV-C

SUMMARY OF BASIC LABOR LEGISLATION-TRINIDAD 1933-1965

YEAR ACTS OR ORDINANCES DESCRIPTION

1933 Trade Union Ordinance Guarantees right to organize.

1949 The Wages Councils Fix minimum wage rates and vaca­ Ordinance tion leave,

1935 Labor (minimum wage) Controls wage rate. Ordinance

1926 Workmen's Compensation Limited law which pays compensation Ordinance for Injuries sustained in course of work.

1960 Workmen's Compensation Repealed the 1926 ordinance - a Ordinance taore comprehensive ordinance.

1943 Trade Disputes (Arbi­ Repealed after the introduction of tration and Inquiry the ISA, Ordinance)

1965 Industrial Stabiliza­ Compulsory recognition of Trade tion Act Unions by employers...... i

Labor Law and Practice in Trinidad and Tobago, op, cit,f p, 19. Labor Law and Practice in Guyana, op. cit., p. 41. Labor Law and Practice in Jamaica, op, cit., p. 27. 165 provide for the compulsory recognition of trade unions, nn Industrial

Court to settle labor disputes, register collective labor agreements 21 and to regulate strikes and lockouts* These two labor legislations do not guarantee the workers' rights. The workers1 right is determined 22 by the country’s need for investment capital.

Most of the territories have passed legislation for a national 23 insurance fund and social security. Jamaica, Barbados, Trinidad, and

Guyana have such a law which provides social security for the worker after retirement. The National Insurance and Social Security Bill

{Guyana) provides monetary benefits for (1) old age, invalidity, sick­ ness, maternity, funeral; (2) it is a substitute for the Workmen's Com­ pensation Ordinance; (3) it establishes a national insurance fund.

Under the system all persons between ages eighteen and sixty-five will be insured. The employer and employee must pay into the National Insur­ ance Fund. The Bill contains provision for the insurance of persons under eighteen and self-employed persons at a later stage.^ This kind of legislation passed by Jamaica, Barbados, Trinidad, and Guyana Is aimed at developing a comprehensive labor code throughout the West

^Industrial Stabilization Act (Trinidad) loc* cit,; Cf. The Trades Dispute Bill (Guyana), op. cit., passim; Cf. A Summary of the Trades Dispute Bill (Guyana) 1969, passim. 22 Industrial Stabilization Act, loc. cit. 23 National Insurance and Social Security Bill, No. 19, (Guyanat GPO 1968), p, 2,

^Ibid., p. 22, The National Insurance Act (Jamaica) came into force April 4, 1966. It has similar provisions as the Guyanese, Trinidad and Barbados Bill. 166

Indies* Other territories will introduce such a lew for it is a vital

contribution towards the social betterment of the West Indian working

class.

CovQjjimcnt Control and the Labor Movement 1962-197Q

Because West Indian laboring men were always involved in politics,

the labor leaders such as George Weekes and Cheddi Jagan and, to a lesser

extent, Senator Michael Hanley, have encouraged political parties with

a populist following to counter the continued influence of the middle

class which has always exercised political leadership, Norman Manley and

his colleagues created an electoral constituency among urban and rural workers. Political power is the true objective.

The first worker's party to come to power in the West Indies was the People’s Progressive Party of Guyana in 1953. Other parties such

as the Workers and Farmers Party and the West Indian Independence Party

(Trinidad) have never been fortunate In winning any general elections.

All the other political parties are to the right of the PPP, WFP and the

PNC. The right wing parties are monarchists. Their modal is the West­ minster type. The chief protagonists of the right are Eric Williams, 25 Grantley Adams, Vete Bird, Errol Barrow and Robert Bradshaw, The philosophy of such West Indian political parties runs in conflict with

the radical leadership of the labor movement. Such political parties are determined to maintain the status quo in order to influence foreign

^World Strength of the Communist Party Organisation, 20th Annual Report, (Washington, D.C.: Bureau of Intelligence and Research 1968), p. 197. The PPP (Guyana) is "professedly socialist" but it does "not quite fit either the communist or non-communist left". PNC (Guyana) is socialist; World Strength of the Communist Party Organization. 19th Annual Report, (Washington, B.C.: Bureau of Intelligence and Research 1967), p. Workers and Farmers Party (Trinidad) is non-communist left; Democratic Labor Patty, People's National Movement and the Liberal Party (Trinidad) are conservative, 167 businessmen to Invest in the Caribbean. Williams1 political philosophy caters to "foreign governments" which "with all their faults" he concludes

"want to sec democracy flourishing in the colonial counties-"26 This kind of approach to West Indian economic development continues Williams,

"would stabilize our community . . This policy which Williams has pursued since 1956 is eagerly incorporated into various government pro­ grams in the Caribbean area. The present radical leadership of the labor movement and a large portion of trade union members criticize West

Indian middle class politicians for forming alliances with the local and 28 vested interests to deny the workers greater social justice.

The trend throughout the West Indies is towards the setting up of industrial courts and to formulate "public order" legislation to

^^Williams, Perspectives Of Our Party, (Trinidad: PNM Publish­ ing Co, Ltd. 1958), p. 20. 27 Williams, The Future of the West Indies and Guyana. {An address delivered at Queens College, Georgetown, Guyana, 13th March 1963) p, 13, 28 The National Workers Union of Jamaica; Thirteenth Annual Report, op. cit. The report charged management with "arrogance" because of the government's inability to control the employers. Mahabir, op. cit. , p. 14, Mahabir warns that the "propertied members of the differ­ ent races are recognizing the PNM as their bastion against the anticipated assaults of the Labor Movement; The Transport Worker (official organ of the Transport Industrial Workers Union) June 1967, p. 3, This labor paper is also convinced that there is a working alliance between the politicians and the local and foreign vested interests; Cf. Blnnshard, op. cit. Bustamante bad formed an early alliance with the businessmen in Jamaica when he assumed power; Moko, November 29, 1968, p. 1. Manley saw the dilemma and realized that Jamaica and the West Indies are forced to accept foreign capital which exerts Immense economic power at the expense of the worker. 168 secure labor peace. Trinidad, Guyana, and Antigua have such courts.

Industrial relations have deteriorated so greatly from 1962 in Trinidad and 1953 in Guyana that both governments have enacted stringent labor legislation to curtail strikes and to prevent politically motivated strikes. In Jamaica 1963, no such laws existed and Bustamante's govern­ ment had no policy "to bargain with trade unions as to changes" in exist-

on ing terms and conditions "under which labor operates," As a consequence of the intractable conduct of those middle-class governments towards the lower class workers, the trade union leaders are demanding national con­

trol of the vital sectors of the economy. One Jamaica labor official stated that since management had such controlling influence over Carib­ bean governments (many of the politicians arc still big businessmen),

■Dfl the first duty of any union was to "create affection" among the workers.

This reckless psychology in certain segments of union leadership was a contributory cause for certain Vest Indian governments to enact special lows to ensure industrial peace.

Trinidad was the first territory to pass an "Industrial Stabili­ sation Act" in 1965, Guyana, Antigua, and St. Kitts have passed similar laws# Trinidad's Industrial Stabilization Act serves as a model for the

Caribbean. This Act was prompted by political motives rather than econo­ mic considerations for the worker. For in Trinidad, where political parties had tio great history of labor union support, these labor unions

29 The Nation. December 13, 1963; Cf. Caribbean Congress of Labor Newsletter, December 30, 1963, p. 1. The Jamaica government in discussing the labor problems with NWU affirmed that "the government will not abdicate its responsibilities to Parliament and the people by bargaining#" 30 Spotlight, June 1961; Cf. The Nation, September 17, 1965, p. 17. The wage freeze adopted by Eric Williams "had been inspired by the employers." 169

had become too politically powerful for the ruling People’s National 31 Movement* It is this unity of Interests which forced the ruling party

to realize the political effectiveness of a united labor front. In

Trinidad* the result of the PNM's open involvement in trade union affairs

influenced C.L.R, James to form the Workers and Farmers Party which has

popular support In the sugar areas and the industrial south. The British

Empire and Home Rule Party, otherwise called the "Butler Party", func­

tioned from 1937 to 1966 as a mass party. Guyana is another country where union solidarity among sugar and urban workers Is markedly evident.

By 1962, Eric Williams, Prime Minister and political leader of

the PNM, uncertain of union support, began to court the labor unions. He was unable to control or subvert the OWTU, the most powerful opposition

to his government. He had already won over the leadership of the Demo- 32 cratic Labor Party - the official opposition party. M l other labor unions are under direct domination of the People’s National Movement except the OWTU.

The intransigence of the labor movement was viewed as a challenge

to the ruling party. Labor leaders said Williams' were nothing but

31Mokot November 29, 1968, loc. cit. Hoko, a paper of serious thought* affirms that the workers in major industries "are being united, disciplined and organized by the cooperative form of labor process necessitated by large scale industry."

~^Vanguard, (official organ of the OWTU) October 1, 1965, p. 3. The DLP is "really a part of the same political spectrum," 170

"subversive elements" who must be imprisoned.^ To further Intimidate

the labor movement, Williams proposed a Public Order Act in March 1965.

This Act was to permit the police and army "to maintain law and order"

T.A and also to help "control demonstrations, marches and meetings."

The laboring masses, he is convinced, are taking too much advantage of

their freedom. However, the Act was not introduced. Instead, in 1965

the Trinidad Government passed the Industrial Stabilisation Act (ISA) which incorporates all the aspects of the Public Order Act. This ISA,

'IT Vanguard, August 13, 1965, p. 1. Williams vowed to put all "subversives straight in jail where they belong." Those labor leaders who supported him were rewarded; those who did not were either sent to jail or were labelled communists. Williams gave Eenatorships to Carl Tull, former High Commiesloner to Guyana, Clive Spencer, John Rojas and Nathaniel Critchlow, Critchlow, a labor leader, later asserting his independence was relieved of his position, W, Sutton, Basil Douglas and Joseph Gramitn were sent abroad as labor attaches to Ottawa, Washington and London, respectivelyt 3 A The Nation. March 26, 1965, Williams had always received tacit support from labor. Cf. Robert J. Alexander states that "partly under its inspiration, and partly because of the support of the ICFTU, virtually the whole labor movement of the island was brought together in the Trade Union Federation of Trinidad." Cf. The Nation, March 20, 1970. Since 1956, the PNM has not used "its power" to "take speedy and positive action to give the workers greater national control of the economy. . ." This is the cause of his alienation by the entire labor movement. 35 Ibid., C f , Jamaica Weekly Gleaner, February 21, i960, p. 13. Vere Bird, premier and boss of the Antigua Trades and Labor Union had passed a similar Public Order Act and wanted to use it against the Antigua Workers Union (which broke away from the Antigua and Labor Union in July 1967), the Antigua Progressive Movement and the Antigua and Barbado Democratic Movement. These unions opposed Uird*s authoritarian rule; Cf. Vanguard, August 13, 1965, op, cit*, p. 1. In 19G3* Williams warned his countrymen that "as fat as I am concerned, sooner or later we have got to stop this freedom we give all these people." In 1966, Guyana had a Security (Miscellaneous Provisions) Bill to maintain in­ ternal peace. The opposition PPP considered the Bill as an attempt to set up a police state. 171 passed In 1965, was to "atop all tlicae idiots" (labor leaders) from 36 causing strikes "all over the place * . *" Since then, Williams has

Jailed all the labor leaders who staged black power marches against his government in April 1970* Also, Grenada lias passed a lew to curtail the block power labor protests which are becoming fashionable throughout the

West Indies*

Many labor leaders think that the Industrial Stabilisation Act is undemocratic. Their contention was re-enforced by the Privy Council’s award in 1969 which stated that "the freedom to bargain collectively has 37 been abridged by the Industrial Stabilization Act." The Act infringes on the workers' right to strike and does not permit the Industrial court to act decisively against employers who flout the order of the court.

Two instances when such callous disregard for the power of the court occurred when Shell Trinidad had dismissed some oil workers without notifying the government which bod asked that a statement to this effect be submitted by all oil companies before any worker is dismissed. The company failed to comply. According to the Vanguard, "the government did 3B nothing to help the workers." This paper affirms that government is controlled by vested economic interests* Thereupon, the OWTU took Shell

Trinidad to court, charging the latter with dismissal of the forty workers. But the company and the OWTU have presented their case before

Williams, The future * . . Guyana, op. cit., p. 14.

3?The Nation, May 16, 1969, p. 5. In Part IV of the ISA, Sections 18-26 give the minister of Labor virtual control over collective bargaining.

3^The Vanguard, March 8, 1969, p. 1, 172 the court. But according to the ISA, the Attorney-General should pre­ sent the case for the people. When asked to do so, the President of the

Industrial Court, the Attorney-General, did not comply with the request from the court. The government has failed to set up a proper precedent

In the application of the law. Also, the president, who nan be removed at the government's pleasure, is unable to force the Attorney-General to adhere to the court's request. As It stands, the court will not enjoin the Attorney-General to present his case and the said Attorney-

General will not force Shell Trinidad to rehire the dismissed workers.

A second case came before the Industrial Court affecting a dismissed worker who was employed by one Egbert Lau, proprietor of the

Bird of Paradise Island Inn, Tobago. In this case Lau was repeatedly summoned by the court hut has failed to respect the court’s order 39 "because of his pre-occupation with an important visitor to Tobago."

The court did nothing.

The Industrial Court which decides labor problems is not even legally empowered to reinstate any worker. Its powers in such matters are very dubious. The Amendment (Act No. 11 cf 1967, Section 13A), states that the court "in making an award may order reinstatement11,^ as it sees reasonable to do. This inability of the Industrial Court to

^ Judgment Mo. 206 of 1967 of the Industrial Court between Bird of Paradise Inn (Egbert Lau. proprietor) and Union of Commercial and Industrial Workers. The worker dismissed by Lau after 14 years' service was awarded $1,500 which had to be paid rton or before January 31, 1969.”

^Industrial Stabilization (Amendment No. 2) Act, 1967, p. 54i Cf, Trades Dispute Bill (Guyana). 1969, does not make provision for re­ instatement by the Industrial Court. Antigua has an Industrial Court also. The power of this court is not clearly defined. 173

reinstate the dismissed workers Is interpreted by the labor movement as

lacking power to enforce the law. The Industrial Court is not Influenced

primarily by the legality of the workers1 right to reinstatement; nor is

an award granted or denied because of the merits of the case. The prin­

cipal and over-riding consideration in granting or denying an award to

or reinstating a worker is the country's need for investment capital.^

Decisions made in this way reflect differences on how to develop the

country. For this precedence in making awards has made the judges very

vulnerable and open to accusations of political bias and indifference

towards the laboring class which may not be justified. It Is quite

difficult to ascertain the truth of these accusations.

The Industrial Stabilization Act (ISA) also provides for volun­

tary collective bargaining and determines the tone of the entire indue- J n trial agreement between employer and trade union. Winslow Carrington,

Minister of Labor in Burnham's ruling People's National Congress, des­

cribed in ISA as "extreme In its regulations, , ,"^3 gives the

Minister of Labor virtual control over labor and denies the labor unions

any form of the rights which are so vital in these developing societies,^

^Induatrial Stabilization Act. Part II-A* op, cit., p. 9, This sub-section confirms "the necessity to maintain a high level of domestic capital accumulation". . . "to increasing the rate of economic growth and to providing greater employment opportunities," must influence an award. 42 Ibid., Part IV* Sections 18-34; The Nation. May 16, 1969, The Privy Council in making its award to determine the constitutionality of the Act verifies this fact. 43 New Nation, December 21* 1969* p. 4. The Trades Disputes Pill encourages voluntary collective bargaining.

^^Thunder* November 1967* p. 15. (Official organ of the PPF) . This paper describes the Trades Disputes Bill (Guyana) as an "attempt to control strikes" which is inimical to industrial democracy. 17ft

In Caribbean society, particularly where anti-strike legislation exists, the governments deem a strike to be a crime. The workers see this attitude and similarity of legislation among the various West Indian governments as a continued erosion of their basic rights to sell their labor at a price to which they agree. Any denial of this right they assert would hinder industrial peace which these laws attempt to promote.

It appears that in 1969, Trinidad has experienced fewer strikes. Guyana has drafted a Trades Disputes Bill (1969) which will be Introduced early

In 1970.

Guyana's Trade Disputes Bill (1969) is similar to Trinidad’s ISA.

This Dill encourages voluntary collective bargaining and "does not con­ tain" as many "preventative restrictions. . as the Trinidad ISA.

The Minister of Labor bas "discretionary right to submit a trade dispute to the Industrial Court where he Is satisfied. . . It is to the public’s

Interest.This Bill also considers the right to strike a crime. Be­ sides, the principal aspect of the Bill, states Winslow Carrington in his booklet In Support of Industrial Peace, is to reinforce the system of collective bargaining and to provide for industrial peace and economic stability. ^ The Trades Disputes Bill (Guyana) does not provide for the reinstatement of any worker. It does control the number of strikes and makes provision for settling the question of recognition. Jamaica does not have any fundamental trade dispute law to protect the "workers’

Mation. December 21, 1969, op. cit., p. ft. ft 6 Ibid. A7 Winslow Carrington, In Support of Industrial Peace, Guyana, 1969, passim. 175 rights to reinstatement, to organize and he represented by the trade unions of their choice"; their rights "remain unprotected by law and un­ enforceable in the courts.'^®

Post Independence Issues 1962-1970. West Indian society still treats labor and the labor unions with contempt. Labor represents the lowest aspect of the culture which Is Afro-Aslan. It is considered socially degrading to work with oncfs hands and, therefore, those who perform manual labor are socially unacceptable in a society in which attitudes are not far removed from nineteenth century concepts. Even the present native governments have no provisions in their Independence

Constitutions which give labor unions official constitutional protection.

In the case of Trinidad and Tobago, however, the Constitution guarantees that labor should not be forced by sheer "economic necessity to operate in inhumane conditions. As such labor has to develop Its own defense mechanism to protect itself from government and management. The labor laws in post-independent West Indies have placed more stringent control on labor which is hard on the labor unions. Very little control is exercised over the employers,"**"* who continue to complain that lahor is

^%atlonal Workers Union of Jamaica, op. cit., passim. Aq The Trinidad and Tobago Independence Act, 1962, p. 5 . These West Indian constitutions ensure the worker the right to freedom of association.

~*^The Vanguard, March 0, 1969, loc. cit. j Judgment No, 206A op. cit., Cf. Hew Nation, November 23, 1969, p. 1. In a strike involving the Management of Rahaman and the two unions, Guyana Labor Union and the Clerical and Commercial Workers Union (Guyana), over recognition, manage­ ment closed down the factory and left the country. The Government had no legal authority to compel "Rahaman to resolve the issue." 176

Irresponsible**’*' and economically unproductive. West Indian labor lead­

ers, on the other handt are militant and very sensitive to the rights of

union members. When their rights are contravened or denied, labor often

adopts undemocratic procedures which may not be accepted 03 conventional

in labor disputes. The major issue which creates tension in the rela­

tionship between management and labor is recognition of workers * labor

organisations as lawful institutions for collective bargaining. Recog­

nition of trade unions by the employers had been the principal cause for

strikes prior to 1965 in Trinidad when the Industrial Stabilisation Act

(1965) made provision for compulsory recognition. The question of legal

recognition of trade unions was the same in every West Indian territory,

and the matter is not yet resolved, even In Trinidad. For example, in

Trinidad, during i960, one quarter of the strikes by workers involved 52 recognition and in 1961, one third, and in 1963, eight percent. Claims

for recognition in 1965 were met with ’'rancour and bitterness" according

5 3 to the Minister of labor as reported in The Motion. On account of

~*^New Nation. November 23, 1969, loc, cit. When Minister Carrington asked Rahaman to see him, he left the country.

■^The. Nation, March 19, 1965, p. 12.

^ T h e Nation, November 29, 1966, p. 1. In 1965, labor unions in Trinidad submitted 59 claims for recognition; 86 in 1966; 78 in 1967, and 37 by November 29, 1968, Cf, Guyana; Annual Report of the Ministry of Labor and Social Security. (Georgetown: GPO, 1967), p. 26, In Guyana labor strikes were 170 and only three for recognition. However, 95 strikes occurred in sugar alone; 96 occurred in 1966. In this indus­ try the MPCA and the GAWU fought for recognition from the Sugar Manufac­ turers Association; Cf. New Nation, November 23, 1969, loc. cit. In 1969, Industrial peace was better than in 1968 because of the support given by the Sugar Producers Association and the MPCA and GAWU. 177 the ISA which makes provisions for compulsory recognition of labor unions, Trinidad and Tobago have experienced an improved industrial climate which cannot be attributed solely to recognition granted to the trade union in a particular industry and, therefore, did in itself pro­ vide industrial stability.

Another fundamental question which was to be resolved to main­ tain industrial peace is the issue of jurisdictional control and inter­ union rivalry, especially in the major industries of sugar, oil and bauxite. Jurisdictional disputes and inter-union rivalry were two prin­ cipal Issues during 1953 and 1963 in Guyana when Jagan instituted the

Labor Relations Bill which granted this right to any union with the

"majority support.Jagan anticipated that this Bill would minimize 55 inter-union rivalry and prevent jurisdictional disputes. Jagan knew how Jurisdictional disputes can expend the energy of rival unions in a single industry. The Labor Relations Bill (1963) plunged the country into an 80-day strike. After this strike, Jagan agreed not to intro­ duce the Bill in Parliament. The MFCA had succeeded in maintaining its position as the sole representative of the majority of sugar workers.

■^Jflgan, op. cit,, pp. 143 and 154 ^ Chase op. cot,, p. 209.

"^Jagnn, op. cit., pp. 143 and 154. This Bill would permit the workers to vote by secret ballot for the union of their choice. The opposing union, in order to dislodge another union in an industry, had to poll 65 percent of the votes before claiming recognition. i?a

Until now, the Sugar Manufacturers have not recognized the CAWU.

In 1964, the Daily Mirror reported on a similar Jurisdictional issue between the Civil Service Association and the Federal Workers

Union in Trinidad, In this case, the Civil Service Association whose monthly paid staff worked for the Central Water Distribution Authority went on strike to force recognition while the Federated Workers Union which already had such recognition, asked its members not to strike,^

This dualism in union representation involved union members of opposing unions in actual physical battles to settle an issue. These battles, when they occur, may result in either non-recognition by management or management selecting the union of its choice in a given industry. Be­ cause labor unions are developed along racial and political lines and not by crafts, many unions are attached to political parties which may be primarily dominated by East Indians or blacks. The political parties CO generally support their members in a given industry * ° In such instances,

Reno, op, cit,, p, 18, The real Issue was whether the Sugar Manufacturers would recognize the MFCA, the union favored by Bookers and the Demerara Company or by the radical Nationalist GAWU, Guyana: Annual Report, op, cit., p. 15. In 1964 the strikes in the sugar industry by the GAWU for recognition culminated in political contest between the MPCA-PNC alliance versus GAWU-PFP alliance.

~*^The Daily Mirror, February 6, 1964, Trinidad, B.W.I.

~^I h e Jamaica Weekly Gleaner, March 13, 1968. The Alpart (Alumina Partners of Jamaica) Incident Involving the NWU which represents the majority of workers and the BITU Illustrates the representational dis­ pute in Jamaica* To settle this dispute, Kaiser Engineers, the main con­ tractor of Alpart, selected NWU over the BITU to represent the worker. Cf, The Maffessanti Enquiry Report (Jamaica: GFO 196B), pas situ. Bath the NWU and the BITU claimed the right to represent the workers at Kaiser Bauxite Co. Ninety-six out of one hundred and four workers chose the BITU. 179 therefore, when two politically affiliated unions challenge each other to represent workers In a single industry the result is that union acti­ vities will heighten political unionism as each political party strives to assist its own members and where possible those of the rival union.

Management, labor and government are responsible for the disorganization 59 of the labor movement.

In 1965, the British Guiana Labor Union claimed recognition from the management of Nagassar Sawh Lt., as the legitimate representative of the workers. The request was denied on the pretext that the company

"saw no need for recognition"^ because the employees did not care for it. Prompted by fear and the lack of Job security, the West Indian worker at times acts with ambivalence towards the labor unions. Manage­ ment knows this and looks upon labor unions with suspicion and, if neces­ sary, will refuse recognition rather than accede to union demands. This irresponsibility by government and private sectors towards labor unions has prompted the labor leaders to pursue unconventional mechanisms to cope with the labor conflicts.

Jurisdictional and representational conflicts are a part of inter- union rivalry. Such rivalries are violent, especially during general elections when rival political-labor alliances increase their political

59 The Nation, December 13, 1963. When Bustamante was Premier of Jamaica he refused to bargain with the NWU which demanded better terms and conditions for the workers.

^Mew Hation. September 12t 1965; Cf, The Motion. February 1, 1963, p. 1. It is common for trade unions to tell management that the workers will not work if their claim for recognition is not granted; Hew Nation, November 23, 1969, loc. cit. Management may refuse to negotiate with any unions. Instead it locks out the workers and even refuses to talk with the Minister of Labor; The Nation, February 1963, The Nation agrees that lack of recognition was a major cause of union militancy in Trinidad and elsewhere in the Caribbean. 180

campaigns among the vast majority of voters who "comprised the largest

single organised component of the voting population.The political

clashes could "strongly affect the campaign strength of the individual fi.2 parties in any forthcoming general elections. It is really a grave

problem which Is very pronounced in the sugar Industry of Trinidad,

Guyana and Jamaica. The number of workers in this industry is great,

hence the demand for its political support is equally important for the

political parties. In Trinidad, a serious power struggle developed in

the sugar industry between the Amalgamated Trade Union and the All Trini­

dad Sugar Estates and Factory Workers Trade Union in 1964. U. W. Sutton,

president of the former labor union had the majority following but was

not granted recognition by the Sugar Manufacturers who favor the All

Trinidad Sugar Estates and Factory Workers Trade Union whose president

is Bhadase S, Maraj, an important politician and religious official

representing the sugar area in Parliament.^ It would seem that the

Spotlight, April, 1961, p. 28. Caribbean Co he res a Of Labor Newsletter, loc. cit, Bustamante's government, caught between "its re­ sponsibilities to Parliament and the people, refused to bargain with NWU; Spotlight, supra, p. 20. Michael Manley places the blatne for inter-union rivalry squarely on the employers.

Abrahams, op. cit., p. 324; C. Paul Bradley, "Maas Parties in Jamaica: Structure and Organization", Social and Economic Studies, Vol. 9, No. 4, December i960, Mona, Jamaica, p. 410, 6 3 Ibid., p. 411. These clashes are a sort of Harris Polls or Gallup Polls which test the political tempo in the country.

^Daily Mirror, January 18, 1964, p. 15. In 1964, W.W. Sutton abandoned the jurisdictional power struggle for the representation of the sugar workers in favor of B.S, Mara j; The Nation, May 1, 1964, p. 11; Cf. The Nation. February 1, I960, p. 16. Sutton was denied recognition by the sugar company and the Honeyman Commission set up by the PNM govern­ ment ordered that his union be recognized. lai non-democratic procedure by the Sugar Manufacturers was an overt attempt at infringing on the rights of the workers. It la the power of the Sugar

Manufacturers plus the support of a powerful politician representing mem­ bers of his own ethnic group which can help settle some of the jurisdic­ tional and inter-union rivalries.

The Sugar Manufacturers and other employers associations in the major industries of oil, bauxite and sugar are so powerful that they determine which unions should be recognized. The local governments are so Inept and powerless that they are unable to force these large concen­ trations of economic power to respect the rights of the workers. Because these employers' associations have become so powerful, the labor unions are helpless. Thin inahility to function purposefully editorialized

The Hation hag forced many labor leaders to become demagogic, agressive 65 and militant to justify their position as dynamic labor leaders.

The organic problems of the trade unions also reduce their effectiveness, illiteracy of membership, lock of rank and file leaders, no dues structures, sometimes a lack of worker unity and the exploitation of legitimate worker grievances by political demagogues.

Other instances could be cited in which a split in a political party may affect the trade union affiliation and support. The St, Lucia

Labor Party In 1967 was split in two factions. Because of this split in the party, the St, Lucia Workers Union, the affiliate of the party mirrored this internal factionalism. Thus, during the last election, the leaders of the St, Lucia Workers Union supported their party, the

St. Lucia Labor Party, But the dissident members abandoned the party for the opposition United Workers Party. This partisan and sectional

65The Nation, April 15, 1966, p. 1. 182

nature of the political leadership was a cause for denying the members

of the St. Lucia Labor Party any work on government projects.^

This type of sectarian policy does aggravate a steadily worsen­

ing condition in St. Lucia and In the entire Caribbean society which Is

now faced with the problem of retrenchment and dismissal of workers. In

1965 Trinidad and Tobago experienced one hundred and fifty-five labor

disputes from March to December, Of those, forty-one percent dealt with

dismissals of workers,^ During the period from 1965-1969, claims for

recognition have been reduced and have not been a major issue as before.

Retrenchment or dismissal cf workers under the guise of labor redundancy

is one of the serious issues confronting the West Indian worker. In

Trinidad and Tobago the unemployment figures for I960 reveal that unem­

ployment has increased from fourteen percent to fifteen percent over

1967, In Jamaica and Guyana, the unemployment rate for 1967 was 17.4 69 percent and 20,5 percent, respectively.

During these years of greatest unemployment, the private sector

^Dyce, op. cit., "Trade Union and Politics", p. 8; Cf, St. Lucia Year hook, 1965, p. 39, In Guyana the split in the PPP resulted in Jagan gaining the support of the GAWU and Burnham and the BGTUC of which the MPCA is a strong supporter; The Jamaica Weekly Gleaner, February 21, 1968, p, 12.

^ T h e Nation. November 29, I960, Dp, cit. In 1966 of the 512 labor disputes, 43% were for dismissals; 1967, 47%. The Thunder, November 1967, p. 1, Jagan views the dismissal of workers in Guyana as ominous and it threatens industrial stability. 6B Eric Williams, "Independence and Self Reliance." The Nation (a speech delivered at the PNM Eleventh Convention, September, 1968), 69 Labor Law and Practice in Jamaica: Labor Law and Practices in Guyana, {U,S. State Department, Bureau of Labor Statistics, 1967), pp, 14 and 19, 103 has received a greater substantial aid from government end foreign coun­ tries. The local governments have granted more tax concessions to both local and foreign businesses but the unemployment and underemployment rates are still high. In Trinidad, the situation is so explosive that the government has virtually banned strikes as illegal and called for a wage freeze. The workers in the Caribbean, os a result of all these social inconveniences, have become politically alienated from the politi­ cal process which does not seem to respond to their demands. Table XVI gives a cautious assessment of trade union membership in Jamaica, Trini­ dad and Guyana as of 1966,

According to union information in Table XVI forty-three percent of the labor force is organized In Jamaica. The sugar workers, heavy industry (mining) hotel industry and port and construction workers are the most organized. This is also true for Trinidad whore in 1966 union membership in 80 unions numbered 85,000, The basic industries, such as oil, sugar, transportation, and docks are highly organized. In Guyana

25 of the 32 existing trade unions represent 42,000 of the nearly 52,000 trade union members. Trade union organization is actively pursued in mining, sugar, docks and transport. However, agricultural workers, except those in sugar, are the least organized, although agriculture employs the most workers. This is due to their small wages which increase the workers1 dependency on the plantation owner. 184

TABLE XVI

MAJOR UNIONS IN JAMAICA, TRINIDAD AND GUYANA

UNION YEARCOUNTRY TOTAL MEMBERSHIP

Bustamante Industrial Union 1966 Jamaica 130,360

National Workers Union of 1966 Jamaica 130,000 Jamaica

Trade Union Congress 1966 Jamaica 2,000

Trinidad and Tobago Labor 1966 Trinidad 71,000 Congress

All Trinidad Sugar Estates 1966 Trinidad 14,500 and Factory Workers1 Trade Union

Amalgamated Workers Union 1966 Trinidad 7,030

Oilfield Workers Trade Union 1966 Trinidad 12,000

Union of Commercial and 1966 Trinidad 5,169 Industrial Workers

Transport and Industrial 1966 Trinidad 1,000 Workers Union >

Guyana Trades Union 1966 Guyana 42,000 Council (claimed as of 1964)

Man Povrer Citizens Assoc. 1966 Guyana 22,552

Guyana Labor Union 1966 Guyana 6,600 (claimed as of 1964)

Mincworkers Union 1966 Guyana 2,016

Guyana Agricultural Workers 1966 Guyana 3,000 Union (claimed as of 1964)

Transport Workers Union 1966 Guyana 2,100 (claimed as of 1964)

ESTIMATED TOTAL 456,975

SOURCE: Labor Law and Practice In Jamaica, op* cit., p. 30; Cf. Labor Law and Practice in Trinidad and Tobago* op, cit., p. 54; Labor Law and Practice In Guyana, op. cit*, p. 42, Cl I AFTER VII

CONCLUSIONS

No major study had previously been undertaken of the evolution of political trade union ism In the Vest Indies and of the effect of social legislation on the psychology of the laboring naan. Five chapters of this research treat these aspects of the period between 1B34-1970.

Chapter II analyzes the evolution and political role of Vest

Indian labor from 1834-1937, showing that the Morant Bay Revolution in

1Q65, was at least partly the result of laws regulating labor.

The discussion concerning the socio-economic problems and politics from 1S92-1938 in Chapter III analyze the evolution of early trade union organization, highlighting the social and political plight of the Vest

Indian worker and concluding that the period is outstanding for its lack of social lava protecting the well-being of workers. Only in 1935 did the British Parliament authorize a limited Vorkerrs Compensation Act applying to most of the territories.

The years 1935-1950 constitute the second stage in the evolution of the labor movement and of labor legislation. During these years, the

Vest Indian workers revolted against the social system which excluded them from political participation in the society. The workers were striving for "power1*,

One positive aspect of the revolutionary disturbances in the

West Indies in 1935-1937 was that the Vest Indian labor movement became institutionalized. In almost all the colonies, the Crown set up labor

185 186 departments to cope with the labor problems and related political dis­ turbances In the society* These political disturbances started by the workers helped to politicize labor and convinced its leaders that labor must play a major role In the creation of the new West Indian society.

After 1935-1937, labor leaders realized the possibilities of direct political action and were determined to participate more fully in the building of a Caribbean society*

Labor's involvement in political matters at this time was due, therefore, to its low social status. In nineteenth century West Indian society, the laboring blacks and the indentured servants had been social­ ly despised by other segments of the society. Social ostracism drove this laboring class to take political action as a means Df seeking social respectability and within the same process to relieve their economic misery.

In Chapter V, the political and ideological role of labor from

1950-1970 was studied, defining West Indian socialism. The Guyana Labor

Relations Bill was discussed in the light of the social philosophy of the

People's Progressive Party vis-a-vis the socio-economic conditions af­ fecting the West Indian worker. During this period West Indian labor was developing an ideological position that reflected the Cold War.

Chapter VI traces labor legislation and industrial relations during 1867-1970. In this chapter, the researcher has attempted to ascertain the nature of the social legislation adopted and to determine the effect of such laws on the worker* These social laws, In general, have been stringent and they restricted the peaceful evolution of labor organizations. Also, the social legislation favored the social and political control practised by the planters and later by the native 187 politicians.

This research leads the author to four basic conclusions * The first Is that prior to 1937 the social legislation imposed on the weaker segment of the society denied the laboring blacks the fundamental rights of suffrage and collective bargaining. The laws gave no protection to the worker nor did they affect purposefully his social improvement.

Secondly, the denial of the right to participate In the society, coupled with the social plight of the worker, contributed to the politicisation of West Indian labor after 1937. Following the 1935-1937 revolts, labor became more conscious of its power and capacity for influencing social change. But the labor movement since that date has not sought to monopo­ lize power. Instead, It has attempted to assist West Indian governments in building a better society.

However, this concept of labor's role in the society is not ac­ cepted by West Indian political leaders. Yet# labor wants to become a part of the decision-making process as it shares power with the political leaders. If labor is allowed to become involved in politics by having its own political party, this pattern will set a "new approach" and strengthen the democratic institutions in West Indian society. For the trade unions represent the largest sector of the people; they are the only true democratic organizations in the West Indies.

Thirdly, this research has revealed the West Indian laboring man as an abused and despised element in the society. No other class of men in Weat Indian Bociety has experienced so many setbacks in the form of bed legislation from the British Parliament and from local govern­ ments.

Fourthly, this research analyses the attitude of the black 188 intelligentsia and creole middle-class politicians, showing that the middle-class professional politicians in the West Indies are working assiduously to thwart the demands of the workers as they strive purpose­ fully to democratize and create new institutions indigenous to the West

Indies. Neither of these two social groups has ever shown a high degree of national consciousness. They see themselves as the "real brokers" of the society not because of any deserved merit, but on account of (a) their assimilation of European culture; (b) close identification with the basis of power— the Crown (British Parliament) and (c) their skin calor.

This creole middle-class is very Europeanized and frown upon the in­ digenous culture. Its political model is principally European— the

Westminster type.

Finally, West Indian labor has reflected the stresses of the Cold

War, After the Second World War, West Indian political leaders were split on the policies and programs to be Implemented in the West Indies.

All the leaders (Manley, Bustamante, Adams, Jagan, etc.) agreed that social change was inevitable, but these very leaders were unable to decide on positive plan for building the Caribbean society suited to the needs and aspirations of the workers. DEFINITIONS OF TERMS USED

Affo-5flxon. This individual Is generally a university graduate whose heritage is cither African or Indian, The Afro-Eaxon abandons

this heritage for European values. lie shows his displeasure with his historical past by marrying outside his ethnic and cultural circle.

Generally bis wife is European whom he believes will ensure his social mobility.

BEWCHRP. The British Empire Workers and Citizens Home Rule Party or the Butler Party. Uriah "Buzz*1 Butler ia the President. The "Party" has no political influence.

flGTUC. British Guiana Trade Union Council.

British Guiana. This term was used to describe the former territory

In South America, Guyana is the name adopted after independence,

British West Indies. For the sake of historical accuracy the

British West Indies deals specifically with the English speaking terri~-

tories and mainland Guyana. The West Indies will be used to denote one single unit with the same historical time-slavery, immigrant labor and

British Imperialism. The geographic area - the space is the same in

that the culture is basically composed of elements from Europe, Africa

and Asia,

BITU. Bustamante Industrial Union (Jamaica). It is the trade union

affiliated with the JLP.

Black. The term "black11 is synonymous with, laborer or laboring men who form the majority among this social group. The term also Includes

189 190 the Indiana of East Indian descent whose social status is the same as the blacks. Hence the term black laborer or laboring men is used sociologi­ cally rather than with any element of ethnic prejudice.

Black Intelligentsia. The black intelligentsia is composed mainly of Afro-Soxons, Socially, this social unit aspires to white society. The black intelligentsia frowns upon the laboring men.

BWU. Barbados Workers Union. The president is Senator Frank Wolcott.

Coloreds. This social unit is the result of race mixing between blacks ond middle class whit03. Generally, the coloreds have very little social contact with the black Intelligentsia. It seeks identity with

European culture.

Coolie. In the modern sense, this term Is used disparagingly to describe any East Indian regardless of his standing In the society.

Conservative. The term has the 3ame meaning as right wing.

Creole. This term is very imprecise with different meanings in the

West Indies, Originally it is the offspring of Europeans (foreign and

local) and blacks. In Trinidad, Indians who have adopted African values are considered creoles.

DIP. Democratic Labor Party (Barbados). E. Barrows is president.

Eastern Caribbean. This area comprises the territories of the Wind­ ward and Leeward Islands.

Eurafrlndian. West Indian society is a mixture of European, African

and Asian cultures with greater emphasis on European values.

FWTU. Federated Workers Trade Union (Trinidad) .

GAWU. Guyana Agricultural Workers Union. This io the lahor arm of

the PPP,

ICFTU, International Confederation of Free Trade Unions. 191

ISA. Industrial Stabilization Act (Trinidad). This Act makes the

right to strike ;i crime. It was passed In 1965.

JLPi The Jamaica Labor Party was founded by Alexander Bustamante, who is president "in pcrpetuo".

Labor Politician. This term io applied to any trade unionist who

actively engages in politics. It can also apply to any politician who

openly seeks trade union support.

Left Wing. Any trade unionist or political leader who attempts to

solve West Indian problems without employing traditional formulas.

Middle Class. The middle class comprises the Black Intelligentsia,

Afro-Eaxons, Creoles, coloreds and native born whites. However, the whites have easier vertical mobility based on skin color.

MEGA. Manpower Citizens Association is the most powerful trade

union in Guyana. Richard Ishraacl is the president,

tmr. National Democratic Party (Guyana). This party is to the right of the PPP and PNG (Guyana).

NWU. The National Workers Union (Jamaica). This union is the workers1 arm of the PNF.

ORIT. Regional Organization of Inter-American Labor (Organizcion

Regional de Ititeramericana Trabajadores).

OWTU. Oilfield Workers Trade Union (Trinidad). It Is one of the most powerful unions in the Host Indies, George Weekes is the president,

PNC. Socialist Peopled National Congress. The political leader,

Forbes Burnham, is presently Prime Minister of Guyana.

PNH. People's National Movement of Trinidad* Eric Williams Is the political leader. The movement started In 1956 and was composed of

Afro-Saxons, businessmen and a few trade unionists. 192

PNP, Tlio People's National Party founded by Norman Manley of

Jamaica In 1943, At first the patty followed a uocialist program which

it has since abandoned.

PPP, Socialist People's Progressive Party, whose president is

Chcddl Jagan.

Right Wing. Any trade unionist or politician who adheres to the

Westminister model.

Revolution. This word means nan-traditional methods for implement­

ing change.

TIWU. Transport and Industrial Workers Union (Trinidad),

Trades Disputes Uill. Tills 13 a similar act proposed by Guyanese

Legislature to guarantee industrial peace aa a prerequisite for foreign

investment capital,

WFr. Worker and Farmers Party In Trinidad.

WFTU. World Federation of Free Trade Unions. IJIULIOGRAimy

A. Primary Sources

1. Collected Documents

House of Commons Sessional Papers (H.C.R.F.), Imperial Reports and Corres­ pondences , London; Her Majesty's Stationery Office, 1946-1952,

Vol. 2 , 1946. These documents present a picture on the politics in British Guiana and the Vest Indies; they also treat the Poor Laws in British Guiana, Trinidad mid St. Lucia.

Vol. 3, 1966, This volume contrasts British attitude towards the laboring blacks in the West Indies vis-a-vis the laboring classes in Britain, Ireland and Scotland.

Vol. 7, 1076. This volume contains the Act for the suspension of the St. Vincent, Tobago and Grenada constitutions.

Vol. 16, 1B59. A general repcrt on immigration.

Vol. 20, 1059, This also is a good report oil immigration.

Vol. 232 , 1047-43. These papers ore germane for studying labor conflicts, wage policy, vagrancy, squatting and taxes.

Vol. 28, 1845-46. These despatches are concerned with (a) education for the workers, and (b) inadequate finance for education and social decay of laboring class.

Vol. 30, 1066-75. This report gives a detailed account of the philosophy of the Mornnt Bay Revolutionaries and the severe punishment mated out against them.

Vol. 31* 1044-45. Documents arc useful for studying colored black relations, wages, taxes, and general social conditions in the immigrant society.

193 194

Vol. 37, 1847-49. These volumes discuss the social and economic state of the colonies. They are also germane to the study of (a) squatting rights, (b) title to Crown lands, (c) taxes In Trinidad, and (d) voting in British Guiana.

Vol, 39, 1846-47. These are very pertinent documents for the study of education in the colonies, wages and work-master relationship and immigration to Jamaica, Trinidad and British Guiana,

Vol. 41, 1857-58, A general report.

Vol. 43, 1057-5B and 1072. Describes the labor crises on the sugar plantations.

Vol. 45, 1B8B. Though report does not specifically relate to the West Indies it does show how the depression in mid-nineteenth century England increased its economic destruction of the West Indian Planter,

,1847-48. This volume gives a good appraisal on vagrancy and squatting.

Vol. 46, 1802 and 1884. Tills report, published in 1BQ4, gives a minute appraisal of West Indian society in the following fields: politics, government, finance, taxation, education and population.

Vol, 46, 1808, Gives appraisal of social conditions in the B.H.I,

Vol. 54, 1889. Treats political matters.

Vol. 55, 1884. This volume treats the question of a new constitution for Jamaica and proposed voting rights for more citizens.

Vol. 65, 1852-53. These pertinent despatches discussed the social distress in Jamaica. It treats taxation, colored-white antagonism and politics of the planter class.

Vol. 68, 1852. This document is good for the study of Regulations concerning Indian and Chinese immigration to Trinidad and British Guiana (Guyana),

Vol, 72, 1887-80, These Blue Books treat political franchises throughout the West Indies.

Vol. 77, 1906. Documents deal with the problem of immigrant labor strikes, 195

2. Other Published Reportu

London: Her Majesty's Stationery Office 1843-1952,

Report On the Acting Committee to the Standing Commit tee of West Indian Planters nod Merchants, London, December, 1943, Tills booklet analyzes Che problems facing West Indian planters and merchants and the cause for Chinese immigration.

Trade Union Act, 1071, Dill 94, 1871. Tills is the British Trade Union Act which grants the right to strike to the English Worker and not to colonies.

Report of the West Indian Royal Commission. c8655, 1897, This report is a genuine analysis of the precarious sugar industry in the West Indies.

Report of the Commiesion into the Recent Disturbances at Port-of-Spain, Trinidad, July, 1903, cmd. 1662, A good study on the causes of the Riots and measures taken to curb them.

Leeward Islands Report for 1916-17, No. 952, cmd. 8973-1, This report deals with taxes and wages.

Report by the Hon. E. 1’. L. Wood on hie visit to the West Indies and British Guiana, cmd. 1679, 1922, This report is valuable for studying Crown Colony government of the West Indies.

British Guiana: Report of the British Guiana Commission, 1927, cmd. 2811, A general report on finance, agriculture, population, immigration, constitutional changes and education.

British Guiana: Report of the British Guiana Constitutional Commission, cmd, 2985, 1927. This report emphasizes the issue of political franchise and the effect on workers.

Correspondence relating to the Positidn of the Sugar Industry in certain West Indian colonies, British Guiana and Mauritius, November, 1930, cmd, 3745. It treats the economic distress in the West Indies.

Further Correspondence relating to the Position of the Sugar Industry in certain West Indian Colonies and British Guiana, 1930, cmd. 3745, The correspondence describes the continued distress among the agricultural population.

Copy of Treasury Minutes dated the 3rd of December, 1931, relative to the contribution of L25,000 by the colony of Trinidad and Tobago to Ills Majeetyrs Government in the United Kingdom, 1931-32 cmd. 3977. The minutes give an account of money sent to England by the governs ment of Trinidad and Tobago to aid her Majesty’s Government. 196

Circular Despatch on the Trade Union Ordinance no. 20, 1932. First colonial document on right to picket.

Report of the Closer Union Commission relating to the Leeward Islands, Windward Islands, Trinidad and Tobago, April, 1933, cmd. 43B3, 1932-33. This report gives a clear picture of West Indian leaders' opposi­ tion to the suffrage of the laboring class.

Papers relating to the Disturbances in St. Christopher (St. Kitts) cmd. 4956, 1935. Describes disturbances on the island.

Trinidad and Tobago Disturbances, 1937, cmd. 5641. This is really a report on housing, labor, trade unions and causes for lobar strikes.

The Colonial Empire in 1937-30, cmd, 5760. The report is concerned with papulation, constitutional matters, revenue, expenditure, imparts and exports.

Statement relating to the period April 1, 1930 to Hatch 31, 1939, to accompany the estimates from colonial and middle eastern services, cmd. 6023, 1938-39. In this report, Chapter XII deals specifically with the West Indies, British Guiana and British Honduras on matters affecting employment, trade unions and labor.

First Report on the Committee on Nutrition in the Colonial Empire. Fart II. Summary of Info ma t Ion Regarding Nutrition in the Colonial Em­ pire, cmd, 6051, 1938-39. This report shows how low wages can contribute to poverty and disease.

Accounts Papers, no. 34, cmd. 6175, 1939-40. These accounts are useful for studying the loan obligations of West Indian governments in a period of economic hardship.

West Indian Royal Commission Report, cmd. 6607, 1945. A comprehensive study on housing, employment problems, trade unions, labor strikes and wages.

British Dependencies in the Caribbean and North Atlantic, cmd. 8575, 1939-1952, It is a good report which emphasizes the political and labor pro­ blems together with economic and international affairs of West Indies.

Statement of Policy on Colonial Development and Welfare, cmd. 6175. This is an authoritative account of British colonial policy.

West Indian Royal Commission Recommendations, cmd, 6174, 1939-40, It gives recommendations for alleviating the social problems in the West Indies. 197

3. Local Public Reports

Published In Guyana, Jamaica or Trinidad.

Combine Court (1st session) 1917, no, 10, 304, This paper gives cost of living on essentials used by laborers.

Report of the Committee appointed to Inquire and Report with respect to increased cost of the necessaries due to the war, February 21, 1917. Treats effect of war on commodity prices.

British Guiana: Governor's Memorandum of 20th October 1928, on the coloni­ zation of British Guiana, Georgetown: Demerarara The Argosy, 1928. This report is useful for studying the failure of immigrant labor in British Guiana.

British Guiana: Report of the Work of the Department of Labor and Local Government, 1940. Part I, no. 17383, C.S.O. 225/411. Georgetown: Demerara, The Argosy. This report is useful for studying the worker's status in 1940 and the recognition of trade unions.

British Guiana: Report of the Economic Investigation Committee, Legisla­ tive Council no. 5, C.S.O. Ho. 344/30, Georgetown: Demerara, 1930. The e s s e n t i a l usefulness of this report is that it gives an in­ sight into the employment problem among the labor force.

Guyana: Annual Report of the Ministry of Labour and Social Security for 1967, Georgetown, 1968, This document treats all aspects of labor in Guiana.

Memorandum prepared by the Elected Members of the Combined Court of Bri­ tish Guiana in reply to the Report of the British Guiana Coramisalon, cmd, 2841. A description of oligarchial government in British Guiana.

Duffus, ILG.U. The Maffessanti Enquiry Report, Jamaica; Government Print­ ing Office, October 23, 1968,

Report of the Wages Committee, Council Paper No. 10125 of 120, Trinidad, 1919-20.

Report of the Wages Advisory Board 1935-6, Council Paper no, 88, Trinidad and Tobago, 1936, The last three reports are good for the study of wages, labor pro­ blems and work conditions.

The Franchise Commission, Trinidad, 188B. This report gives a good insight into electoral representation and voting rights of non-Europeans.

Minutes of the Proceedings of the Commission of Enquiry Concerning the Riots at Pout-of-Spoin, Trinidad: GP0, March 23, 1903. A good study about suburban politics in a mixed society. 198

Dailey, F. W., General Industrial Conditions and Labor Relations in Trini­ dad, Trinidad: GFO, 1954. A useful study on the labor movement in Trinidad,

4. U. S. Consular Reports

National Archives, Washington, D, C.

U, S. Consular Reports Nos, 7, 164, 209, 278, 972 and 1017, 1801-1906. Georgetown, British Guiana.

U. S. Consular Reports, Nos. 10, 26 and 35, 1858-1859. Jamaica. These Consular Reports are useful for studying the economic misfor­ tunes of the indentured worker, social conditions and race relations. The reports are extremely valuable for studying the nature of local taxation. They contain reports on colonial taxes for 1841, 1842, 1851 together with the Mercantile Intelligence Supplement to the Colonist,

5. Books of Reminiscence, Travel and Personal Observation

Heckles, W, A. The Barbados Disturbances. Barbados: Advocate Co., Ltd., 1937. A concise account of the causes of the riots and the passive atti­ tude of the Barbados privileged class towards the misery of the labor­ ing class.

Brown, Orde J. Labour Conditions in the West Indies. London; II.M.5.0. 1939. This is a concise and penetrating history of West Indian working class,

Day, Charles W, Five Years Residence in the West Indies. Vols. 1 & 2, London; Colburn and Co., 1852. This book is useful for social research in race relations in West Indian society.

Davy, John, The West Indies Before and Since Slave Emancipation Compris­ ing the Windward and Leeward Islands Military Command, London, 1854. This book presents a visitor's impression on post emancipation society,

Fisher, Richard S, A Statistical Account of the West India Islands. New York, J, H, Colton and Co., 1855. This is a study of post emancipation West Indian society.

Froude, James A* The English In the West Indies or the Bow of Ulysses. New York: Charles Scribners Sons, 1867. Froude makes a derisive attack on the West Indian laboring class.

Holliday, Andrew. The West Indies: The Natural and Physical History of the Windward and Leeward Colonies: The Abolition of Slavery. Lon don, New York, 1837. This book describes the moral, social and political conditions before and after slavery. 199

Kingsley, A. At Last; i A Christmas in the West Indies. New York: Mac­ millan and Co.* 1871. A general book on the West Indies with reference to contract labor.

Kirke, Henry. Twenty-Five Years in British Gulnna. London, n.n., 1898. This is a sociological study of British Guiana’s problems.

Lucas, C, P.~ IliBtoricnl Geography of the British West Indies. London: Clarendon Press, 1890, This author describes post-emancipation political and social ques­ tions in an immigrant society with special emphasis on Jamaica and the Morant Bay Revolution,

Macaulay, Thomas B. The History of England: From the Accession of James II. 1. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1B77. A general history of Britain,

Madden, R. R. Twelve Months Residence In the West Indies During Transi­ tion from Slavery to Apprenticeship. n*p., 1845? The author gives a general description of social conditions facing West Indian society after emancipation.

Mars, An Epic on The Miserable State of the Island of Grenada. St. Georges: G. y. Smith, 1883. A good book For studying the social conditions of Grenada.

Martina, Robert, History of the British Empire in the Nest Indies. South America. North America. Australia. Africa and Europe. London: W m . Allen £r Co., & G. Koutledge, 1843. This book gives an economic survey of West Indian social problem.

M 1 Donnell, Alexander. An Address to the Members of Both Houses of Parlia­ ment on the Hast Indian Question. 2nd ed, , London: James Ridgeway, 1830. This speech is an analysis of the nature of the labor question In the West Indies.

Salmon, C. S, The Caribbean Confederation. London: Cassell and Co, , n.d. A genuine work by a British colonial administrator dealing with taxation, government and British policy in the Woat Indies.

Bchomburk, Sir Robert Et. The History of Barbndoa. London, n.p., 1848. The book treats the fundamental post-emancipation question; the right of the laborer to sell bis labor or to select his employer,

Sewell, George W, Ordeal of Free Labour in the West Indies. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1861, This American presents an objective analysis of the labor crises in the West indies, lie believes It is not due to the laziness of the blacks. 200

Sturge, Joseph, and Harvey Thomas. The West Indies in 1837: Journal of a Visit bo Antigua. Montserrat. Dominica, St. Lucia, Barbados and Jamaica. London, n.p., 1638. This hook gives a fair appraisal of the relationship between master and laborer during the apprenticeship period 1634-1838.

Trollope, Anthony. The West Indies and the Spanish Main. London, Chap­ man and lfqll, 1867- This book gives Froude1s views of the wretched state of West Indian society which he attributes to the laziness of the laboring black3. It is a guideline to British Colonial policy in the 19th cantury.

Underhill, Edward Bean- Their Social and Religious Condition. London! Jackson, Wolford and Holder, 1860. This book, written by a churchman, attempts to describe the pressures faced by the laboring men in the West Indies,

Woodward, Sir Llewellyn. The Age of Reform. 1815-70, Oxford: Clarendon Press* 1962. This book discusses British Colonial policies.

The Caribbean Islands and the War. Washington, D, C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1943. A concise summary of the economic and political consequences of the war in the West Indies.

6. Newspapers

Tiie Spectator, ( L o n d o n ) , June, 1963. A report of British middle class attitude towards the Morant Bay Revolution.

The New York Times. June 17, 1865. A description of the poverty existing among the Jamaican workers.

The Moraine Journal, (Jamaica), No. 41902, January 17, 1853,

Daily Gleaner. (Jamaica), August 8, 1698.

______, August 10, 1898,

______, December 20, 1698.

______, April 18, 1900.

______, May 8, 1900.

______, May 9, 190D.

, August 20, 1900.

, October 20, 1900. 201

Daily Gleaner. (Jamaica), April 6, 1918.

______, June 22, 1918.

______, May 19, 1919.

______, April 17, 1919,

______, July 5, 1919

______, December 5, 1919*

______, Hay 6, 1960.

______, September 30, 1964,

, March 13, 1968,

The Gazette and General Advertiser, June 30, 1842, This paper describee immigrant labor.

Daily Argosy. (Guyana), Hay 14, 1912.

______, April 27, 1912.

______, January 10, 1914,

______* June 29, 1912.

Guyana Graphic. (Guyana), June 2, 1983,

______, July 8, 1963.

______, August 8, 196b,

Mirror, (Guyana), August 8, 1966.

Daily Chronicle (Guyana), August 15, 1963.

. June 23, 1964,

The Evening Post Guyana (Guyana), July 15, 1966.

Labour Advocate (Guyana), Official organ of the KPCA, July 28, 1963.

The Thunder (Guyana), Organ of the PPP, February, 1968.

______, November 1967,

The New Nation, (Guyana), Official Organ of the People's National Congress, September 21, 1969.

______, October 12, 1969. The New Nation (Guyana), November 23, 1969,

. -______i December 14, 1969*

_____» December 21, 1969.

______* December - January 4, 1970.

______* January 4, 1970.

Vanguard, (Trinidad), Official organ of the Oilfield Workers Trade Union, May 14, 1965.

______May 28, 1965.

______t August 13, 1965,

.* August 20, 1965,

. . ,! September 17, 1965,

______i December 23, 1965,

______i September 21, 1968,

The (Trinidad), A paper which servos the Intellectual, November

SiSTfEf^ry“ !ni9«!' ° n i a i a l or8ao °* thB P*°P1“ "clonal Movement,

* February 22, 1963,

______, April 12, 1963*

______j December 13, 1963.

______» May 1, 1964.

______» March 26* 1965.

*______* September 17, 1965.

- September 12, 1965,

______» April 15, 1966,

______June 9, 1967*

* June 23, 1967.

______February 1, 1968. 203

The Tronsport Worker (Trinidad), Official organ of the Transport Workers Union, September 8, 1967.

, January 26, 1967,

______, June 1, 1967.

7. Labor Union Documents and Reports

Rules of the Antigua Trades and Labour Union. (Registered 1939). Trinidad;CCL, 53-55 Frederick St., Pcrt-of-Spain.

Constitution of the Bermuda Industrial Union. (Registered 1962). Trinidad:CCL, 53-55 Frederick St., Port-of—Spain.

Rules and Regulations of the Barbados Workers Union. (Registered 1941). Barbados: Advocate Co., Ltd.

The Dominica Trade Union (amended constitution 195B). St. Lucia: Voice Press.

Rules and Constitution of the Grenada Trade Union Council. (Registered 1955). Grenada: Caribbean Publishing Co., Ltd., April 11, 1957.

Rules and Constitution of the Grenada Technical and Allied Workers Union. Grenada; Clarke's Printery, n.d.

Rules of Guiana Air Transport Trade Union. (Registered Ho, 104, n.p.t n.d.)

Rules of the St. Lucia Commercial and General Workers Union. St. Lucia: Voice Publishing Co., 1953,

Rules of the St. Lucia Farmers and Farm Workers Progressive Union. {Registered 1957). St. Lucia: Herald Printery,

St. Lucia Year Book 1965. St. Lucia: Voice Publishing Co., 1953.

Rules of the Vieux Fort General and Dock Workers Trade Union. (Regiatered 1954). St. Lucia: The Herald Printery.

Dominica Trade Union Rules 1945. (Registered 1952). Dominica: Randolph Printery, 1953,

Constitution and Rules of the Labour Party of Dominica. (Registered 1958). Trinidad:College Press, 1958.

Rules of the Seamen and Waterfront Workers Trade Union, Trinidad:Offset Press, n.d.

Constitution of the Commercial Technical and Allied Workers Union. St. Vincentj 1963. 204

Rules of the Federated Workers Trade Union. Trinidad, 1944, n. p.

Rasnlution of General Council of Union (CTAWU); Statement of Policy 1963. These constitutions are useful to study the role of labor in West Indian politicB.

Halvonik, Norene A. Labor Law and Practice Trinidnd and Tobago. Washington: Government Printing Office (GPO) , 1967.

Kirkpatrick, Elizabeth K. Labor Law and Practice in Jamaica. Washington: GPO, 1967.

Sales, Gustav A. Labor Law and Practice In .Guyana. Washington: GPO, 1967. These throe labor reports are useful for studying labor matters in Trlnidad-Tobago, Jamaica and Guyana.

Tello, Rupert. Highlights on Growth and Development of the British Guiana Trades. Union Movement. Trade Union Council Miscellaneous Pamphlets, British Guiana: n.p., 1959. A penetrating study on the labor movement especially during 1950-1953,

A Summary of the Trades Disputes Bill. Guyana: GPO, 1969. An interpretation of the Trades Disputes Act.

The Trades Disputes Act. (Guyana), 1969. Guyana: GPO, 1969. This act deals specifically with labor

Caribbean Conference Bulletin Vol. 2, 1967.

Caribbean Congress of Labor Newsletter, December 30, 1963,

______, April 28, 1964*

______, February 21, 1964. A good paper for West Indian labor matters.

Census Data. 1921, 1943, 1946 and 1960 (Provisional) . A good description of the population.

Development and Welfare Organization. Summary of Labour Legislation in the British West Indies. Barbados: G.P.O., 1943. A careful study of labor laws and labor funds.

First Parliament Trinidad and Tobago. Industrial Stabilisation Act^ 19_65. A law of compulsory recognition which treats strikes as Illegal.

I .C.F.T.U. Report, 1949.

Inter-American Labor Bulletin. Vol. 18, Nos, 10, 11, October-November, 1966.

______, Vol. 17, No. 2, February 1966. These papers present U, S. labor policies in the Americas. 205

Labour Marches On, (A Record of Achievements and Statement of Future Policy of the Barbados Labour Party, 1951). States policy of the BLP.

National Insurance and Social Security Hill, 1.96B^ Bill denlp with the social security and national insurance.

Nntion^l )farkej^s Nnjonof Jamaica^ Convention. November 1, 1964-Qctober 23, 1965, Tills is a good report,

P.N.P.'s New Folicy. {A new policy fur the People's National Party in Jamaica.) Describes the policy of the P.N.p.

Reference Division Central Office of Information, Guyana. London! H.M.S.O., 1966. A good booklet, especially for politics and labor in post 1952 Guyana.

The American Institute for Free Labor development Country Labor Plan. Guyana, I960, A useful study on U, 5. involvement in Guyana.

Trinidad and Tobago Independence Act. 1962, Grants labor its constitutional rights.

Security (Miscellaneous Provision) ,0,111, .19.66. Georgetown; Guyana, Bill curtails movements of labor leaders.

Survey of the Alliance for Progress - Labor Policies and Programs. Washington, GPO, July 15, 1960.

West Indian Civil Rights Guardian — No. 3 ,, October 1871. Good book for general study of West Indian middle class. 206

SECONDARY SOURCES

A. BOOKS

Abrahams, Peter* Jamaica: An Island Hossgic. London:H.M.S*0., 1957. General book.

ALeera, Daniel A. The Wanes of Farm and Factory Laborers i 1914-1944. New York, Columbia U. Press, 1945. Book treats U.S, farm wagea,

Ayearst, Morley. Tlie British West Indies: The Search for Self. New York! New York University Press, i960. The author gives on hie torlcal survey of government from Emanci­ pation to the present with studies on the political parties ond their ideologies.

Elans hard, Paul. Democracy and Empire in the Caribbean. New York: The Macmillan Co., 1947. It is a good book to study for the social and political conse­ quences of British negligence in the Caribbean*

Bishop, Oscar W, (ed), British Guiana Parliament, Georgetown: n.d. This booklet has pertinent information on the politics of Guyana, the early years of lagan's PFF government. It also has the reaction of West Indian leaders on Jagan's communist policies.

Brady, Alexander, William lluskiasoti and the Liberal Reform. London: Oxford U. Press, 1932. A good account of British colonial policies.

Bums, Alan. History of the British West Indies* London, George Allen and Unwin, Ltd., 1954. A general history of the West Indies.

Carley, Ray Manning. Jamaica: The Old and New. New York: Frederick A, Praeger, 1963. A general book.

Carrington, Winslow. In Support of Indus trial_F_eace. Guyana: GPO, 1969. An analysis of Guyana's need for labor legislation.

Chase, Ashton, A History of Trade Unionism in Guyana* 1900-1961. Guyana: New Guyana Cen. Ltd*, 1964. A history of the labor movement - a non-marxist view by a marxist. 207

Clementi, Cecil. The Constitutional History of British Guiana. London: MacMillan & Co., 1937. A good book on constitutional history.

Cole, G.D.H. A Short History of the British Working Class. 1789-1937. London: George Allen & Unwin, Ltd,, 1937, A good history on the British labor movement,

Cranon, E.D. Black Moses, Madison: University of Wisconsin, 1957. A biography of Marcus Garvey.

Cundall, Frank, Political and Social Disturbances in the West Indies. Jamaica; The Educational Supply Co. Printers, 1906. This la an important booklet which analyzed the cause for the riots and measures used to control them,

Duncan, Ebenezer. A Brief History of St. Vincent With Studies in Citizen^ ship. Kingstown, St. Vincent, 3rd cd,, 1963. This book is not a masterpiece but it gives the student a general idea of the growth of trade unions and political parties,

Edwards, Adolph. Marcus Garvey. London: New Deacon Publication, 1967. A biographical sketch of Marcus Garvey,

Farley, R. Trade Union Development and Trade Union Education in the British Caribbean. Georgetown, British Guiana, The Daily Chronicle, 1958.

Farley, R, {inter alia). Industrial Relations and the British Caribbean. London: University of London Press, Ltd,, 1961. These authors trace the historical evolution of labor unions and industrial relations in the West Indies, Part II is very helpful.

Hall, Douglas. Free Jamaica 1A38-1B65. Yale University Press, 1959. The emphasis in this book ia cn economic history.

Hoyoa, F.A. The Rise oE West Indian Democracy. Barbados: Advocate Press, 1963. A general book.

Jngan, Cheddi B. The West on Trial. New York: The International Pub­ lishers, 1967. This bock by the former prime minister of Guyana is anti-imper­ ialist and presents the views of the PPP the left wing working class party.

James, C.L.R. The Life of Captain Cipriani; An Account of British Government in the West Indies. Nelson: n.p., 1932. This book is not primarily about Cipriani'a contribution to the labor movement but it is critical about the nature of crown colony government in the Heat Indies. 208

. Party Politics In the Wear Indies. Trinidad; n.p., 1962. Jamas gives a critical approach to party politics in Trinidad and the need for a mass party to absorb the energy of the masses.

Jenks, Edwards, Parliamentary England: The Evolution of the Cabinet System. New York.: C.r. Putnams 6 Sons, n.d. A general book for the study of the parliamentary system.

Kloosterbocr, W. Involuntary Labour Since the Abolition of Slavery. The Netherlands Leiden E. J, Brill. 1960. The author surveys compulsory labor in the world. Chapters I and H I are germane to the problem of immigrant labor in the Vest Indies.

Knowles, W. H. Trade Union Development In the West Indies. Berkeley: Univ. of California Press., 1962. A history of West Indian labor-

Mahabir, Winston. The Challenges of Nationalism and Independence in a Multi-Cultural Society. Montreal: McGill University, 1967. This paper gives an impartial analysis of Trinidad society.

Mathieson, William Law, The Sugar Question and Governor Eyre 1849-1866. London: Longmans Green A Co, , 1936. The book analyzes the principal post-emancipation issues; labor, constitutional changes and the Morant Bay Revolution.

Meehan, J. The Guitmas: Commercial and Economic Survey. Trade Infor­ mation Bulletin no. 516, Washington: U.S. Department of Commerce.

Murray, D . J , The West Indies and the Development of Colonial Govern­ ment 1BQ1-1B34. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1965.

Newman, Peter. British Guiana: Problems of Cohesion in an ImmlRrant Society. London: Oxford University Press, 1964. The book is an Impartial study of a society caught up in the social dynamics of race, labor, politics and communism.

Norman, Frank. Whitehall to the West Indies. London: Scottish County Press, 1952, A general book on the British West Indies,

Oxaal, Ivan. Black Intellectuals Come to Power. The Rise of Creole Nationalism in Trinidad and Tobago. Massachusetts; Schenkman Publishing Co,, I960. A good and careful analysis of middle class politicians in Trinidad.

Price, John. British Trade Unions. London: Longmans Green 6 Co., 1943, Discusses British trade unions,

Reno, Phillip, The Ordeal of British Guiana, New York: Monthly Review Press, 1964. An anti-imperialist criticism of Guyana, 209

Richards, Notvellc (Hon.). Socialism and Che West Indies; Its Origins gad Aims. Trinidad: n.p., 1959. An explanatory review of West Indian socialism.

Simey, T, S, Welfare and PlnnnlnE in the West Indies. Oxford? Claren­ don Press* 1946, The author in the preface upheld crown colony government for the West Indies, It is well written and it has relevance to understand­ ing the West Indian social milieu.

Smith, Adam. An Inquiry into the nature and causes of the wealth of nations. New York: Modern Library* 1937. A good bock to study the economics of slavery.

Smith, Raymond. British Guiana. London: Oxford University Press, 1962. General book on Guyana history politics and labor.

Starkey, Otis, The Economic Geography of Barbados. New York! Columbia University Press, 1939. This book is too vague on the economics of Barbados.

Webb, Sidney & Beatrice, The History of Trade Unionism. New York: Augustus M. Kelley Publishers, A good history on British trade unions.

Williams, Eric. The Negro in the Caribbean. New York: The Williams Press, Inc,* 1942. The name of the bock is misleading. An anti-imperialist approach in analyzing West Indian labor which is not primarily a negro problem.

...... Capitalism and Slavery. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press* 1943. A goad book an slavery.

_ ^ . History of the People of Trinidad and Tobano. Trinidad; P.N.M. Publishing Co., Ltd.* 1962, A general history on Trinidad and Tobago. i ______, Perspective for Our Party. Trinidad; P.N.M. Publishing Co.* Ltd., 1958.

______, Perspectives for the West Indies. Trinidad: P,N.M, Pub­ lishing Co., Ltd., 1960.

_____ |t The Future of the West Indies and Guyana. Trinidad; P.N.M. Publishing Co., Ltd., 1963, These booklets are useful to study Williams * political philosophy.

Wood* Donald. Trinidad in Transition. The Years After Slavery. Oxford: Oxford U, Press* 1968. A good study on the arrival of the races in Trinidad and race relations. 210

Wrongj Hume, Government of the West Indies. Oxford: Clarendon tress, 1923, A well written Book on British colonial government in the West Indies, Bahamas and Burmudtu

______. Developments Towards Self-Government in the Caribbean. Bandung: W. Van Hoove, Ltd., 1954, A collection of papers presented in a symposium on modem West Indian political institutions.

B. PERIODICAL ARTICLES

Alexander, C.P, "Trinidad Labour Condition Revealed", The African. (Octoher'Novemhex, 1947). Description of labor conditions by a trade unionist,

Bradley* C.P. "Hass Parties in Jamaica: Structure and Organisation,ft Social and Economic Studies, vol. 9 ( D e c e m b e r I960). A good study in politics and labor in Jamaica.

Colebroake, A.A. "Lahour Conditions in Jamaica", Negro Anthology. 1934, Describes labour in Jamaica.

Dycc, Osmond, "The Check Off System in the Caribbean11, Free Labour World. (April, 1962). Dues paying by the workers,

_____ , "Labour Unites in Trinidad,11 Free Labour World, (July- August 1966). Treats the history of the movement and attempts at unity.

______’’The Situation in Guyana," Free Labour World. (December, 1953),

______. "Trade Union and Politics," (Lecture delivered July 12, 1964),

Farley, Rawle, "Caribbean Labour Contes of Age," Free Labour World. (April 1958). A nationalistic and historical discussion on West Indian labor*

James, C. L. R. "West Indians of East Indian Descent," Ibis Pamphlet* (No. 1). James argues that labor must play a major part in structuring West Indian society,

Jayawardona, Chandra. "Ideology and Conflict in Lower Class Communities *11 Comparative _S_tudies in Society and History: An International Quarterly, vol, X (July, 1968). A helpful sociological study with reference to Guyana,

Lewis, W. Arthur. "Labour in the West Indies," Fabian Society Research Series * (May 1939), Gocd analysis of West Indian labor and middle class. 211 Hark, Francis X, "Organized Labour in British Guiana," The Caribbean In Transition. (1965). An incisive study In labor politics in British Guiana,

Mondesin, Sylvester, "Trade Union and Politics", editorial, Transport Worker* September 8, 1966,

Padmore, George, "Fascism in the West Indies," Crisis, 45 (January 1938). Critical insight into British policies towards the West Indian worker,

Phelps, 0. W* "Rise of the Labour Movement in Jamaica," Social and Economic Studies, 9, (December, I960), A study of the history labor movement in Jamaica.

Sewell, G, W, "Free Labor in the West Indies," 7, Living Age (1861),

"Trollope’s West Indies," Living Ago, 64 (1860), Cause for importing indentured labor.

Walcot, Frank, "Sugar In the Blood," Free Labor World, (March 1965). Treats mechanization and the social cost of employment.

...... "Silver Jubilee In Barbados," Free Labour World (November 1966). A history of Barbados labor movement,

"A Social Programme for the British West Indies," International Labour Review, XLI (Hay 1940).

"Deficiency In Labor in the West Indies," Living Age. 62 (1859), An attack on West Indian labor for contributing to the social decadence.

"Carlye on West Indian Emancipation," De Bow’s Review. (June 1950), Denunciation of black workers.

"Labour Problems in the West Indies," International Labour Review. 37, (January-June, 1938)

"Labour Policies in the West Indies," International Labour Review. (1952), These two articles describe the British labor policies the West Indian colonies and the measures employed to alleviate social pro­ blems In the area.

Spotlight. April, 1961.

Spotlight. June, 1961*

Spotlight, January, 1962,

"The Colonial Crisis," Fraser’s Magazine, 3 (February-July, 1831). Article questions the liberty for the laboring men. 212

The Typographical Journal» Vol. 12, No. 11, June 1B98,

______. Vol. 33, No. 4, 1908. These journals contain information on the international contacts between American labor unions and their counterparts in the Heat Indies.

C. PERSONAL INTERVIEWS

Buckles, Lionel. December 19, I960.

Carrington, Winslow, August 18, 1969,

Goddard, Sam. March 5, 1968.

Weekes, George, December 19, 1968.

Young, Joe. December 19, i960.