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1. Introduction

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1. Introduction -1- 1. INTRODUCTION 1.1 STATEMENT OF INTENT 1.1.1 Aims s Breen (1990a:2) writes, ‘Pronoun systems and inventories seem to provide one of the most reliable indicators of closeness or distance of genetic relations between languages’. It has often been considered generally true that grammatical forms are much less subject to borrowing than are lexical items (pace Campbell (1997)); in short, if one is to reconstruct the history of a language family or subgroup, then morphology, and pronominal morphology in particular, should be one of the most stable aspects of the language and therefore the most suitable part of the languages from which to determine genetic relationships. Jeffrey Heath (1978), in his study of linguistic diffusion between Pama-Nyungan and non-Pama-Nyungan languages in Arnhem Land, showed that pronominal and grammatical borrowing between unrelated languages was not only possible, but in that part of Australia, was relatively common. More recently, studies by Dench (1994, 1998a) and work by Dixon (1997) have led to the questioning of the practicality of attempting to determine close genetic relationships in Australia. While some, such as McConvell (McConvell and Evans (1997) and elsewhere), have continued to argue for the applicability of the family tree model in Australia, others have distrusted the validity of their application in areas of pervasive diffusion. This thesis has two aspects. First and foremost, it presents the results of a practical exercise in morphological reconstruction. The bulk of the work is concerned with reconstructing the pronominal and case systems of Proto-Karnic. Secondly, the results of the reconstructions are used to draw inferences about the validity of using subgroups and the family tree model in areas of diffusion. The aims of this paper are: • to reconstruct the inflectional nominal morphology of Proto-Karnic; • to explain the morphological changes that have take place in the daughter languages; • to attempt to isolate diffused suffixes from those which are the result of shared genetic inheritance; • to examine the basis for subgrouping of Lake Eyre languages. Chapter 1: Introduction -2- 1.1.2 Scope of Topic In order to limit the material under consideration, it has been necessary to exclude many areas of morphology that would have ideally been included. Studying even the complete inventory of nominal morphology would have required a great deal more time than has been available, and many more words to describe. The study is largely restricted to the inflectional nominal morphology and pronominal systems of the languages concerned.1 Even the rarer cases, such as the benefactive, have had to be excluded, due to lack of space and data. Derivational morphology could not be examined in great detail. Thus suffixes such as Diyari’s ‘excessive concern’, - kanytyi, were excluded because there were no data on such a suffix in other languages of the region. While the personal pronouns were included, certain lexical classes with morphological idiosyncrasies had also to be excluded, which was unfortunate as they would have been an interesting area for research. These were kin terms, human proper names and place names, demonstratives and the indefinite/interrogatives. Unfortunately, these areas must be deemed beyond the scope of this thesis. Also impossible to describe due to lack of time, space and data was a comparison of the nominal and verbal morphology of the languages. As Blake (1993) has demonstrated, such a study can be very profitable. The rich verbal systems of Karnic languages with marking o direction in the verb, switch reference marking, and others, would have been a very interesting topic to investigate. Such a study, however, could not be carried out for Karnic here. Only a brief survey of the sound changes in lexical items has been conducted. This is to be found in Chapter 3. Sound change reconstructions are mostly based on those to be found in Austin (1990a). Because of the time available it was not possible to research this area of reconstruction more fully. Nor, perhaps, was it necessary; morphological change can happen independently of the sound changes reconstructed for lexemes. Therefore Austin (1990a) was the main source for sound change and little further was added. There are a number of morphosyntactic issues that are related to reconstruction in morphology. These include constituent order, double case marking and the syntactic origins of certain case marking strategies. While these have been mentioned where relevant, unfortunately it was not possible to make a detailed study of these issues. Grammatical material from last century was available for a few languages, including Roth’s (1897) grammar or Pitta-Pitta and dialects, and Rev. Reuther’s (nd.a) Three Central Australian Grammars, of Yandruwandha, Wangkangurru and Diyari. While these 1 The division between inflectional and derivational suffixes is somewhat unclear in Australian languages. It could be said that the suffixes reconstructed here are those which have grammatical, rather than relational, functions. This definition is adopted from Dench and Evans (1988:2). For further information see this article and the references found there. Chapter 1: Introduction -3- have been examined, and comments on the differences in forms made where possible, and where the ‘old’ and ‘new’ languages differ, no systematic comparison was possible. Some forms have been related to the reconstructions of Proto-Pama-Nyungan; there was no time or space to make more detailed comments on all the reconstructions and their relationship to the presumed pre-proto-language. At other points in the text I have had to assume the reader’s familiarity with the main literature of Proto-Pama- Nyungan; references have been given at these points but it was not possible to provide detailed summaries of the material. The most unfortunate omission, due again to lack of time, space and data, was a comparison with forms outside the area. This was done in places in an attempt to identify sources for odd forms, however no systematic study could be undertaken. 1.1.3 Implications for Theory This thesis is primarily an exercise in practical morphological reconstruction. Secondarily, however, there are a number of issues, in both historical and synchronic language study, which arise when completing such a task. The first is that of shared genetic inheritance as opposed to diffused forms from related languages. In morphology these are often very difficult to identify (the problems are well set out in Heath (1978:1ff). Lexical borrowings are often identified because they exhibit different correspondence sets from words of shared genetic origin. Such a criterion cannot always be usefully applied in much of morphology, for sound changes may be sporadic, particularly in words such as pronouns, with a very high functional load and frequent use. This is a problem which will be addressed in this thesis. The applicability of the family tree model to the languages of Australia has been an issue in recent times. If one of the results of this thesis is to identify a number of changes, in a part of Australia, which are unlikely to have been borrowed, then there is some hope that some family tree of at least parts of the Pama-Nyungan language family may be recovered, if only in isolated areas. Closely related to, and following from, the questions of the applicability of the family tree model is the question of the type of relatedness of the languages concerned. According to Professor Dixon (pc), the Lake Eyre basin is a linguistic Sprachbund; apart from a few closely related languages, there are no obvious genetic similarities. This is a very interesting proposition and will be examined further in chapters 7 and 8. Finally, the languages of the Lake Eyre basin seem to have undergone some quite rare changes; these include the shift from the dative case to the nominative of a pronoun, the creation of new cases from allomorphs of established cases2 and exaptation. Doing detailed reconstruction on low-level subgroups within Australia is a good way to find 2 this is not uncommon in stems (see Koch (1996a) for some examples). Chapter 1: Introduction -4- out what sorts of changes occur in Australian languages. There have been few studies of low-mid-level subgroups in Australia; Karnic, which is quite well-defined, is a good subgroup to add to the small but growing list of reconstructed subgroups.3 1.1.4 General Problems Perhaps the biggest problem in using the Lake Eyre languages for historical and comparative study is the paucity of data for a number of languages. Many Karnic languages were described “just in time”, when the few last speakers were very old. For some languages, such as Karangura and Pirlatapa, only a few words have been recorded. Not every last speaker of a language was fluent; there are gaps and inconsistencies in a number of pieces of data. This is not to deny the talents of many of the last speakers of Karnic languages, nor of the linguists who described them. Excellent grammars have been written for a number of languages. Nonetheless, data are missing and this creates problems in reconstruction. Almost no grammatical data at all were collected from the languages of the north-east part of the Lake Eyre basin. Often only one dialect of a language is represented; where there are data for more dialects there can be shown to be dialect continua (see, for example, Chambers and Trudgill (1980)). Language borders are considerably less well defined than they appear on the map; the dialect Reuther described for Yandruwandha, for example, is much closer to Yawarrawarka in some respects than to Yandruwandha, both geographically and linguistically. Lack of data in this respect has also contributed to the incomplete picture presented here. For a number of languages, the only data available were from field notes and preliminary analyses which were also completed in the field.
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