Afrikaner Volksparty Nr 1:2009 (Januarie)
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Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962
Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports 2021 “Remov[e] Us From the Bondage of South Africa:” Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962 Michael R. Hogan West Virginia University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd Part of the African History Commons Recommended Citation Hogan, Michael R., "“Remov[e] Us From the Bondage of South Africa:” Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962" (2021). Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports. 8264. https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd/8264 This Dissertation is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by the The Research Repository @ WVU with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Dissertation in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you must obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This Dissertation has been accepted for inclusion in WVU Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports collection by an authorized administrator of The Research Repository @ WVU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. “Remov[e] Us From the Bondage of South Africa:” Transnational Resistance Strategies and Subnational Concessions in Namibia's Police Zone, 1919-1962 Michael Robert Hogan Dissertation submitted to the Eberly College of Arts and Sciences at West Virginia University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy In History Robert M. -
The Immediate and Long-Term Effects of Namibia's Colonization Process
The Immediate and Long-Term Effects of Namibia’s Colonization Process By: Jonathan Baker Honors Capstone Through Professor Taylor Politics of Sub-Saharan Africa Baker, 2 Table of Contents I. Authors Note II. Introduction III. Pre-Colonization IV. Colonization by Germany V. Colonization by South Africa VI. The Struggle for Independence VII. The Decolonization Process VIII. Political Changes- A Reaction to Colonization IX. Immediate Economic Changes Brought on by Independence X. Long Term Political Effects (of Colonization) XI. Long Term Cultural Effects XII. Long Term Economic Effects XIII. Prospects for the Future XIV. Conclusion XV. Bibliography XVI. Appendices Baker, 3 I. Author’s Note I learned such a great deal from this entire honors capstone project, that all the knowledge I have acquired can hardly be covered by what I wrote in these 50 pages. I learned so much more that I was not able to share both about Namibia and myself. I can now claim that I am knowledgeable about nearly all areas of Namibian history and life. I certainly am no expert, but after all of this research I can certainly consider myself reliable. I have never had such an extensive knowledge before of one academic area as a result of a school project. I also learned a lot about myself through this project. I learned how I can motivate myself to work, and I learned how I perform when I have to organize such a long and complicated paper, just to name a couple of things. The strange inability to be able to include everything I learned from doing this project is the reason for some of the more random appendices at the end, as I have a passion for both numbers and trivia. -
A Comparative Study of Zimbabwe and South Africa
FACEBOOK, YOUTH AND POLITICAL ACTION: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF ZIMBABWE AND SOUTH AFRICA A thesis submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY of SCHOOL OF JOURNALISM AND MEDIA STUDIES, RHODES UNIVERSITY by Admire Mare September 2015 ABSTRACT This comparative multi-sited study examines how, why and when politically engaged youths in distinctive national and social movement contexts use Facebook to facilitate political activism. As part of the research objectives, this study is concerned with investigating how and why youth activists in Zimbabwe and South Africa use the popular corporate social network site for political purposes. The study explores the discursive interactions and micro- politics of participation which plays out on selected Facebook groups and pages. It also examines the extent to which the selected Facebook pages and groups can be considered as alternative spaces for political activism. It also documents and analyses the various kinds of political discourses (described here as digital hidden transcripts) which are circulated by Zimbabwean and South African youth activists on Facebook fan pages and groups. Methodologically, this study adopts a predominantly qualitative research design although it also draws on quantitative data in terms of levels of interaction on Facebook groups and pages. Consequently, this study engages in data triangulation which allows me to make sense of how and why politically engaged youths from a range of six social movements in Zimbabwe and South Africa use Facebook for political action. In terms of data collection techniques, the study deploys social media ethnography (online participant observation), qualitative content analysis and in-depth interviews. -
Federal Arrangements As a Peacemaking Device During South Africa's Transition to Democracy Author(S): Nico Steytler and Johann Mettler Source: Publius, Vol
Federal Arrangements as a Peacemaking Device during South Africa's Transition to Democracy Author(s): Nico Steytler and Johann Mettler Source: Publius, Vol. 31, No. 4, (Autumn, 2001), pp. 93-106 Published by: Oxford University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3331063 Accessed: 10/06/2008 15:34 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=oup. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit organization founded in 1995 to build trusted digital archives for scholarship. We enable the scholarly community to preserve their work and the materials they rely upon, and to build a common research platform that promotes the discovery and use of these resources. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. http://www.jstor.org Federal Arrangements as a Peacemaking Device During South Africa's Transition to Democracy Nico Steytler Universityof the WesternCape Johann Mettler Universityof the WesternCape Federal arrangements are often used as a way of keeping deeply divided societies together. -
2001 Lecture
THE JAMES BACKHOUSE LECTURE 2001 RECONCILING OPPOSITES: REFLECTIONS ON PEACEMAKING IN SOUTH AFRICA Hendrik W van der Merwe The James Backhouse Lectures The lectures were instituted by Australia Yearly Meeting of the Religious Society of Friends (Quakers) on the its establishment of that Yearly Meeting in 1964. James Backhouse and his companion, George Washington Walker were English Friends who visited Australia from 1832 to 1838. They travelled widely, but spent most of their time in Tasmania. It was through their visit that Quaker Meetings were first established in Australia. Coming to Australia under a concern for the conditions of convicts, the two men had access to people with authority in the young colonies, and with influence in Britain, both in Parliament and in the social reform movement. In meticulous reports and personal letters, they made practical suggestions and urged legislative action on penal reform, on the rum trade, and on land rights and the treatment of Aborigines. James Backhouse was a general naturalist and a botanist. He made careful observations and published full accounts of what he saw, in addition to encouraging Friends in the colonies and following the deep concern that had brought him to Australia. Australian Friends hope that this series of Lectures will bring fresh insights into the Truth, and speak to the needs and aspirations of Australian Quakerism. This particular lecture was delivered in Melbourne on 8 January 2001, during the annual meeting of the Society. Colin Wendell-Smith Presiding Clerk Australia Yearly Meeting © Copyright 2001 by the Religious Society of Friends (Quakers) in Australia Incorporated. -
The Referendum in FW De Klerk's War of Manoeuvre
The referendum in F.W. de Klerk’s war of manoeuvre: An historical institutionalist account of the 1992 referendum. Gary Sussman. London School of Economics and Political Science. Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Government and International History, 2003 UMI Number: U615725 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615725 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 T h e s e s . F 35 SS . Library British Library of Political and Economic Science Abstract: This study presents an original effort to explain referendum use through political science institutionalism and contributes to both the comparative referendum and institutionalist literatures, and to the political history of South Africa. Its source materials are numerous archival collections, newspapers and over 40 personal interviews. This study addresses two questions relating to F.W. de Klerk's use of the referendum mechanism in 1992. The first is why he used the mechanism, highlighting its role in the context of the early stages of his quest for a managed transition. -
The Role and Application of the Union Defence Force in the Suppression of Internal Unrest, 1912 - 1945
THE ROLE AND APPLICATION OF THE UNION DEFENCE FORCE IN THE SUPPRESSION OF INTERNAL UNREST, 1912 - 1945 Andries Marius Fokkens Thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Military Science (Military History) at the Military Academy, Saldanha, Faculty of Military Science, Stellenbosch University. Supervisor: Lieutenant Colonel (Prof.) G.E. Visser Co-supervisor: Dr. W.P. Visser Date of Submission: September 2006 ii Declaration I, the undersigned, hereby declare that the work contained in this thesis is my own original work and that I have not previously submitted it, in its entirety or in part, to any university for a degree. Signature:…………………….. Date:………………………….. iii ABSTRACT The use of military force to suppress internal unrest has been an integral part of South African history. The European colonisation of South Africa from 1652 was facilitated by the use of force. Boer commandos and British military regiments and volunteer units enforced the peace in outlying areas and fought against the indigenous population as did other colonial powers such as France in North Africa and Germany in German South West Africa, to name but a few. The period 1912 to 1945 is no exception, but with the difference that military force was used to suppress uprisings of white citizens as well. White industrial workers experienced this military suppression in 1907, 1913, 1914 and 1922 when they went on strike. Job insecurity and wages were the main causes of the strikes and militant actions from the strikers forced the government to use military force when the police failed to maintain law and order. -
The Idea of the ANC
The Idea of the ANC Anthony Butler OHIO UNIVERSITY PRESS ATHENS Contents Acknowledgements.................................vii 1. Introduction ..................................... 1 2. Agency ..........................................16 3. Unity ...........................................58 4. Liberation ......................................92 5. Conclusion . 119 Notes ..............................................131 Index ..............................................135 1 Introduction On 8 January 2012 the African National Congress (ANC) celebrated its centenary in Bloemfontein, the city in which it had been founded. By early morning the streets of the city thronged with ANC supporters. When the gates of Free State Stadium were opened, almost 50,000 citizens quickly filled the stands, ready to enjoy a day of food, speech-making and political theatre. For most of those present, the event was a celebration of a remarkable political movement that had survived a century of repression and exile, and emerged as the natural party of post-apartheid government. ANC leaders in Bloemfontein indulged in more than a moment of self-satisfaction about the capacity of their movement to scale seemingly insuperable obstacles. Three hundred years of white supremacy and segregation culminated, in the second half of the last century, in institutionalised apartheid and the 1 forced relocation of Africans to Bantustans. In the eyes of its champions, the ANC has now begun the long process of remaking this troubled society. It has used its electoral mandate to take unpopular but necessary decisions; it has provided housing, water, sanitation and electricity to millions of citizens; it has created a new system of government out of the disorder of late apartheid; and it has ameliorated the racial and ethnic tensions that are an inevitable consequence of such a tumultuous political history. -
Prague Papers on International Relations
Divided union: South African nationalist opposition from 1939 to 1943 Mikuláš Touška1 ABSTRACT South Africa’s participation in World War II was accompanied by a specific and, to some extent, par- adoxical development. The declaration of war on Germany alongside Great Britain and other domin- ions was preceded by a government crisis that resulted in the collapse of Hertzog’s cabinet. The new coalition government led by Hertzog’s long-time political rival Jan Smuts had to face strong nation- alist opposition. This opposition supported by Nazi Germany was extensive but fragmented, causing it to be defeated in the 1943 elections. However, this defeat led to a paradoxical result. The ultra-con- servative and fiercely anti-British politician D.F. Malan became the undisputed leader of the oppo- sition and capitalized on his position to clinch an electoral victory in 1948. The goal of this paper is to identify the reasons for this paradoxical development based on the analysis of both the activities of various opposition groups and personal animosities among their leaders. The analysis is based on the existing literature as well as on archival materials, in particular the reports of South African counterintelligence. KEYWORDS Union of South Africa, Second World War, United Party, National Party, Afrikaner Party, James Barry Munnik Hertzog, Jan Christiaan Smuts, Daniel François Malan. “WHITE UNITY” The period after 1910 until the mid-30s in the Union’s political development is char- acterized by Afrikaners’ rising influence. Although English-speaking white South Africans represented about 40 percent of the Union’s white population, their impact on politics gradually declined as they focused mainly on the economy.2 It should be noted that there was no “British” political party on the South African political scene that might have constituted an adequate rival to the Afrikaner nationalists. -
From Gqogqora to Liberation: the Struggle Was My Life
FROM GQOGQORA TO LIBERATION: THE STRUGGLE WAS MY LIFE The Life Journey of Zollie Malindi Edited by Theodore Combrinck & Philip Hirschsohn University of the Western Cape in association with Diana Ferrus Publishers IN THE SAME SERIES Married to the Struggle: ‘Nanna’ Liz Abrahams Tells her Life Story, edited by Yusuf Patel and Philip Hirschsohn. Published by the University of the Western Cape. Zollie Malindi defies his banning order in 1989 (Fruits of Defiance, B. Tilley & O. Schmitz 1990) First published in 2006 by University of the Western Cape Modderdam Road Bellville 7535 South Africa © 2006 Zolile (Zollie) Malindi All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior permission in writing from the copyright owner. Front and back cover illustrations by Theodore Combrinck. ISBN 0-620-36478-5 Editors: Theodore Combrinck and Philip Hirschsohn This book is available from the South African history online website: www.sahistory.org.za Printed and bound by Printwize, Bellville CONTENTS Acknowledgements Preface – Philip Hirschsohn and Theodore Combrinck Foreword – Trevor Manuel ZOLLIE MALINDI’S LIFE STORY 1 From a Village near Tsomo 2 My Struggle with Employment 3 Politics in Cape Town 4 Involvement in Unions 5 Underground Politics 6 Banned, Tortured, Jailed 7 Employment at Woolworths 8 Political Revival in the 1980s 9 Retirement and Reflections Bibliography ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Special thanks to Graham Goddard, of the Robben Island Museum’s Mayibuye Archive located at the University of the Western Cape, for locating photographic and video material. -
Education and Training, Health and Science and Technology
1 ANC Today VOTE ANC 33 VOICE OF THE AFRICAN NATIONAL CONGRESS DAYS LEFT 05 -11 April 2019 Conversations with the President Guest Feature: Cde Naledi Pandor Minister of Higher Education Education and Training, Health and Science and Technology e ready ourselves to celebrate available to our government and country. and commemorate many It provides details of how we will further fallen heroes, heroines and Throughout this manifesto improve the lives of South Africans with your stalwarts of our movement. full support and mandate. We extoll several leaders we have emphasised that When the President of the African National who fell in April. Their Congress, Comrade Cyril Ramaphosa, launched memory and contribution are imprinted on our ours is your plan. It is by the 2019 ANC National Election Manifesto movement’sW history. They are and will always at the Moses Mabhida Stadium in eThekwini be leaders of the African National Congress on Saturday, 12 January, he described the and we shall mark their undying contribution all of us and about all of manifesto as A People’s Plan for a Better throughout the month of April. Life for All! We recall Comrade Oliver Reginald Tambo, us, South Africans, Black We are here today to speak to you and to the Cde Chris Hani, Cde Mama Charlotte Maxeke, nation about this People’s Plan with special Comrade Winne Mandela, Cde Braam Fisher, and White, young and old, focus on Basic Education, Higher Education Cde Molefi Sefularo and many others. and Training, Health Science and Technology. The election manifesto of the ANC makes the rural and urban. -
ANC Today 29Th March 2019 29 Mar 2019
1 ANC Today VOTE ANC 40 VOICE OF THE AFRICAN NATIONAL CONGRESS DAYS LEFT 29 March - 04 April 2019 Conversations with the President Solidarity with Western Sahara by Men and Women of Conscience outh Africa welcomes for all who share the vision of a As lovers of peace The presence of representatives you to our country. world free from subjugation, a world from the national liberation We are honoured to where the strong do not exert their and freedom – as movements of the region, from the host this historic act dominance through force of arms. African Union and African Union of solidarity with the In the many times he addressed the men and women Commission, from the Southern Saharawi people. international community on the anti- of conscience African Development Community apartheid struggle, Comrade OR, and our friends in the international SIt is fitting that this conference as he was known, spoke of the role – let us step up community sends the clearest of is taking place in a building of ‘men and women of conscience’ messages. named after Oliver Reginald Tambo, in giving voice to the struggles of our international That message is that we are with a legendary statesman and a oppressed peoples everywhere. solidarity efforts, in the people of the Western Sahara. committed internationalist who was Gathered here today are men and We stand with you, we support you, unwavering in his support for the women of conscience. both word and deed, and we will never forget you. struggle for self-determination of You stood by South Africa during with the people of This conference reflects our the Saharawi people.