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Inkatha and the Talks to End Apartheid, 1990-1994

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Inkatha and the Talks to End Apartheid, 1990-1994 Daniel Scher Innovations for Successful Societies MANAGING SPOILERS AT THE BARGAINING TABLE: INKATHA AND THE TALKS TO END APARTHEID, 1990-1994 SYNOPSIS In the talks to end apartheid in South Africa, 19 parties sat at the negotiating table. At least 10 of the negotiators had armed wings, and almost all had demands that they were prepared to back up with violence. One in particular possessed the ability to destabilize the country: Mangosuthu Buthelezi, leader of the Inkatha Freedom Party. To get him on board, negotiators employed a number of tactics, including splitting him from his backers, offering compromises and refusing to allow the momentum of the process to be slowed by his boycotts. This memo examines the negotiators’ efforts to manage Buthelezi’s demands and draw him into a coalition, as well as the longer-term consequences of those moves. Daniel Scher drafted this policy note on the basis of interviews conducted in Johannesburg, Durban and Cape Town, South Africa, in February 2010. INTRODUCTION government and the opposition in the form of the “I think the dominant factor in our minds African National Congress (ANC)—the task of was that we realized that if we didn’t progress … refashioning the apartheid state into a new, there would have been blood in the streets in democratic system would have been difficult South Africa,” recalled Roelf Meyer, chief enough. negotiator for the National Party during the talks But the National Party (NP) and the ANC, to end apartheid. Meyer was confident that if while the biggest players, were not the only ones. progress was not made at the negotiating table, At several stages of negotiations, 19 parties held large numbers of citizens would take to the street seats at the negotiating table. At least 10 of these and demand an immediate takeover. The chance parties had armed wings. for a stable, controlled transition would be lost. Lead negotiators for the ANC and the NP Chaos was a very real possibility. had to contend with demands made by small If there had been only two players—the groups prepared to back their appeals with violent National Party representing the apartheid action. These demands ranged from a desire for © 2010, Trustees of Princeton University 1 Terms of use and citation format appear at the end of this document and at http://www.princeton.edu/successfulsocieties. Daniel Scher Innovations for Successful Societies linguistically defined homelands to specific primarily because Buthelezi participated in the requests about the structure of the post-apartheid apartheid government’s homeland system. state. Because of his prominence as a traditional Zulu Among these potential spoilers, Mangosuthu leader, in 1970 the apartheid government Buthelezi, leader of the Inkatha Freedom Party appointed him the leader of the KwaZulu (IFP), stood out clearly. According to a report territory. submitted to the Truth and Reconciliation Buthelezi had the title of prince, part of the Commission by the Human Rights Committee, Zulu royal family, and he saw himself as the from 1990 until the April 1994 elections, 14,000 leader of the Zulu people: “One must understand deaths and 22,000 injuries occurred as a result of in the first place that I’m a hereditary leader of my political violence. Of these, the report estimated people, I am a traditional leader by birth.” The that 90% occurred during clashes between area known then as KwaZulu1 was home to the Buthelezi’s supporters and supporters of the bulk of South Africa’s Zulu population. In the ANC. mid-1990s, the Zulu population totaled about 9.2 million, or 23% of the population.2 (By THE CHALLENGE comparison, the population of white South Buthelezi refused to participate in the first Africans was around 3.4 million at that time.3) democratic elections in South Africa until the last After assuming leadership of the KwaZulu minute and boycotted the negotiation process on a territory, Buthelezi formed a Zulu cultural range of issues, including federalism movement, Inkatha Yenkululeko and the role of the Zulu monarchy Yesizwe, which was the “The real irony of the IFP in the post-apartheid state. To get forerunner to the Inkatha is that it is not a party. It’s him on board, negotiators employed Freedom Party. Both Inkatha a set of interests which are a number of tactics, including the movement and the party held together by a leader.” splitting him from his backers, remained inextricably linked to —Mike Sutcliffe, offering reasonable compromises, ANC politician Buthelezi, who led Inkatha for and refusing to allow the 35 years and even in 2010 gave momentum of the process to be no intimation of stepping down. slowed by his boycotts. Mike Sutcliffe, an ANC In 2010, Buthelezi, at 84 years old, believed politician and veteran of politics in the province of that he was one of the most misunderstood people KwaZulu-Natal, said, “The real irony of the IFP in contemporary South African history, viewing is that it is not a party. It’s a set of interests which himself as a patriot who was constantly looking to are held together by their leader.” improve the lot of the average South African, In 1976 the apartheid government irrespective of race. But those who interacted nominated Buthelezi for chief minister of the with him had a different perception. They saw newly formed KwaZulu Bantustan. Bantustans him as a man whose constant brinkmanship were ethnically defined homelands for black South endangered the negotiation process. Africans and an integral part of the apartheid During the negotiations, Buthelezi’s system. Buthelezi claimed that he consulted with relationship with the ANC was bitter. But it had the ANC, who encouraged him to take the not always been so. As a student, Buthelezi was position. Buthelezi said in an interview, “Albert in the ANC Youth League and had enjoyed Luthuli and Mr. Oliver Tambo [top ANC strong relationships with the party. However, in leaders at the time] had to speak to my sister—my the 1970s this relationship grew strained, late sister, Princess Morgina—in Benoni, © 2010, Trustees of Princeton University 2 Terms of use and citation format appear at the end of this document and at http://www.princeton.edu/successfulsocieties. Daniel Scher Innovations for Successful Societies requesting her to plead with me that if the people Inkatha and had provided military training to a elected me in the framework of this system which group of Inkatha members. The president at the the apartheid regime was imposing on us I should time, F.W. de Klerk of the NP, claimed no not refuse, because they knew I rejected it.” knowledge of the support provided by the Buthelezi took up the mantle of chief apartheid state, and fired his ministers of defense minister. However, he soon found himself at and law and order. Buthelezi acknowledge the odds with emergent ANC leaders. They saw training but claimed no knowledge of the funding, cooperation with the apartheid government as a and he fired Inkatha’s secretary-general. betrayal of the liberation struggle. They branded The media labeled the Inkatha groups that Buthelezi a collaborator and he came under had received training as hit squads. Buthelezi increased criticism. contested this characterization: “Many times they The issue came to a head at a meeting wanted to assassinate me and those who worked between the ANC, led by Oliver Tambo at the with me in the [KwaZulu] cabinet … and because time, and Buthelezi in 1979 in London. The of that I appealed to the central government for ANC and Buthelezi clashed over his role in the people to protect [us]. And there were those two Bantustans, and his opposition to both the armed hundred young people that were actually trained struggle and sanctions. So bitter was the clash by the South African defense force for us. that shortly thereafter Buthelezi severed all ties Because I was a sovereign citizen, I was entitled to between Inkatha and the ANC. From this point protection by the South African government— forward, the relationship between the two nothing hanky-panky about it.” organizations was characterized by antagonism. Neither side contests that thousands died in The antagonism boiled over into violence violence that pitted Inkatha supporters against between Buthelezi’s supporters and ANC ANC supporters. supporters in the mid-1980s. In 2010, debate Buthelezi was never conclusively linked to continued about the causes of the violence, in acts of violence, and he consistently denied which people were killed on both sides. Buthelezi involvement. “There was not a single meeting of maintained that his people were defending the central committee of the IFP, which ever themselves from onslaught by the reconstituted decided that we should kill anybody or embark on Umkhonto weSizwe, the armed wing of the a war,” he said in 2010. ANC. The ANC’s Sutcliffe claims, on the other However, there were indications that the hand, that “ANC areas were clearly targeted.” scale of violence was related to Inkatha’s fortunes Uncontested statistics of numbers killed on both at the negotiating table. For example, after the sides are hard to find. One reason for this is that announcement of the election date—which many of those killed were unaffiliated. Inkatha was aggravated about since party The ANC blamed much of the violence on a members had not been consulted—a Human shadowy third force operating out of the apartheid Rights Committee report noted that there was an security structures and directing a campaign of so- “instantaneous reaction in terms of the level of called ‘black-on-black’ violence intended to political violence.” undermine the negotiation process. The Inkathagate scandal, revealed by a leading South FRAMING A RESPONSE African newspaper, showed that elements of the It was within this context that Buthelezi state security apparatus had illicitly funded made demands of the negotiators, and the © 2010, Trustees of Princeton University 3 Terms of use and citation format appear at the end of this document and at http://www.princeton.edu/successfulsocieties.
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