King Goodwill Zwelithini's Imbizo

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

DEVELOPMENT COMMUNICATION ACTIVITY NAME Fight Against Attacks Foreign Nationals; King Goodwill Zwelithini WIMS REFERENCE NUMBER DATE OF THE EVENT 2015/04/20 VENUE & AREA Moses Mabhida Stadium ; eThekwini DC ACTIVITY SYNOPSIS: King Goodwill Zwelithini convened a Fight Against Attacks on Foreign Nationals Imbizo at the Moses Mabhida Stadium in Durban on 20 April 2015. His Majesty spoke out against the recent spates of violent attacks directed at foreign nationals. He strongly condemned the violence saying peace should prevail in South Africa. The King called on traditional leaders to protect foreign nationals and ensure a peaceful reintegration into the community after thousands were displaced. KwaZulu-Natal Premier Senzo Mchunu, MEC for Economic Development Mike Mabuyakhulu, Cllr James Nxumalo and Ministers for Home Affairs Malusi Gigaba and State Security David Mahlobo were in attendance. Religious leaders led the Imbizo in prayer. PHOTO TESTIMONIALS WITH CAPTIONS: ABOVE: His Majesty King Goodwill Zwelithini flanked by Ministers; for State Security David Mahlobo, Home Affairs Malusi Gigaba and KwaZulu-Natal Premier Senzo Mchunu with eThekwini Metro Mayor Cllr James Nxumalo, Inkosi Phathisizwe Chiliza and MEC Economic Development and Tourism, Mike Mabuyakhulu at anti-xenophobia Imbizo. BELOW: King Goodwill Zwelithini called for peace and for foreign nationals to be protected. FAR LEFT: Home Affairs Minister Malusi Gigaba, Premier Senzo Mchunu with King Goodwill Zwelithini. The King called for peace and for foreign nationals to be protected. Above and right left: Several media houses were in attendance as well as religious who prayed for peace and unity at the Imbizo at Moses Mabhida. Thousands of people flocking into the Moses Mabhida Stadium on 12 April to listen to the King deliver his speech. ABOVE and RIGHT: Amakhosi and Amabutho arrive in high spirits at Moses Mabhida. ABOVE: Imbizo attendees in Zulu traditional attire. Most felt that the violence against foreign nationals was unnecessary but action needed to be taken against undocumented immigrants. Right: Amabutho listen attentively as King Zwelithini delivers his speech. .

Copy Link

Recommended publications

South Africa
Safrica Page 1 of 42 Recent Reports Support HRW About HRW Site Map May 1995 Vol. 7, No.3 SOUTH AFRICA THREATS TO A NEW DEMOCRACY Continuing Violence in KwaZulu-Natal INTRODUCTION For the last decade South Africa's KwaZulu-Natal region has been troubled by political violence. This conflict escalated during the four years of negotiations for a transition to democratic rule, and reached the status of a virtual civil war in the last months before the national elections of April 1994, significantly disrupting the election process. Although the first year of democratic government in South Africa has led to a decrease in the monthly death toll, the figures remain high enough to threaten the process of national reconstruction. In particular, violence may prevent the establishment of democratic local government structures in KwaZulu-Natal following further elections scheduled to be held on November 1, 1995. The basis of this violence remains the conflict between the African National Congress (ANC), now the leading party in the Government of National Unity, and the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP), the majority party within the new region of KwaZulu-Natal that replaced the former white province of Natal and the black homeland of KwaZulu. Although the IFP abandoned a boycott of the negotiations process and election campaign in order to participate in the April 1994 poll, following last minute concessions to its position, neither this decision nor the election itself finally resolved the points at issue. While the ANC has argued during the year since the election that the final constitutional arrangements for South Africa should include a relatively centralized government and the introduction of elected government structures at all levels, the IFP has maintained instead that South Africa's regions should form a federal system, and that the colonial tribal government structures should remain in place in the former homelands.
[Show full text]
EB145 Opt.Pdf
E EPISCOPAL CHURCHPEOPLE for a FREE SOUTHERN AFRICA 339 Lafayette Street, New York, N.Y. 10012·2725 C (212) 4n-0066 FAX: (212) 979-1013 S A #145 21 february 1994 _SU_N_D_AY-.::..:20--:FEB:.=:..:;R..:..:U..:..:AR:..:.Y:.....:..:.1994::...::.-_---.". ----'-__THE OBSERVER_ Ten weeks before South Africa's elections, a race war looks increasingly likely, reports Phillip van Niekerk in Johannesburg TOKYO SEXWALE, the Afri In S'tanderton, in the Eastern candidate for the premiership of At the meeting in the Pretoria Many leading Inkatha mem can National Congress candidate Transvaal, the white town coun Natal. There is little doubt that showgrounds three weeks ago, bers have publicly and privately for the office of premier in the cillast Wednesday declared itself Natal will fall to the ANC on 27 when General Constand Viljoen, expressed their dissatisfaction at Pretoria-Witwatersrand-Veree part of an independent Boer April, which explains Buthelezi's head ofthe Afrikaner Volksfront, Inkatha's refusal to participate in niging province, returned shaken state, almost provoking a racial determination to wriggle out of was shouted down while advo the election, and could break from a tour of the civil war in conflagration which, for all the having to fight the dection.~ cating the route to a volkstaat not away. Angola last Thursday. 'I have violence of recent years, the At the very least, last week's very different to that announced But the real prize in Natal is seen the furure according to the country not yet experienced. concessions removed any trace of by Mandela last week, the im Goodwill Zwelithini, the Zulu right wing,' he said, vividly de The council's declaration pro a legitimate gripe against the new pression was created that the king and Buthelezi's nephew.
[Show full text]
246 KB 12Th Mar 2021 EFF TRIBUTE to KING GOODWILL ZWELITHINI
EFF TRIBUTE TO KING GOODWILL ZWELITHINI KA BHEKUZULU Friday, 12 March 2021 The EFF pays tribute to the King Goodwill Zwelithini ka Bhekuzulu, the King of AmaZulu, who passed away in the early hours of the morning on Friday, March 12, 2021. The King was hospitalized for some time, and succumbed to illness after waging a brave fight against sickness. His passing comes after a particularly difficult year for the King and his family. His sister, Queen Noloyiso Sandile, then a regent of the Amarharhabe Kingdom, passed away in July 2020, and his son, and heir to the Zulu Kingdom, Prince Lethukuthula Zulu, died under mysterious circumstances in November 2020. King Zwelithini was the longest reigning King of the Zulu nation in the history of its existence, having assumed this leadership position at the tender age of 20, after his father, King Cyprian Bhekuzulu kaSolomon passed away in 1968. The mere fact that he was on the throne for this long is evidence of the King’s perseverance and strength. He assumed leadership of the Zulu nation at the height of apartheid repression and exploitation, and yet he stood firm in his resolve to unite not only people of Zulu descent, but all African people in what we now know as KwaZulu Natal. At a time when the evil apartheid regime tried to sow seeds of division amongst African people, King Zwelithini embraced the unity of the African people. He married a Swati princess, Queen Mantfombi Dlamini, a daughter of King Sobhuza of Eswatini; and his sister, Noloyiso was married to the King of Amarharhabe, King Maxhobayakhawuleza Sandile.
[Show full text]
FUGITIVE QUEENS: Amakhosikazi and the Continuous Evolution Of
FUGITIVE QUEENS: Amakhosikazi and the Continuous Evolution of Gender and Power in KwaZulu-Natal (1816-1889) by CAELLAGH D. MORRISSEY A THESIS Presented to the Department of History and International Studies and the Robert D. Clark Honors College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts or Science December 2015 An Abstract of the Thesis of Caellagh Morrissey for the degree of Bachelor of Arts in the Department of History and International Studies to be taken December 2015 Title: Fugitive Queens: Amakhosikazi and the Evolution of Gender and Power in KwaZulu-Natal (1816-1889) Professor Lindsay F. Braun Amakhosikazi (elite women) played a vital role within the social, economic, and political reality of the Zulu pre-colonial state. However, histories have largely categorized them as accessory to the lives of powerful men. Through close readings of oral traditions, travelogues, and government documentation, this paper discusses the spaces in which the amakhosikazi exhibited power, and tracks changes in the social position of queen mothers, as well as some members of related groups of elite women, from the early years of the Zulu chiefdom in the 1750s up until the 1887 annexation by Britain and their crucial intervention in royal matters in 1889. The amakhosika=i can be seen operating in a complex social space wherein individual women accessed power through association to political clans, biological and economic reproduction, manipulation, and spiritual influence. Women's access to male power sources changed through both internal political shifts and external pressures. but generally increased in the first half of the 1800s, and the declined over time and with the fracturing of Zulu hegemony.
[Show full text]
Determination on Amazulu Paramountcy
DETERMINATION ON AMAZULU PARAMOUNTCY I N D E X NO. DESCRIPTION PAGE NO. 1. INTRODUCTION 1.1 Constitutional Provisions 1 1.2 Establishment of the Commission 2 1.3 Functions of the Commission 2 - 5 2. FOCUS 5 - 6 3. METHODOLOGY 6 - 7 4. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND 8 - 30 5. THE CUSTOMARY LAW OF SUCCESSION 5.1 Succession to the Kingship of amaZulu 31 - 32 6. IMPACT OF LEGISLATION 6.1 Colonial Era 32 - 35 6.2 Apartheid Era and Homeland Era 35 - 38 6.3 Post-Apartheid Era 38 - 40 7. CURRENT STATUS 41 8. DETERMINATION 8.1 Issues to be Determined 42 8.2 Analysis of Issues 42 - 43 8.3 Analysis of Evidence 43 - 46 9. CONCLUSION 46 - 47 1. INTRODUCTION 1.1 CONSTITUTIONAL PROVISIONS (a) Chapter 12 (Sections 211 and 212) of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa Act 106 of 1996 (“the Constitution”) provides for the recognition of the institution of traditional leadership, its status and role according to customary law, subject to democratic principles. It is common cause, however, that over the years the institution of traditional leadership has been undermined, distorted and eroded. (b) Some of the main causes of this distortion were imperialism and colonization; repressive laws, in particular, the Black Administration Act 38 of 1927 (“the Black Administration Act”) and Apartheid laws which provided for the creation of territorial authorities, self-governing states and pseudo- independent enclaves. 1.2 ESTABLISHMENT OF THE COMMISSION 2 (a) In order to restore the dignity of this institution, the State President of the Republic of South Africa appointed a Commission on Traditional Leadership Disputes and Claims.
[Show full text]
The Strange Story and Remarkable Adventures of King Cetshwayo's
The Strange Story and Remarkable Adventures of King Cetshwayo’s Cup Ian Knight __________________________________________________________________________________________ On 5 October 1998, a ceremony was held on the site of King Dingane’s royal residence, emGungundhlovu, to inaugurate an interesting new Zulu heritage project. Amafa KwaZulu Natali, the KwaZulu/Natal heritage body, announced its intention to acquire the farmland that comprises the emaKhosini valley, south of the White Mfolozi River. This is the heartland of the old Zulu kingdom; emaKhosini means ‘the place of the kings’ and this is where the original Zulu chiefdom lived, and where the ancestors of the royal house are buried. King Shaka’s father, Senzangakhona, lived and is buried there, and Shaka spent part of his childhood there. Later, Dingane established eMgungundlovu there – surely the greatest and most magnificent of all the Zulu royal homesteads. The intention of the project is to buy up the farmland which comprises the valley, and turn it into a historical reserve – as has happened at Isandlwana, for example. The emaKhosini project is more ecologically challenging, however, in that the intention is to stock the reserve with both game, and traditional Zulu Nguni cattle. Local people will also be allowed to practise a limited amount of traditional agriculture within the reserve. The idea is that the emaKhosini will carry something of the traditions of Zulu land use forward into the twenty-first century, and therefore become something of a loving ecological museum. So far about 6,000 hectares of land have been acquired, and fund-raising is in progress to enable Amafa to purchase the rest.
[Show full text]
Inkatha and the Talks to End Apartheid, 1990-1994
Daniel Scher Innovations for Successful Societies MANAGING SPOILERS AT THE BARGAINING TABLE: INKATHA AND THE TALKS TO END APARTHEID, 1990-1994 SYNOPSIS In the talks to end apartheid in South Africa, 19 parties sat at the negotiating table. At least 10 of the negotiators had armed wings, and almost all had demands that they were prepared to back up with violence. One in particular possessed the ability to destabilize the country: Mangosuthu Buthelezi, leader of the Inkatha Freedom Party. To get him on board, negotiators employed a number of tactics, including splitting him from his backers, offering compromises and refusing to allow the momentum of the process to be slowed by his boycotts. This memo examines the negotiators’ efforts to manage Buthelezi’s demands and draw him into a coalition, as well as the longer-term consequences of those moves. Daniel Scher drafted this policy note on the basis of interviews conducted in Johannesburg, Durban and Cape Town, South Africa, in February 2010. INTRODUCTION government and the opposition in the form of the “I think the dominant factor in our minds African National Congress (ANC)—the task of was that we realized that if we didn’t progress … refashioning the apartheid state into a new, there would have been blood in the streets in democratic system would have been difficult South Africa,” recalled Roelf Meyer, chief enough. negotiator for the National Party during the talks But the National Party (NP) and the ANC, to end apartheid. Meyer was confident that if while the biggest players, were not the only ones.
[Show full text]
Mangosuthu Buthelezi and the Appropriation
1 Bongani Ngqulunga A MANDATE TO LEAD: Deputy Director of the Johannesburg Institute MANGOSUTHU BUTHELEZI AND for Advanced Study (JIAS), THE APPROPRIATION OF PIXLEY University of Johannesburg, Email: [email protected] KA ISAKA SEME’S LEGACY DOI: https://dx.doi. org/10.18820/24150509/ Abstract: JCH43.v2.1 This article discusses the appropriation of Seme’s name ISSN 0258-2422 (Print) and political legacy by Mangosuthu Buthelezi, the leader ISSN 2415-0509 (Online) of the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP). While Buthelezi has always invoked Seme’s name in his long political career, Journal for Contemporary the analysis in the article focuses on two periods. The first History was the 1980s when Buthelezi’s political party, Inkatha 2018 43(2):1-14 Yenkululeko Yesizwe, was involved in a fierce competitive © Creative Commons With struggle for political hegemony with the exiled African Attribution (CC-BY) National Congress (ANC) and its allies inside the country. During this period, Buthelezi used Seme’s name to serve as a shield to protect him from political attacks from his adversaries in the broad ANC alliance. After the advent of democracy in the early 1990s, the political hostilities of the 1980s between the ANC and the IFP cooled down and the two parties worked together in the Government of National Unity (GNU). It was during this period that Buthelezi gradually moved closer to the ANC, especially under the leadership of its former president, Thabo Mbeki. Although the political circumstances had changed, Buthelezi continued to use Seme’s name to advance his political interests. The purpose for appropriating Seme’s name however changed.
[Show full text]
Fact Sheet | Shaka Zulu Chenin Blanc
FACT SHEET | SHAKA ZULU CHENIN BLANC INTRO: The Salute "Bayede!" was shouted by King Shaka Zulu to unite the nations, and is still today used to greet His Majesty King Goodwill Zwelithini Kabhekuzulu. The Shaka Zulu brand was developed to unite the nations in an effort to create sustainable jobs. The beadwork around the neck of the bottle is made by women in rural areas. The Royal Zulu household is the beneficial endorser of this wine that represents the richness and variety of Africa in a Simple yet Elegant Style TASTING NOTES: This unwooded Chenin Blanc has a soft green appearance. Fresh, fruity and soft-drinking wine with a tropical bouquet and golden apple whiffs. A zesty wine with a refreshingly crisp finish. ANALYSIS: Size: 750ml Origin: South Africa pH: 3,48 Acidity: 5,9g/L Alc: 14,15% Residual Sugar: 4,2 /L Serving suggestion: Serve at ambient temperature. “Shaka Zulu is not just a wine, it is a reflection of 200 years of tradition and excellence” FACT SHEET | SHAKA ZULU PINOTAGE INTRO: The Salute "Bayede!" was shouted by King Shaka Zulu to unite the nations, and is still today used to greet His Majesty King Goodwill Zwelithini Kabhekuzulu. The Shaka Zulu brand was developed to unite the nations in an effort to create sustainable jobs. The beadwork around the neck of the bottle is made by women in rural areas. The Royal Zulu household is the beneficial endorser of this wine that represents the richness and variety of Africa in a Simple yet Elegant Style TASTING NOTES: An elegant deep red wine with plum and mulberry tones.
[Show full text]
Zulu King Speaks to the Nation PLEA for PEACE and UNITY
Zulu King speaks to the Nation PLEA FOR PEACE AND UNITY A "I put every Party political consideration AJbt a special convention aside when I say there shall now be black "Imbizo" called by King unity amongst my people. Anyone who wants Goodwill Zwelithini ka to divide Zulu brother from Zulu brother, and Bhekuzulu in Durban in Zulu sister horn Zulu sister, husband from November, the Zulu monarch wife, parent bom child and the modern invited the recently released generation from the older generation, shall ANC and PAC leaders to sit henceforth be cursed amongst us. There will down with him and the Chief now be unity amongst the people ..." Minister of KwaZulu and President of Inkatha, His Majesty King Goodwill Zwelithini ka Bhekuzulu, November 1989. Dr Mangosuthu Buthelezi, to promote peace and "It is heart-rending to me that "I know of no single person who reconciliation between black this has already started in the areas has campaigned for the release of of Natal/KwaZuIu. As King of the Dr Nelson Mandela and all the and black and between black Zulus, I call on all of us to commit Rivonia THalists more than my and white in South Africa. ourselves to peace in the Uncle, the leader of Inkatha;* he More than 75 000 people KwaZulu/Natal Region and in said. gathered at King's Park Stadium in South Africa:' "Dr Mandela has acknowledged Durban and unanimously The King of the Zulu nation, this fact many times, even in applauded the King's call to his which numbers seven million, letters, yet when his fellow nation for peace and unity.
[Show full text]
Isithwalandwe: the Wearing of the Crane Feather
Isithwalandwe: The wearing of the crane feather by Adrian Koopman AMES Saunders King’s picture Note that not only does she say ’chosen of Shaka kaSenzangakhona wear- by King Shaka’, but also refers to a sin- Jing a single blue crane feather has gle ‘head-feather’. In addition, a group been published countless times and is of ten Zulu-speaking bird experts, gath- certainly the most well-known picture ered for a workshop on Zulu bird lore of the Zulu king.1 This picture has led in June 2017 and at which this author to an indelible association of the Blue was present, were unanimous in saying Crane (Grus paradisea, Zulu indwa that only the present king had the right or indwe2) with Shaka in the popular to wear the crane feather today. Cur- mind, always as a single feather of the rent pictures of Zulu King Zwelithini bird, not as images where Shaka and the kaBhekuzulu show him (when he is whole bird are shown. not wearing red turaco feathers) wear- Biyela, for example, in a paper on ing a single crane feather. Zwelithini Zulu bird lore, states that certain birds is known for reviving traditions of the are Shakan era, and it is likely that this is of historical or national significance, one of them. for example, the Indwa, (Blue Crane), The association of the single feather which is now the South African na- with Shaka, and later with Zwelithini, tional bird, and in the past was chosen has led to a commonly held belief that by King Shaka who used its plumage only Zulu royalty were allowed to wear for his head-feather.3 Natalia 47 (2017), pp.
[Show full text]
Spilt Water; the Zulu Royal House 1883-2012 by Ian Knight ______
Spilt Water; The Zulu Royal House 1883-2012 By Ian Knight ___________________________________________________________________________ In 1887, the Governor of Natal, Sir Arthur Havelock, took the opportunity to admonish the Zulu king, Dinuzulu kaCetshwayo, who had objected to the recent British annexation of Zululand, with the warning that, as far the as British were concerned, ‘Dinuzulu must know, and all Zulus must know, that the rule of the House of Shaka is dead; it is a thing of the past. It is like water spilt on the ground’. As a comment on official British policy towards the power and influence of the Zulu Royal House in the aftermath of the invasion of 1879 it was certainly an appropriate and rather chilling summation. Dinuzulu, still young, aggressive and hankering for the days of independence he had known in his father’s time, was to refuse to accept the British position, and in 1888, for a second time, Zulu warriors took to the field against British redcoats. And for a second time they were defeated, and for a second time a Zulu king had endured the humiliation of capture and exile. The Zulu people now lay exposed to the full consequences of conquest, to the complete lack of influence in their own administrative affairs, the denigration of their customs and beliefs, the expropriation of their lands and their enforced involvement at the lowest levels in the burgeoning settler industrial economy. Yet throughout this period, despite Governor Sir Arthur’s hopes, so far from passing quietly into history, the Zulu Royal House continued to gain currency as a symbol of cultural identity, of both the continuation of tradition and of potential resurgence in the future, to African communities in KwaZulu-Natal, some of whom had never been subjects of the Zulu kings in the hey-day of their independence.
[Show full text]