Political Parties in South African Law
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Economic Ascendance Is/As Moral Rightness: the New Religious Political Right in Post-Apartheid South Africa Part
Economic Ascendance is/as Moral Rightness: The New Religious Political Right in Post-apartheid South Africa Part One: The Political Introduction If one were to go by the paucity of academic scholarship on the broad New Right in the post-apartheid South African context, one would not be remiss for thinking that the country is immune from this global phenomenon. I say broad because there is some academic scholarship that deals only with the existence of right wing organisations at the end of the apartheid era (du Toit 1991, Grobbelaar et al. 1989, Schönteich 2004, Schönteich and Boshoff 2003, van Rooyen 1994, Visser 2007, Welsh 1988, 1989,1995, Zille 1988). In this older context, this work focuses on a number of white Right organisations, including their ideas of nationalism, the role of Christianity in their ideologies, as well as their opposition to reform in South Africa, especially the significance of the idea of partition in these organisations. Helen Zille’s list, for example, includes the Herstigte Nasionale Party, Conservative Party, Afrikaner People’s Guard, South African Bureau of Racial Affairs (SABRA), Society of Orange Workers, Forum for the Future, Stallard Foundation, Afrikaner Resistance Movement (AWB), and the White Liberation Movement (BBB). There is also literature that deals with New Right ideology and its impact on South African education in the transition era by drawing on the broader literature on how the New Right was using education as a primary battleground globally (Fataar 1997, Kallaway 1989). Moreover, another narrow and newer literature exists that continues the focus on primarily extreme right organisations in South Africa that have found resonance in the global context of the rise of the so-called Alternative Right that rejects mainstream conservatism. -
Opposition Parties Sustaining Multiparty Democracy?
Briefing Paper 292 June 2012 Opposition Parties Sustaining Multiparty Democracy? 1. Introduction whole faces an existential crisis.4 As a result, concerns have been raised about whether South Africa’s electoral system is designed to opposition parties will survive, and equally, sustain a multiparty democracy.1 The about the quality of multiparty democracy in proportional representation (PR) system South Africa. facilitates the proliferation of political parties and, in turn, encourages electoral competition. The number of registered parties has increased 2. Background from around 157 in September 20082 to just over 190 in early 2011. Some 42 parties contested the A multiparty system is characterised by 2009 elections compared to the 26 parties in competition between more than two political 1999 and 27 parties in 1994; this number grew parties. Democratic theorists explain that under to 37 in 2004. In addition, there has been a this system many parties exist with equal significant increase in parties contesting at the chances of becoming governing parties, either local level. Last year, the Independent Electoral individually or through coalitions.5 Thus, in an Commission (IEC) announced that 121 parties ideal multiparty democracy, prospects for a one‐ contested the 2011 municipal elections, party state or a dominant party emerging are compared to 97 parties in 2006 and 79 in 2000. relatively small. A classic example is Germany: This growth in the number of parties is, some two major parties, the Social Democratic Party would argue, good for the sustainability of (SDP) and the Christian Democratic Union (CDU), multiparty democracy; it certainly indicates that have ruled the country for over 60 years through people are free to form parties, to register them political coalitions which have also involved and to campaign for votes. -
Opposition Party Mobilization in South Africa's Dominant
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Eroding Dominance from Below: Opposition Party Mobilization in South Africa’s Dominant Party System A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science by Safia Abukar Farole 2019 © Copyright by Safia Abukar Farole 2019 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Eroding Dominance from Below: Opposition Party Mobilization in South Africa’s Dominant Party System by Safia Abukar Farole Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Los Angeles, 2019 Professor Kathleen Bawn, Chair In countries ruled by a single party for a long period of time, how does political opposition to the ruling party grow? In this dissertation, I study the growth in support for the Democratic Alliance (DA) party, which is the largest opposition party in South Africa. South Africa is a case of democratic dominant party rule, a party system in which fair but uncompetitive elections are held. I argue that opposition party growth in dominant party systems is explained by the strategies that opposition parties adopt in local government and the factors that shape political competition in local politics. I argue that opposition parties can use time spent in local government to expand beyond their base by delivering services effectively and outperforming the ruling party. I also argue that performance in subnational political office helps opposition parties build a reputation for good governance, which is appealing to ruling party ii. supporters who are looking for an alternative. Finally, I argue that opposition parties use candidate nominations for local elections as a means to appeal to constituents that are vital to the ruling party’s coalition. -
Afrikaner Values in Post-Apartheid South Africa: an Anthropological Perspective
AFRIKANER VALUES IN POST-APARTHEID SOUTH AFRICA: AN ANTHROPOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE WRITTEN BY: JAN PETRUS VAN DER MERWE NOVEMBER 2009 ii AFRIKANER VALUES IN POST-APARTHEID SOUTH AFRICA: AN ANTHROPOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE BY JAN PETRUS VAN DER MERWE STUDENT NUMBER: 2005076118 This thesis/dissertation was submitted in accordance with the conditions and requirements for the degree of: Ph.D. in the Faculty of the Humanities Department of Anthropology University of the Free State Bloemfontein Supervisor: Prof. P.A. Erasmus Department of Anthropology University of the Free State Bloemfontein iii DECLARATION I, Jan Petrus van der Merwe, herewith declare that this thesis, which was submitted in fulfilment of the requirements pertaining to my doctorate in Anthropology at the University of the Free State, is my own independent work. Furthermore, I declare that this thesis has never been submitted at any other university or tertiary training centre for academic consideration. In addition, I hereby cede all copyright in respect of my doctoral thesis to the University of the Free State. .............................................................. ................................... JAN PETRUS VAN DER MERWE DATUM iv INDEX DESCRIPTION PAGE PREAMBLE 1 CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION 5 1.1 Problem statement and objectives 5 1.2 Clarification of concepts 7 1.2.1 Values as an aspect of culture 7 1.2.2 Values as identity 11 1.2.3 Values as narrative 14 1.2.4 Religion values as part of Afrikaner identity 16 1.2.5 Values as morality 17 1.2.6 Culture and identification -
2001 Lecture
THE JAMES BACKHOUSE LECTURE 2001 RECONCILING OPPOSITES: REFLECTIONS ON PEACEMAKING IN SOUTH AFRICA Hendrik W van der Merwe The James Backhouse Lectures The lectures were instituted by Australia Yearly Meeting of the Religious Society of Friends (Quakers) on the its establishment of that Yearly Meeting in 1964. James Backhouse and his companion, George Washington Walker were English Friends who visited Australia from 1832 to 1838. They travelled widely, but spent most of their time in Tasmania. It was through their visit that Quaker Meetings were first established in Australia. Coming to Australia under a concern for the conditions of convicts, the two men had access to people with authority in the young colonies, and with influence in Britain, both in Parliament and in the social reform movement. In meticulous reports and personal letters, they made practical suggestions and urged legislative action on penal reform, on the rum trade, and on land rights and the treatment of Aborigines. James Backhouse was a general naturalist and a botanist. He made careful observations and published full accounts of what he saw, in addition to encouraging Friends in the colonies and following the deep concern that had brought him to Australia. Australian Friends hope that this series of Lectures will bring fresh insights into the Truth, and speak to the needs and aspirations of Australian Quakerism. This particular lecture was delivered in Melbourne on 8 January 2001, during the annual meeting of the Society. Colin Wendell-Smith Presiding Clerk Australia Yearly Meeting © Copyright 2001 by the Religious Society of Friends (Quakers) in Australia Incorporated. -
Afri-Forum and Another V Malema and Another
AfriForum and Another v Malema and Another (Vereniging van Regslui vir Afrikaans as Amicus Curiae) 2011 (12) BCLR 1289 (EqC) Division: Equality Court, Johannesburg Date: 12/09/2011 Case No: 20968/2010 Before: CG Lamont Judge Expression and speech – section 16 of the Constitution – categories of constitutionally unprotected expression enumerated in section 16(2) of the Constitution – hate speech – liberation song “Dubula ibhunu” (Shoot the boer) – lyrics of song held to constitute hate speech – respondents interdicted from singing the song at any public or private meeting held by or conducted by them. Editor’s Summary The transition to a new constitutional dispensation necessitated that mechanisms be put in place to overcome reluctance to change and to deal with conduct regarded as inappropriate in the new society. The Constitution recognised this need. Legislation was enacted to provide the framework necessary to alleviate and overcome the friction resulting from change. It seeks to provide the standards society is to adhere to and to assist society to determine what standards of conduct are acceptable. The Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act 4 of 2000 (“the Equality Act”) forms part of this legislation. An ubuntubased jurisprudence has been developed. Ubuntu is a concept which is contrasted with vengeance. It dictates that a high value be placed on the life of a human being. It places a high premium on dignity, compassion, humaneness and respect for the humanity of others. It enjoins good attitudes and shared concern, and a shift from confrontation to mediation and conciliation. It favours the reestablishment of harmony in the relationship between parties, and for such harmony to restore the dignity of a plaintiff without ruining the defendant. -
Sounds of Young Afrikaners
Sounds of young Afrikaners Popular music and processes of social identification in and around Pretoria, South Africa Maike Lolkema Research Master Thesis in African Studies African Studies Centre / Leiden University Sounds of young Afrikaners Popular music and processes of social identification in and around Pretoria, South Africa Name Maike Reinate Lolkema Supervisor Dr. W.M.J. (Ineke) van Kessel Second Reader Dr. H. (Harry) Wels Date July 2014 Pictures used at the cover: Picture at the top: Audience at the performance of Fokofpolisiekar at Oppikoppi Festival at August 10th 2012. Picture at the bottom: Audience at the performance of Steve Hofmeyr at the Pretoria Musiekfees on November 17th 2012. The writer made both pictures. 2 ‘We understand it still that there is no easy road to freedom. We know it well that none of us acting alone can achieve success. We must therefore act together as a united people, for national reconciliation, for nation building, for the birth of a new world.’ - Nelson Mandela in his inaugural address May 10th 1994 ‘Een ding het intussen vir my duidelik geword: Dis nie ’n land vir sissies nie.’ - Fred de Vries in Rigting Bedonnerd ‘Revoluties worden op schepen uitgeroepen, utopieën op eilanden geleefd. Dat er nog iets anders moet zijn dan het hier en nu, is een troostende gedachte.’ - Judith Schalansky in De atlas van afgelegen eilanden ‘Our deepest fear is not that we are inadequate. Our deepest fear is that we are powerful beyond measure. It is our light, not our darkness, that most frightens us. Your playing small does not serve the world. -
12-Politcsweb-Going-Off-The-Rails
http://www.politicsweb.co.za/documents/going-off-the-rails--irr Going off the rails - IRR John Kane-Berman - IRR | 02 November 2016 John Kane-Berman on the slide towards the lawless South African state GOING OFF THE RAILS: THE SLIDE TOWARDS THE LAWLESS SOUTH AFRICAN STATE SETTING THE SCENE South Africa is widely recognised as a lawless country. It is also a country run by a government which has itself become increasingly lawless. This is so despite all the commitments to legality set out in the Constitution. Not only is the post–apartheid South Africa founded upon the principle of legality, but courts whose independence is guaranteed are vested with the power to ensure that these principles are upheld. Prosecuting authorities are enjoined to exercise their functions “without fear, favour, or prejudice”. The same duty is laid upon other institutions established by the Constitution, among them the public protector and the auditor general. Everyone is endowed with the right to “equal protection and benefit of the law”. We are all also entitled to “administrative action that is lawful, reasonable, and procedurally fair”. Unlike the old South Africa – no doubt because of it – the new Rechtsstaat was one where the rule of law would be supreme, power would be limited, and the courts would have the final say. This edifice, and these ideals, are under threat. Lawlessness on the part of the state and those who run it is on the increase. The culprits run from the president down to clerks of the court, from directors general to immigration officials, from municipal managers to prison warders, from police generals to police constables, from cabinet ministers to petty bureaucrats. -
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I Would
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to record and extend my indebtedness, sincerest gratitude and thanks to the following people: * Mr G J Bradshaw and Ms A Nel Weldrick for their professional assistance, guidance and patience throughout the course of this study. * My colleagues, Ms M M Khumalo, Mr I M Biyela and Mr L P Mafokoane for their guidance and inspiration which made the completion of this study possible. " Dr A A M Rossouw for the advice he provided during our lengthy interview and to Ms L Snodgrass, the Conflict Management Programme Co-ordinator. " Mrs Sue Jefferys (UPE) for typing and editing this work. " Unibank, Edu-Loan (C J de Swardt) and Vodakom for their financial assistance throughout this work. " My friends and neighbours who were always available when I needed them, and who assisted me through some very frustrating times. " And last and by no means least my wife, Nelisiwe and my three children, Mpendulo, Gabisile and Ntuthuko for their unconditional love, support and encouragement throughout the course of this study. Even though they were not practically involved in what I was doing, their support was always strong and motivating. DEDICATION To my late father, Enock Vumbu and my brother Gcina Esau. We Must always look to the future. Tomorrow is the time that gives a man or a country just one more chance. Tomorrow is the most important think in life. It comes into us very clean (Author unknow) ALPHABETICAL LISTING OF ABBREVIATIONS/ ACRONYMS USED ANC = African National Congress AZAPO = Azanian African Peoples -
Committed to Unity
Committed to Unity: South Africa’s Adherence to Its 1994 Political Settlement Paul Graham IPS Paper 6 Abstract This paper reviews the commitment of the remaining power contenders and other political actors to the settlement which was reached between 1993 and 1996. Based on interviews with three key actors now in opposing political parties represented in the National Assembly, the paper makes the case for a continued commitment to, and consensus on, the ideals and principles of the 1996 Constitution. It provides evidence of schisms in the dominant power contender (the African National Congress) which have not led to a return in political violence post-settlement. The paper makes the point that, while some of this was the result of President Nelson Mandela’s presence, more must be ascribed to the constitutional arrangements and commitments of the primary political actors and the citizens of South Africa. © Berghof Foundation Operations GmbH – CINEP/PPP 2014. All rights reserved. About the Publication This paper is one of four case study reports on South Africa produced in the course of the collaborative research project ‘Avoiding Conflict Relapse through Inclusive Political Settlements and State-building after Intra-State War’, running from February 2013 to February 2015. This project aims to examine the conditions for inclusive political settlements following protracted armed conflicts, with a specific focus on former armed power contenders turned state actors. It also aims to inform national and international practitioners and policy-makers on effective practices for enhancing participation, representation, and responsiveness in post-war state-building and governance. It is carried out in cooperation with the partner institutions CINEP/PPP (Colombia, Project Coordinators), Berghof Foundation (Germany, Project Research Coordinators), FLACSO (El Salvador), In Transformation Initiative (South Africa), Sudd Institute (South Sudan), Aceh Policy Institute (Aceh/Indonesia), and Friends for Peace (Nepal). -
An Investigation Into Whether the Weekly
AN INVESTIGATION INTO WHETHER THE WEEKLY NATIONAL NEWSPAPERS REPORTED UNETHICALLY ON SOUTH AFRICA’S 2014 GENERAL ELECTIONS: A CRITICAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS OF THE CITY PRESS, SUNDAY TIMES AND THE MAIL & GUARDIAN BY VILOSHNEE NAIDOO submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF COMMUNICATION SCIENCE in the subject Media Studies at the University of South Africa SUPERVISOR: Professor Stefan Sonderling November, 2018 DECLARATION Name: Viloshnee Naidoo Student number 36522147 Degree: Master of Communication Science Title of dissertation: An investigation into whether the weekly national newspapers reported unethically on South Africa’s 2014 General Elections: A Critical Discourse Analysis of the City Press, Sunday Times and the Mail & Guardian I declare that the above dissertation is my own work and that all the sources that I have used or quoted have been indicated and acknowledged by means of complete references. 10 November, 2018 ____________________ _________________ SIGNATURE DATE ii DEDICATION I dedicate this research project to my very special, only, late, big sister Suraya Naidoo who passed away from Lupus in March, 2012. You wanted me to achieve this ‘for the both of us’. Although you won’t see my completed work, I know how proud you would have been of me. This is for you! iii ABSTRACT This thesis investigates whether or not the press reported unethically on South Africa’s 2014 General Elections in the weekly national newspapers the City Press, Sunday Times and the Mail & Guardian. This study was undertaken on the basis of the ongoing contention between the press and the state which has resulted in polarised positions between both institutions amid accusations of press bias. -
Inkatha and the Talks to End Apartheid, 1990-1994
Daniel Scher Innovations for Successful Societies MANAGING SPOILERS AT THE BARGAINING TABLE: INKATHA AND THE TALKS TO END APARTHEID, 1990-1994 SYNOPSIS In the talks to end apartheid in South Africa, 19 parties sat at the negotiating table. At least 10 of the negotiators had armed wings, and almost all had demands that they were prepared to back up with violence. One in particular possessed the ability to destabilize the country: Mangosuthu Buthelezi, leader of the Inkatha Freedom Party. To get him on board, negotiators employed a number of tactics, including splitting him from his backers, offering compromises and refusing to allow the momentum of the process to be slowed by his boycotts. This memo examines the negotiators’ efforts to manage Buthelezi’s demands and draw him into a coalition, as well as the longer-term consequences of those moves. Daniel Scher drafted this policy note on the basis of interviews conducted in Johannesburg, Durban and Cape Town, South Africa, in February 2010. INTRODUCTION government and the opposition in the form of the “I think the dominant factor in our minds African National Congress (ANC)—the task of was that we realized that if we didn’t progress … refashioning the apartheid state into a new, there would have been blood in the streets in democratic system would have been difficult South Africa,” recalled Roelf Meyer, chief enough. negotiator for the National Party during the talks But the National Party (NP) and the ANC, to end apartheid. Meyer was confident that if while the biggest players, were not the only ones.