Husebyer – Status Quo, Open Questions and Perspectives Papers from a Workshop at the National Museum Copenhagen 19–20 March 2014

Publications from the National Museum Studies in Archaeology & History Vol. 20:3 Jelling Series

Husebyer – status quo, open questions and perspectives Papers from a workshop at the National Museum Copenhagen 19–20 March 2014

Edited by Lisbeth Eilersgaard Christensen, Thorsten Lemm & Anne Pedersen HUSEBYER – STATUS QUO, OPEN QUESTIONS AND PERSPECTIVES

Papers from a workshop at the National Museum Copenhagen 19–20 March 2014

EDITED BY LISBETH EILERSGAARD CHRISTENSEN, THORSTEN LEMM & ANNE PEDERSEN

PNM

Publications from the National Museum Studies in Archaeology & History Vol. 20:3

Copenhagen 2016 Husebyer – status quo, open questions and perspectives Papers from a workshop at the National Museum, Copenhagen 19–20 March 2014 Publications from the National Museum. Studies in Archaeology & History Vol. 20:3 Jelling Series Edited by Lisbeth E. Christensen, Thorsten Lemm & Anne Pedersen

PNM Editorial Board: Director of Research and Communication Camilla Mordhorst Head of Research and Collections Michael Andersen Senior Researcher Mette Marie Hald Senior Researcher Mikkel Venborg Pedersen Research Coordinator Birgit Rønne

Cover design and layout: Pia Brejnholt English revision: Gillian Fellows-Jensen Printed by: Narayana Press, Gylling

Published by University Press of Southern Denmark Campusvej 55, DK-5230 Odense M ISBN: 978-87-7602-333-1

Funded by: The Bikuben Foundation

Cover illustration: Drawing adapted from the seal from the Husby-Harde in the Stadtarchiv Flensburg (after H. Hinz, Stabkirchen im Landesteil Schleswig, Offa 38, 1981). CONTENTS

Scale change – Kingstons and royal power PREFACE 7 in the middle Anglo-Saxon England, c. AD 650–850 Huseby in the Old Norse written sources Stuart Brookes 107 Lydia Carstens 11 Huseby and the Scandinavian taxation Husebyer in Norway – their archaeological model and topographical context Frode Iversen 121 Frans-Arne Stylegar 27 Husabyar, administration and taxation in Same, Same but Different – Three case medieval Sweden studies reflecting Swedish Husabyar Thomas Lindkvist 141 from an archaeological and geographical perspective Haraldr Hárfagri and the unification of Charlotte Hedenstierna-Jonson 41 Norway Knut Dørum 151 Husebyer in Denmark – Husby in Grejs parish, Nørvang hundred, and Husby in The Husabyar in the unification process of Ullerup parish, Elbo hundred the Swedish kingdom Lisbeth Eilersgaard Christensen 55 Johan Runer 165

Excavations and surveys – Husby in Glans The unification process of the Danish king- hammar, Huseby in Tjølling, Huseby in dom – and the Danish Husebyer and their Värend and Husby in Anglia owners Thorsten Lemm 71 Else Roesdahl 175

The Orkney Huseby Farms – The onomas- WORKSHOP PARTICIPANTS 185 tic, historical and archaeological context Barbara Crawford & Alexandra Sanmark 91 INDEX 187 CHARLOTTE HEDENSTIERNA-JONSON

SAME, SAME BUT DIFFERENT

Three case studies reflecting Swedish Husabyar from an archaeological and geographical perspective

Husabyar constitute a recurring feature in Swed- Features we have come to expect ish geography. More than 70 sites named Husby, Husaby, Huseby etc are known. The sites have been In a compilation of research completed within the in research focus for a long time, especially within disciplines of history, linguistics and archaeology, the disciplines of history and onomastics. Notable Jonatan Pettersson has listed a number of interpreta- contributions have been made by e.g. Henrik Schück tions of what the main functions of the Husabyar (1914), Carl Ivar Ståhle (1946), Lars Hellberg (2013 were (Pettersson 2000, 49f). The most salient is the [1975]) and Stefan Brink (1996; 2000). recurring relation between the Husabyar and the Within archaeology much less is known and very Royal estate, Uppsala öd, where Husaby was the few of the Husaby sites have been excavated. The sites farm of the king’s bailiff and held administrative have been discussed in geographical terms and in the and military functions. Though Pettersson clearly light of visible monuments and other archaeologi- states that most of the listed interpretations have yet cal structures (e.g. Hyenstrand 1974; 1984; Larsson to be proven and should accordingly be treated as 1987; Olausson 2000). In the National Encyclopae- tentative, there are particular features that we have dia (NE) Husabyar are defined as farms function- come to expect in connection with Husaby sites. ing as points of support for royal power during the The Husaby sites are generally situated along early middle ages (NE entry husabyar). Whether this communication routes, both on land and water. implies martial, administrative, judicial or logistic Within some regions, e.g. Uppland, the relatively support is another question. One of the few Husby even distribution of the Husabyar suggests admin- contexts that have been archaeologically examined istrative functions. Though proven difficult to date is that of Husby in Glanshammar in the province of accurately they seem to occur during the late Viking Närke. The results of the excavations that took place Age and into the early Middle Ages. The locations in 1997-1998 added a new feature to the Husaby of the Husabyar often include older structures of discourse – craftsmanship and natural resources. some significance, such as great mounds, indicating The primary function of Husby in Glanshammar that the Husabyar were a secondary structure, super- seems to have been the access to raw materials such imposed on an older place of relative importance. as iron and the knowledge of metalworking (An- Many of the Husaby sites have been seen in the light dersson et al. 2000; Hjärthner-Holdar et al. 2000; of military organisation with both administrative Ekman 2000; Lindkvist 2007). and logistic functions. Usually this connection has

SAME, SAME BUT DIFFERENT 41 centre of power in Uppsala (Fig. 1.2). A third site will also be taken into consideration as it displays many of the features that we commonly associate with Husabyar – the site of Mälby in Uppland (Fig. 1.3).

Continuity and disruption – the example of Vikbolandet

The first example of Husabyar is from the peninsula of Vikbolandet situated more or less on the border between the provinces of Södermanland and Östergötland on the Swedish East coast. Forming a neck of land separated from the hinterland by the Bråviken bay and the inlet of Slätbaken, it controls the entrance into inland Östergötland. The numerous archaeological and historical remains of Vik- bolandet reflect the development of a landscape of power on a regional and supra-regional level, from Early Pre-History and onwards (cf. Hyenstrand 1984, 173; Kaliff 1992; Törnqvist 1993; Rundkvist 2011).

Fig. 1. Map over Sweden with 1. the Husaby context A dispersed landscape of limited power at Vikbolandet; 2. Husaby on Munsö and 3. Mälby (C. Hedenstierna-Jonson). Relevant for this paper are the changes that took place during the Migration Period, and the development that followed. During the period between been explained in terms of the ledung, the military 300 and 500 A.D. more than 30 hillforts were con- naval organisation of the early Middle Ages (cf. Lars- structed on the peninsula alone (Fig. 2). Though son 1987; Svennewall 1989; Lindkvist 2010). most of them were without internal structures and A link between the Husabyar and the establish- could be regarded as enclosures or temporary ref- ment of Early Medieval churches has also been sug- uges, there are a number of them which contained gested (cf. Wijkander 1983, 155; Lindkvist 1993, settlements used as dwellings for the local elites. 28). The Husabyar correlate in time to the process of Worth mentioning are the hillforts of Boberget and Christianisation and the centralisation and strength- Gullborg (Schnittger 1909; Olausson 1987; 2000, ening of royal and ecclesiastical power that mark 145f). These two hillforts appear to have been local the beginning of the Medieval Period. It would be political centres, possibly with additional religious an understandable tactic in the constituting of a functions (Olausson 2014, 193). Both display an new power to gather functions and manifestations extensive find material including objects gener- at established central places. ally found in settlement contexts as well as luxury In the following paper two different Husaby-con- imports of e.g. Roman glass vessels (Nordén 1938, texts will be presented and their respective character- 292ff.; Olausson 1987, 402f) istics discussed: the structure of Husabyar and other The hillfort settlements of Vikbolandet constituted features at Vikbolandet in Eastern Sweden (Fig. 1.1) local points of control over agrarian production and and Husby on Munsö, in relative closeness to the trade. The archaeological remains show that these

42 HUSEBYER - STATUS QUO, OPEN QUESTIONS AND PERSPECTIVES Fig. 2. Map over the Migration Period landscape of Vikbolandet (after F. Siuerin Lönnquist in Olausson 2000). hillforts also hosted advanced metalworking and who controlled parts of the local arable land and textile production (Olausson 1987; 1997; Törnqvist the communication route (cf. Widgren 1983, 13, 1993). In the case of Gullborg agriculture, includ- 119; Kaliff 1992, 108; Olausson 2000, 144-146). ing stock farming seems to have been of particular This structure continued into the 8th and possibly importance (Olausson 1987, 410). early 9th centuries when a change appeared in the The Migration Period landscape with its numerous political geography of Vikbolandet. hillforts bear witness that this was a time ridden by internal and external conflict. It was a dispersed landscape of many rulers with limited local powers

Fig. 3. Map over Vikbolandet in the Late Viking Age – Middle Ages with Götavirke, pile barricades and Husabyar marked (after F. Siuerin Lönnquist in Olausson 2000).

SAME, SAME BUT DIFFERENT 43 From local power to territorial governance of construction indicate a great if not royal power and control behind the effort (cf. Olausson 2000). In the beginning of the 9th century the dispersed It is within this controlled communications route structure with local chieftains and many hillforts that a structure of Husabyar was applied. Between was replaced. A more centralised power structure the pile barricades at Slätbaken and the Götavirke established new points of control over a wider area dyke, a distance of approximately 25km, there are following the route of communication from the three Husabyar and a Bosgård. They have not been Baltic Sea into the inland of Östergötland. Pile bar- archaeologically investigated but Michael Olausson ricades were constructed at the inlet of Slätbaken suggests that they were established during a short complemented further inland by the 3.5 km long period of time in the 11th century. A similar pattern earthen work or dyke of Götavirke. Together these can be seen along the Northern inlet of Bråviken, features controlled movement in the region on a where yet another two Husabyar and a Bosgård more territorial level (Fig. 3). were established, most likely during the same period The date and function of Götavirke has long been (Olausson 2000, 146, fig. 4). Sites named Bo, Bos- discussed. It has been generally thought that the gård or Bona, though not equal to Husabyar or as dyke is contemporary with the hillfort structure and closely linked to royal power, have been interpreted together they created a complex defence system (e.g. as farms with administrative functions owned by the Nordén 1938, 242f). The dyke is not preserved in king, bishop or jarl respectively (Brink 1996, 259; its original length and there is reason to believe that Rundkvist 2011:85f). It has also been suggested that not all parts of the dyke are contemporary. Previous several of the Bo-sites were linked to noblemen and studies, including limited excavations have shown functioned as home farms or manors within private that the dyke lacks wooden constructions making estates (Rahmqvist 1994, 109f). In the context of dating problematic. Material from an adjacent ford Early Medieval Vikbolandet the Husabyar and Bos- show even earlier dates (Nielsen 1998; 2000). In gårdar appear side by side along the communication 1999 new excavations of the Götavirke dyke were route from the Baltic Sea into inland Östergötland. instigated within a research project focusing on The system of Husabyar on Vikbolandet retained strongholds and fortifications in Eastern Middle the political geography that was established during Sweden during the Iron Age (Stjerna 1999). Again the Viking Age. It disrupted an earlier geography of the excavations showed that the dyke had no su- dispersed and local points of power and developed perstructure but that it was fronted by a ditch with into a centralised and organised power political poles directed towards the east. Carbon 14-dating of territory or a landscape of governance. Movement wood linked to the construction of the dyke showed within the geography was controlled and only possi- that it was in place in the mid-9th century and that ble if sanctioned. In the early 13th century the routes additional work was done, perhaps reinforcements emanating from both Bråviken and Slätbaken were in the second half of the 11th century or early 12th reinforced by strongholds; Stensö castle in the north century (Olausson 2000; Hedenstierna-Jonson et and Stegeborg in the south (Fig. 3; Olsson 1932). al. 2013, 290 table 11.1). The dyke, like the pile barricades, was thus a feature of the Viking Age and not a part of the dispersed landscape of the Migration Period. The excavations showed that the Constituting power in an established dyke in fact cut through the existing landscape, at power-political region one point covering a Migration Period settlement. Constructing ramparts on top of a settlement is in The next example is taken from the very centre itself a powerful statement disrupting an established of power in the early Middle Ages – the region landscape and forcing people to move. Together with of Lake Mälaren and the islands of Munsö and the previously mentioned pile barricades in the water Adelsö. Munsö Husby is placed in the centre of a inlets movement in the whole region was redirected well-established power-political landscape at the very and controlled. The extent and relatively short period cross-roads of communications (Fig. 4). There is an

44 HUSEBYER - STATUS QUO, OPEN QUESTIONS AND PERSPECTIVES Fig. 4. Map over the Lake Mälaren region with Husby sites, Tuna sites, churches etc. (based on map in Ekvall 2011, 11).

abundance of monuments and sites with iconic sta- latter has been excavated and dates to the 10th cen- tus within the complex. The presence of both royal tury (Rydh 1936). and ecclesiastical power is apparent, even though it It has long been maintained that Hovgården is not concentrated to one particular site but distrib- was part of the Viking-Age town of Birka hold- uted within a close-knit political landscape. ing administrative functions and representing the power and presence of the king. When Birka was no longer active, Hovgården continued to play an im- Royal presence at Hovgården, Adelsö portant part in political geography. The royal manor, The Hovgården-complex on the island of Adelsö is kungsgården, was placed on Hovgården rather than one of the more renowned ancient monument sites on Birka. Excavations of the terraces holding the in Sweden and includes remains from late Iron Age royal manor has resulted in an interesting find ma- to the High Middle Ages. Today it is a UNESCO terial indicating high social status and providing a World Heritage-site together with the Viking Age period of use from the mid-8th century to the late town of Birka. While Birka has been in research 10th century (Brunstedt 1996, 30; 2009). Knowledge focus for centuries, with extensive excavations and of the structures of the building/s is however limited. numerous publications, Hovgården still remains es- Much less is known of the period between the late sentially un-explored. Excavations comprise Viking- 10th century and the 13th century. The influence of Age burials and the ruins of the medieval palace of the king during this period is reflected through the Alsnöhus (Thordeman 1920; Rydh 1936). There are runic inscription on one of Hovgården’s four rune three great mounds placed much like the layout in stones (U 1, U 2, U 3 & U 11). It is stated that the Old Uppsala. These have not been excavated but inscription was ordered by the king’s bailiff Tollir (U are generally thought to date to the 6th-8th century. 11, Upplands runinskrifter del 1, SRI band 6, 11). The site contains another two great mounds, the so-called Tingshögen and Skopintull (l) where the

SAME, SAME BUT DIFFERENT 45 Fig. 5. Munsö church: “Munso kyrka 2008” (photo: Holger Ellgaard 2008).

U 11, Hovgården Adelsö The power-political status of the site was retained raþu : runaR : ret : lit : rista : toliR : bry[t]i : i roþ : into the 13th century as the palace of Alsnö hus kunuki : toliR : auk : gyla : litu : ris : þaun : hion: was built by order of the king in the 1270s. The eftiR k : merki || srni • • • hakun • baþ : rista palace was erected on top of the terrace of the »Tyd du runorna! Rätt lät rista dem Tolir, bryte i royal manor, destroying most of the remains in Roden, åt konungen. Tolir och Gylla läto rista (dessa the process. This may be one explanation why runor), båda makarna efter sig till en minnesvård . there are no visible remains of building structures . . Håkon bjöd rista.» etc. from the 11th-13th centuries on site. The find Interpret the runes! Tólir the steward of Roðr had material from this transitional period is scarce but them rightly carved for the King. Tólir and Gylla there are a few objects, e.g. an amulet with runic had [the runes] carved ... this married couple as inscription, datable to the 11th century (Brunstedt a landmark in memory of themselves(?) ... Hákon 1996, 39; 2009). ordered (it) be carved. (Engl. translation Samnordisk runtextdatabas) The stone dates to the second half of the 11th cen- Munsö Husby, Munsö Church and he arch- tury. During the 12th century a stone church was bishop’s manor at Bona erected into which two of Hovgården’s rune stones There is no Husby in Adelsö. Instead we find one were incorporated (U1 & U2). The baptismal font across the water on the island of Munsö. The site of in Adelsö church also dates back to the 12th century Husby is not as manifest as that of Hovgården but it (Tuulse 1954, 22). includes a burial ground with some 150 burials and

46 HUSEBYER - STATUS QUO, OPEN QUESTIONS AND PERSPECTIVES Fig. 6. Map over Mälby-Tillinge with the locations of the different rune stones approximately marked (based on data in FMIS). five great mounds. The largest mound is traditionally thought to date from the Vendel and Viking Age. known as “Kung Björns hög” and measures 5 metres According to records made in the 17th century by in height and 20 metres in diameter. The burial riksantikvarie Hadorph we know of a runic inscrip- grounds have been monumentally placed using the tion on a slab (U 12) at Bona. The inscription was elevated grounds of the ridge of Uppsalaåsen, again severely damaged already in the 1680s and has since with a spatial organisation resembling that of Old then disappeared (Upplands runinskrifter del 1, SRI Uppsala. band 6, 29). In 1846 the Swiss archaeologist Frédéric Troyon Bona was the manor of the archbishopric of Upp- excavated 12 of the burials at Husby. There is a sala and Munsö church was erected on the estate in handwritten report of the excavations but no sur- the late 12th century (Tuulse 1954, 59). As one of viving finds. According to the report the excavated three round churches in the Lake Mälaren region, burials could be dated to the Vendel and Viking Munsö church was built as a manifestation of power Ages (600-1000 AD) (Brunstedt-Sjöström 1982, 11). but also as a fortification to be used by the inhabit- Other recorded but not preserved stray finds from ants of Bona (Tuulse 1954, 65) (Fig. 5). Husby included a Slavonic coin dated to the 9th cen- Together the structures at Husby, Bona and tury (Brunstedt-Sjöström 1982, 10). A rune stone (U Adelsö reflect royal and ecclesiastical power in the 13) was at times placed on top of the great mound Late Viking Age and Early Medieval Period. These of King Björn. The records state that the stone has new manifestations of power were established in a been moved both up and down the mound and landscape already formed by former political struc- that parts of this now fragmented stone have been tures. The chosen locations for the royal manor, the used when building the farm at Husby (Upplands estate of the archbishopric and the Husby all contain runinskrifter del 1, SRI band 6, 20f). There are no monumental remains from earlier periods. known archaeological remains of any Viking-Age Interestingly enough the strong economic power or Early Medieval houses at Husby, possibly due to that the trading town of Birka constituted was not the later Husby farm and its property. part of this structure. In the late 10th century Birka In parts contemporary with Husby was the medi- rapidly declined and disappeared while the struc- eval estate of Bona situated some 5 km to the North. tures at Adelsö Hovgården, Munsö Husby and Bona Until the 16th century the estate was called Munsö remained and developed. It is possible that the whole manor (Rahmqvist 1994, 109). The burial grounds concept of Birka was outdated due to changes in on the estate contain a little more than 60 burials, societal structure and the new power-political land-

SAME, SAME BUT DIFFERENT 47 scape that marks the beginning of the Middle Ages wife Torgunn in memory of her husband (Upplands (cf. Hedenstierna-Jonson 2012; in press). runinskrifter del 3, SRI band 8, 372 - 375).

U 790, Mälby Mälby – in between power-political nodes runi – risti – ruar – atiR – s u n u – sini – suira – auk »Rune ristade runorna e f t e r sina söner S värre Finally, I should like to introduce Mälby into the och . . . » discussion on Husabyar. Mälby is situated in the Rúni carved the runes in memory of his sons parish of Tillinge, just west of the town of Enköping, Sverri(?) and ... (Engl. translation Samnordisk north of the Lake Mälaren and on the route from runtextdatabas) Uppsala (Östra Aros) to Västerås (Västra Aros). The area lacks a central place like a Husaby, Bosgård or a Tuna. Mälby on the other hand displays many U 789, Mälby of the characteristic features that we have come to [wrkuþr + lit + akua + s t e n + Rfti + ruah + bunt - expect from a Husaby (Fig. 6). »Torgunn l ä t hugga stenen efter Rune, (sin) man.» Ancient monuments from the Bronze Age and Þorgunnr had the stone cut in memory of Rúni(?)/ onwards are frequent in the landscape surrounding Hróarr(?), (her) husbandman ... (Engl. translation Mälby. There are no manifest ancient monuments Samnordisk runtextdatabas) such as great mounds in the immediate vicinity but Rune, Torgunn and their sons were most likely the area displays a number of richly furnished late members of the family residing in the area in the Roman Iron Age burials as well as weapon burials 11th century, and the rune stones marked ownership and a silver treasure from the Viking Age (Zachris- over the Mälby estate (cf. Zachrisson 1998, 194ff.). son 1998, 335ff.; Beronius Jörpeland & Seiler 2011, Another stone mentions Gudmund, the brother of 7f). Vifast, who died in Särkland (U 785). This stone is placed by Tillinge church, built in the late 12th early 13th centuries. The church has traces of a gal- Claiming the landscape with rune stones lery balcony for the church patron. It has been sug- The cultural landscape surrounding Mälby was char- gested that the district functioned as a vanguard acterised by the routes of communication that linked for ecclesiastical power during the Christianisation the woodlands of Bergslagen with the shorelines (Bonnier 1987; Beronius Jörpeland & Seiler 2011, of Mälaren. Roads connected the important power 7). Tillinge church was on the Eriksgata - the route political and ecclesiastical nodes of Uppsala, En- the newly elected king travelled to have his election köping and Västerås (cf. Beronius Jörpeland & Seiler confirmed by local assemblies (Beronius Jörpeland 2011, 11). One of the routes, a prehistoric road go- & Seiler 2011, 7). Similar to Munsö church, the west ing north, passed immediately by the site of Mälby tower of Tillinge was designed for defence (Rosell manor. Alongside the road rune stones were placed 1968, 213). at particular points of communications, giving us During the 13th and 14th centuries the area sur- the second characteristic feature. An example of this rounding Tillinge and Mälby recurrently served as are two rune stones placed by the ford at Ullunda (U a battleground in the power-political struggle be- 792 & U 793) and two others raised by the ancient tween the king and the nobility. Several famous road at Hansta Hässelby (U 786 & 787) (Upplands battles were fought here (Sparrsätra 1247, Gata skog runinskrifter del 3, SRI band 8, 370f & 379 - 389). 1365 and Gestilren 1210) and the defensive tower Two rune stones are known from the Mälby estate, of the church and several single finds of medieval even though one of them has been missing since the weaponry reflects these turbulent times (cf. Gahrn late 19th century. Their inscriptions both relate to the 1993; Syse 2003, 40ff.; Beronius Jörpeland & Seiler same family where Rune had one stone made after 2011, 7, 167ff.). his sons and the other stone was raised by Rune’s

48 HUSEBYER - STATUS QUO, OPEN QUESTIONS AND PERSPECTIVES From ordinary to remarkable, and back again objects include tools and materials for advanced It is the settlement site of Mälby that is of particu- metalworking, trade and agriculture. The character lar interest to the Husaby discussion. The site was of the finds corresponds to that of an Early Medi- excavated in 2007 due to the redirection of the E18 eval town (e.g. Sigtuna or nearby Enköping). Worth motorway between Enköping and Västerås. Before special notice are two bones with runic inscriptions. the forthcoming excavation and based on historical One states Antrus : ris, meaning Andrew carved… maps and documents, Mälby was ascertained to have The other is more difficult to interpret. It reads Iærl : been an unusually large village of seven households. ilnis : latoh : uøi and a possible interpretation of the The excavations, led by Lena Beronius Jörpeland first word is jarl (Beronius Jörpeland & Seiler 2011, and Anton Seiler from the National Heritage Board 52ff.; Källström 2011). Runic inscriptions of this (RAÄ UV), would show that Mälby had been a kind are generally only found in medieval towns. home farm or manor of some particular standing The two rune stones on the Mälby estate were during most of its existence (Beronius Jörpeland & contemporary with the great house making it pos- Seiler 2011; cf. Kyhlberg 2014). sible for Rune, Torgunn and their sons to be the The first archaeologically detectable phase of Iron- patrons of the manor in the mid-11th century. The Age Mälby dates to the Vendel Period and into the name Jarl recurs on two other rune stones in the earliest Viking Age (7th and 8th centuries). During region (U 762 & U 779, Upplands runinskrifter, this time the settlement was nothing out of the or- del 3, SRI band 8, 322ff., 361ff.). It is tempting to dinary in terms of structures or material culture. suggest that this may be the same Jarl who appears It consisted of several households forming a small on the rune bone. hamlet. There are no indications of social stratifica- A most remarkable find dates from the beginning tion or elite at this period in time. The place-name of the 13th century. It is a Limoges belt buckle of Mälby may on the other hand be slightly older and a unique design, depicting two standing men with have its origin in the landscape of the Roman Iron hands raised in a speech gesture. Limoges objects Age, as recently discussed by Per Vikstrand (2013, are very rare, even in an international context and 112). the motif on the Mälby buckle is without parallels The Viking-Age settlement Mälby was organised (Beronius Jörpeland & Seiler 2011, 50ff.). It repre- much in the same way as before, though the level sents international contacts on the highest levels and of wealth had increased. The archaeological finds reflects the importance of the Mälby manor and its include objects of trade, warfare and long-distance inhabitants. During this time the church in Tillinge contacts. Most striking is the advanced metalwork- was constructed and it is highly possible that the ing, especially with copper alloy, that have been family members at Mälby were the patrons using detected. The closest parallels to this type of craft the gallery balcony in the church. in a Viking-Age context have been found in sites During the second half of the 13th century the like Helgö, Uppåkra and Husby in Glanshammar manor was in the care of the king’s bailiff and in (Beronius Jörpeland & Seiler 2011, 28 & 43ff.). the second half of the 14th century it became a non- The next phase of the settlement covers the time freeholder farm owned by Strängnäs diocese. The between AD 1050 and 1250 during which there was archaeological structures and finds from the High a radical restructuring of the hamlet. The Viking- to Late Middle Ages show that the magnificence Age settlement came to an end and a new settlement of early medieval Mälby is now lost. The settle- took its place. Excavations uncovered a unique struc- ment, though continuously in use by the central ture of an extensive stone-set area interpreted as a administration becomes an ordinary farm in the foundation for a multi-storey wooden building. This countryside. great house was part of a complex with living quar- To summarise, Mälby displays several features ters, economy buildings and areas for metalworking that are consistent with the discussion of Husaby and other advanced crafts. Mälby was no longer a sites. There is the location in a landscape formed by hamlet of several households but a home farm or the routes of communications between important a manor on a medieval estate. The archaeological power-political nodes. The Mälby estate is not only

SAME, SAME BUT DIFFERENT 49 on the road to somewhere but claims its place by supra-regional structures of power and governance defining the landscape with rune stones. The early (cf. Kaliff 1992; Olausson 2000; Hedenstierna- medieval structures ruptured the older disposition of Jonson et al. 2013). In the Vikbolandet example the farm. Even though it was rather an ordinary set- the level of societal change taking place is clearly tlement in earlier periods, in the Viking Age Mälby reflected in the disruption of the old structures of changed into a place of some standing. When the local chieftains and hillforts with large-scale con- Christianisation process takes off, the church of structions superimposed on the established land- Tillinge is constructed close by, possibly under the scape. During the course of time the geography of patronage of the Mälby family. Ola Kyhlberg argues power that was established during the Migration that Mälby manor during this period belonged to Period became a landscape of governance, control- the highest social strata in society, with direct links ling movement and demonstrating territorial claims. to royal power (Kyhlberg 2014). The Early Mid- Husabyar were doubtless an important element dle Ages were tainted by power struggles literally in local power-relations as well as in the complex taking place in Mälby’s back yard, placing Mälby process of societal change that was state formation at the turbulent centre of political expansion. Dur- (Olausson 2000, 8). Through the complex system ing the second half of the 13th century, like most of Husabyar, Bosgårdar and various defensive struc- of the Husabyar, Mälby lost its importance and tures the example of Vikbolandet shows that these reverted into becoming a farm of more ordinary sites were part of a structure or system and should status. Altogether these features beg the question accordingly be studied in relation to other sites. was Mälby in fact a site similar to or the equivalent According to Stefan Brink Husabyar hold a key of a Husaby-structure? position in the understanding of the construction of society during the transition between the Viking Age and the Early Middle Ages (Brink 2000:65). As a system of sites they reflect a historical process, Defining landscapes of power and something that becomes evident in the example of governance Munsö Husby and the surrounding structures of Hovgården and Munsö church. Together they rep- In this paper three different contexts have been resent the consolidation of power in Early Medieval presented in an attempt to illustrate different ar- society with a presence of both royal and ecclesiasti- chaeological and geographical aspects of Husaby cal authority. sites in Sweden. Even though few of these sites have Husabyar were an essential part of exercising been excavated, an archaeological perspective may power in a transitional period between an older so- contribute to the discussion on how Husaby research cietal structure and an established medieval state. should proceed. It becomes more and more evident This transition implied a change in the very fabric that the Husaby sites differ from each other in many of society where power over people gradually trans- respects. At the same time there are recurring fea- ferred into territorial rule with a centrally admin- tures, apart from the name that denotes the sites and istered organisation. This transition increased the groups them together. Michael Olausson suggests distance between leader and people and new forms that the Husabyar were part of a system of central of administrative organisation were required to en- places with mercantile, religious, martial and politi- sure stability. The claim to land can be detected in cal functions. Together these sites formed a central the rune stones raised at the Husaby sites during place complex or even supra-regional structures. The the zenith of their existence. In future it would be system was not created at one given time, hence of interest to further map the correlation between the differences. It was a dynamic process, initiated Husaby sites and rune stones. before the actual naming of the sites took place (cf. Though a change of this magnitude clearly had Olausson 2000, 8, 126). its effects on all aspects of society, it was perhaps Prehistoric fortification systems have proved useful particularly evident in the martial sphere. The old evidence when trying to detect the development of military structure, based on man to man loyalty

50 HUSEBYER - STATUS QUO, OPEN QUESTIONS AND PERSPECTIVES and contact, agreements and alliances had formed a Dr 764-91: arkeologisk undersökning, Rapport RAÄ martial society where every free man was a potential UV Stockholm 1996:71/1, Stockholm. warrior (cf. Hedenstierna-Jonson 2006). In the new Brunstedt, S. 2009: Alsnu Kungsgård - forskningsprojekt system the old loyalties were replaced by regulated Hovgården, Uppland, Adelsö socken, RAÄ 46 m fl. duties to a distant ruler. Dr 764-91: arkeologisk undersökning, Rapport RAÄ The Church was an important player during the UV Stockholm 1996:71/2, Stockholm. transition and the link between centralised author- Brunstedt-Sjöström, S. 1982: Bebyggelseutvecklingen på ity, territorial control, land-ownership and royal and Munsö. De fasta fornlämningarna ur agrarekonomiskt ecclesiastical power is indisputable. The defensive perspektiv i förhistorisk tid. Uppsats i påbyggnadskurs structure of Munsö round church and the fortified i arkeologi, Stockholms universitet. west tower of Tillinge church by Mälby indicate that Ekman, T. 2000: ‘Item Husaby in Niericia’, in M. Olaus- this was a rather turbulent business. These churches son (ed.), En bok om Husbyar, Uppsala, 9-38. functioned as strongholds, not only in military terms Ekvall, I. 2011: Kungsgården Husaby-Enhörna, en re- but as vanguards in the Christianisation process and dovisning av resultatet från utgrävningarna 1986-1989, in the consolidation of royal power. Enhörna Hembygdsförening. Finally, if the Husabyar reflect a landscape of gov- Gahrn, L. 1993: ‘Sparrsätra och Gata skog. Två fältslag ernance and administration in the Early Middle som har utkämpats i Uppland’, in Uppland 1993, Ages, what do the areas without Husabyar reflect? Upplands fornminnesförening och hembygdsförbunds Are these sites merely lost in history or were there årsbok, Uppsala, 75-104. regional differences between the manners of govern- Hedenstierna-Jonson, C. 2006: The Birka Warrior. ance? In the case of Mälby I would argue that most The material culture of a martial society, Stockholms of the required functions can be detected and that universitet. the site could be considered a place of at least equal Hedenstierna-Jonson, C. 2012: ‘Birkafolket’, in C. status to a Husaby. Hedenstierna-Jonson (ed.), Birka nu. Pågående forskning kring världsarvet Birka och Hovgården, Historiska museet Studies 22, Stockholm, 213-226. Hedenstierna-Jonson, C. in press: ‘Foreigner and local: Bibliography on identities and cultural expression among the urban people of Birka’, in Proceedings of The XVII Viking Andersson, K.; T. Ekman & B. Persson 2000. Husby i Congress Shetland 2013. Glanshammar – makt och metall under yngre järnålder, Hedenstierna-Jonson, C.; L. Holmquist & M. Olaus- Närke, Glanshammars socken, Husby 7:1, RAÄ 33 son 2013: ‘The Viking Age Paradox: Continuity and och 185, RAÄ UV Bergslagen, Dokumentation av Discontinuity of Fortifications and Defence Works fältarbetsfasen 2000:2, Örebro. in Eastern Scandinavia’, in J. Baker, S. Brookes & Beronius Jörpelan, L. A. & A. Seiler 2011: Mälbys många A. Reynolds (eds), Landscapes of Defence in Early ansikten. En tidigmedeltida huvudgård, förhistorisk Medieval Europe, SEM 28, Brepols, Turnhout, och historisk gårdsbebyggelse i Uppland; Tillinge 285-301. socken; Tillinge–Mälby 1:20 och 5:1; RAÄ 327 Dnr Hellberg, L. 2013 [1975]: ‘Ortnamnen och den forn- 423-1095-2007. tida sveastaten. Presentation av ett forskningsprojekt’, Bonnier, A-C. 1987: Kyrkorna berättar, Upplands kyrkor Namn och bygd 101 (2013), 9-31. 1250-1350, Upplands fornminnesförening 1987. Hjärthner-Holdar, E.; K. Lamm & L. Grandin 2000: Brink, S. 1996: ‘Political and social structures in Early ‘Järn- och metallhantering vid en stormannagård Scandinavia’, TOR 28 (1996), 235-281. under yngre järnålder och tidig medeltid’, in M. Brink, S. 2000: ‘Nordens husabyar – unga eller gamla?’, Olausson (ed.), En bok om Husbyar, Uppsala, 39-47. in M. Olausson (ed.), En bok om Husbyar, Uppsala, Hyenstrand, Å. 1974: Centralbygd – Randbygd, 65-73. Stockholm. Brunstedt, S. 1996: Alsnu Kungsgård - forskningsprojekt Hyenstrand, Å. 1984: Fasta fornlämningar och arkeolo- Hovgården, Uppland, Adelsö socken, RAÄ 46 m fl. giska regioner, Rapport RAÄ 1984:7, Stockholm.

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52 HUSEBYER - STATUS QUO, OPEN QUESTIONS AND PERSPECTIVES Tuulse, A. 1954: Kyrkor i Färentuna härad, västra delen. Konsthistoriskt inventarium. Sveriges kyrkor Uppland bd VI:1, Stockholm, 58-97. Upplands runinskrifter 1, Sveriges runinskrifter (SRI) 6, 1940-1943, Uppsala. Upplands runinskrifter 3, Sveriges runinskrifter (SRI) 8, 1949-1951, Uppsala. Vikstrand, P. 2013: Järnålderns bebyggelsenamn. Om be- byggelsenamnens uppkomst och ålder i Mälarlandskapen, Institutet för språk och folkminnen, Namnarkivet i Uppsala, Uppsala. Widgren, M. 1983: Settlement and farming systems in the early Iron Age. A Study of fossil agrarian landscapes in Östergötland, Sweden, Acta Universitatis Stockholm- iensis, Stockholm. Wijkander, K. 1983: Kungshögar och sockenbildning. Stud- ier i Södermanlands administrativa indelning under vikingatid och tidig medeltid, Sörmländska handlingar 39, Nyköping. Zachrisson, T. 1998: Gård, gräns, gravfält. Sammanhang kring ädelmetalldepåer och runstenar från vikingatid och tidigmedeltid i Uppland och Gästrikland, Stockholm.

Notes on contributor

Charlotte Hedenstierna Jonson works as a researcher at the Swedish History Museum and Uppsala Uni- versity, Sweden. Her main research interests are political and martial society, identities and networks in Viking Age Eastern Scandinavia.

SAME, SAME BUT DIFFERENT 53