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2018 Make Great Britain Great Again: And Nationalism In Brexit Nadine Elsayed Lehigh University

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Recommended Citation Elsayed, Nadine, "Make Great Britain Great Again: Populism And Nationalism In Brexit" (2018). Volume 36 - The United Kingdom On The Brink Of Brexit (2018). 3. https://preserve.lehigh.edu/perspectives-v36/3

This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Perspectives on Business and Economics at Lehigh Preserve. It has been accepted for inclusion in Volume 36 - The nitU ed Kingdom On The rB ink Of Brexit (2018) by an authorized administrator of Lehigh Preserve. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Perspectives on Business and Economics, Vol. 36, 2018

MAKE GREAT BRITAIN GREAT AGAIN: POPULISM AND NATIONALISM IN BREXIT Nadine Elsayed

The Brexit vote brought to the surface salient political divisions fortified by economic and cultural anxieties. This article explores how proponents leveraged populist and nationalist sentiment surrounding economic inequalities and immigration to convince the UK to leave the EU.

Introduction and cultural anxiety. Brexit, at its core, was a populist revolt. The way proponents framed the Prior to the June 23, 2016, referendum discussion and subsequent vote, however, was vote, European Council president Donald Tusk through a nationalist urge. Populism revolves told the press that a Brexit movement in the around a vertical dimension—the down UK would inevitably lead to the destruction versus the up—where a repressed people, the of Western political civilization in its entirety majority, oppose a corrupt elite, the minority. (“Donald Tusk…”). Although his statements at Nationalism, conversely, works on a horizontal the time seemed hyperbolic, the historic move scale, where the likeness of a group is essential to hold a referendum quickly turned into a to distinguish those who are in from those who crusade of autarky as a campaign emerged to are out. Proponents of the Leave campaign “take back control” and revert to times that intricately combined these two urges during many viewed as more prosperous and familiar. Brexit, arguing for a pull upward while also British voters and political parties were trying to navigate a horizontal plane in which made to believe in deep atavisms of populism only certain groups would benefit. Hence, the and nationalism as necessary steps to their Leave campaign attempted to alienate the EU country’s success. Subsequently, a war rooted by arguing for a pull up and a simultaneous deep in far-right ideology began between the pull far right. citizen, the state, and the outside world. This reasoning holds a certain amount of The Brexit vote was historic not only due irony since Britain has always been profoundly to the magnitude of the decision made by the internationalist. Therefore, how did the UK electorate but also because it brought to surface Independence Party and its Leave campaign salient political divisions fortified by economic manage to twist and mold that global history 94 into a basis for the isolationist nationalism it led to many of the difficulties the British known as Brexit? This article explores how government encountered when faced with the victory of the Leave campaign transcended the decision to join the EU in the twentieth traditional political ideology by rooting itself in century. strong populist and nationalist urges that date back to when the UK first joined the EU and even The Awkward Partner further back into the era of the British Empire. Specifically, the focus is on how proponents By the 1960s, years after the peak of the leveraged sentiment surrounding issues of British Empire, the economy in continental economic inequalities and immigration to was performing much better than the convince the UK to leave the EU. UK’s (Menon and Salter, p. 1299). Due to a historical desire to outpace West Germany and What Made Great Britain Great? France and to prove British exceptionalism once again, the UK applied to join the EU in Over the span of several centuries, the 1961. It was promptly denied, with French English government became the British leader Charles de Gaulle denouncing any Empire through a worldwide system of idea of negotiations on the matter. A second dependencies, where colonies, protectorates, application in 1963 was again denied by the dominions, and other territories were brought French. It was not until eight years after the under their sovereignty and administration. UK’s first application that unanimous consent With 1,000 years of history deeply embedded from member nations allowed negotiations for into the current world system, it is imperative British membership to begin. The UK officially to first recognize the historical contingencies became a part of the EU in 1973. that originally allowed the Leave campaign to Labeled infamously the “awkward flourish under the guise of nostalgia. partner,” the British regularly negotiated For much of the eighteenth and privileged positions of opting out of areas in nineteenth centuries, the small island which they had no interest: Protocol 25 of approximately the size of California grew to the Treaty exempted the UK from dominate world trade and governance. At its participation in the ; Protocol 36 of the peak, the British Empire was the largest empire Lisbon Treaty exempted the UK from European in history and held the position of global fundamental rights legislation regarding superpower more times than not. In 1916, the home affairs and justice; and Article 4 of the British Empire represented 412 million people: Schengen Agreement exempted the UK from 25% of both the population of the world and abolished border controls between member the total land area of Earth (Wrong, p. 46). states. From the beginning, the EU’s awkward The hegemony became a microcosm of the partner carved out an advantaged position for world itself that included people of every race itself, shaping a Europe congruent with its own and creed. Hence, the phrase “the sun never preferences (Menon and Salter, p. 1298). sets on the British Empire” was often used to Still, the relationship between the UK describe its far-flung nature for the very reason and the EU remained a necessary partnership. that British nationalism was anchored to the Britain needed Europe to ensure economic empire, either by expansion of war, trade, or stability, especially since the continent is one of religion (Wrong, p. 48). Britain’s highest export destinations. In 2016, As the British gained prominence 44% of the UK’s exports in goods and services economically, politically, and culturally, the went to countries in the EU (Ward, p. 5). At empire became a vehicle for nationalism the same time, the EU often felt the benefits as its success abroad translated to pride of as one of the world’s top financial and glory at home. Such a legacy does not capitals, with more than a fifth of Europe’s 500 dissipate overnight. Although the British largest companies headquartered in the capital Empire eventually dissolved into autonomous (Ward, p. 6). sovereign states, patriotism and love for a No matter the mutually beneficial united kingdom did not fade away. In fact, symbiotic relationship, weaved 95 itself into British public discourse constantly. the referendum (Williams-Grut). On the other In fact, critics characterized the very notion hand, the Leave side, led by Farage’s UKIP, of Britain joining a federalized Europe back in campaigned heavily by leveraging politics of fear 1973 as “the end of a thousand years of history” with simple and powerful nationalist messages. (Menon and Salter, p. 1301). Over time (explored Signs stating, “I want my country back” and in detail later), a majority of the British “take back control,” were plastered across electorate grew to view the EU as an imposing towns in the UK. The campaign represented an foreign entity that forced them to surrender equivocation for a loss of national power, as the their sovereignty and therefore their historic Leave camp grounded its message in nostalgia nationhood. Subsequently, deep grievances for some version of a successful British past. culminated across the island as political parties During the course of the Brexit campaign, began to argue that withdrawal from the EU, the Leave campaigners regularly attacked the rather than continued membership, would be Remain campaign by employing many shock more in line with expressed British identity. and awe public crusades. Farage and UKIP falsely claimed that European migrants were UK Independence Party and Brexit using the (NHS) for expensive HIV treatment, told the president of Right-wing Eurosceptic discourse found the European Council a voice in the UK Independence Party (UKIP), that he had the “charisma of a damp rag” and a party whose sole existence was to promote a the “appearance of a low-grade bank clerk,” British populist and nationalist agenda. UKIP and famously broadcasted a red bus stating rose to dominance with many British citizens that Britain gave hundreds of millions starting to reject conventional parties and a of pounds a week (“Nigel Farage Insults…”). broader political establishment that had too Even after Farage’s plane crashed due to a long ignored both their economic and cultural UKIP promotional banner becoming entangled concerns. in the plane’s propellers, the UKIP leader was Originally formed in 1991 as the Anti- dedicated to removing the UK entirely from Federalist League, the single-issue Eurosceptic party was primarily led by the well-known the EU—in an interview with local media, he Nigel Farage, a of the said the plane crash made him “more driven southeast England constituency. Farage grew than [he ever] was before” (“The Nigel Farage the party under his leadership by attempting Story”). to influence the government’s decisions on Farage, however, was no catch-all immigration and EU involvement. Hence, when nationalist; his appeal was concentrated in Prime Minister attempted to specific groups and was utterly alien to others. settle an internal party dispute by promising a reported that UKIP had virtually national referendum on EU membership, UKIP no support among the financially secure and naturally found its way into public discourse. the middle-aged university graduates who In January 2013, Cameron promised dominated politics and the media. Essentially, the public a simple Brexit ballot regarding UKIP hosted a revolt dominated by “white faces, continued EU membership, yet complex and blue collars, and gray hair”; support was weak emotional political campaigns ensued. The among women, white-collar professionals, Remain side focused mainly on economic and the young, while ethnic minority voters stability, citing that Britain would be “stronger, shunned the party totally (Goodwin and Ford). safer, and better off” in the EU (Menon and UKIP was not just a . They Salter, p. 1307). The campaign painted leaving were a symptom of far deeper social and value the EU as a leap into a dark abyss of unknown divisions in Britain. The eventual results of that would inevitably hurt British economic the Brexit vote—52% Leave to 48% Remain— prosperity. The agreed, with brought to surface these deep divides in the business leaders from almost 200 companies electorate: young versus old, rural versus signing a letter arguing against Brexit a mere urban, college educated versus those without 24 hours after Cameron’s original statement on degrees, rich versus poor, and white versus 96 non-white. The manner in which UKIP framed Research). This demographic pattern reflects its Leave campaign—through an intricate an educational divide, as well as a social weaving of populist and nationalist threads— class divide, that exists in voting patterns. exacerbated these divisions. The following These types of vertical divides combined sections explain how economic inequalities with economic decline typically incentivize and immigration worry were used as vehicles domestic political turnover, yet British citizens to scapegoat the EU, the differentiating factor took their own country’s economic struggles separating the then-glory from the now. and began to push the blame horizontally onto a susceptible foreign scapegoat: the EU. Those Left Behind Vote for Change UKIP attempted to create an economic enemy out of the EU by leading voters to The roots of the populist revolt can be believe that Britain was somehow subsidizing traced back over decades. Divides in economic the rest of Europe. Farage’s red bus stating, experiences left large segments of British “we send the EU £350 million a week; let’s fund voters on the wrong side of developmental our NHS instead,” made its way from town to change. Many Leave voters struggled with town during the Brexit campaign (“The Nigel stagnant incomes, felt threatened by the way Farage Story”). Its plastered cry to “take back their communities were changing, and became control” by voting to leave the EU insinuated furious at established political parties that that Britain was no longer benefiting from its appeared not to understand or even care about historic mercantilist model and instead needed their concerns (Goodwin and Ford). Together, to turn inward for economic success. Nationalist these factors alienated particular communities, impulse couched in populist concerns dates specifically those who benefited the most back approximately five centuries, when the from the heyday of labor-intensive industry Discourse of the Common Weal of this Realm and postwar . According of England touted that Britain “must always to the Institute for Public Policy Research take heed that we buy no more from strangers Commission on Economic Justice, half of all than we sell them, for so should we impoverish households in the UK have seen no meaningful improvement in their incomes for more than ourselves and enrich them” (Stafford). The a decade (IPPR’s…, p. 2). The fact that only Leave campaign attempted to showcase that London and the southeast region of the UK Brussels and the EU were enriching themselves have fully recovered from the 2008 financial while impoverishing those in the UK. The crisis ostracizes rural areas that have not seen apparent lack of autarky fueled the anger that type of economic recovery at all. Only a behind economic inequalities and drove those fifth of the public think that the way the British who were economically disenfranchised to the economy works is fair, with average workers’ ballot box in droves. pay dramatically decreasing while directors of Those who find themselves at the sharp companies’ pay is increasing by more than 47% end of a series of economic changes and (Schmitt et al., p. 74). stress unsurprisingly arrive at an antagonistic Polarized living standards and varied political self-identification that is couched economic lifestyles thus followed citizens into in negative cultural reaction. UKIP benefited the ballot box. Studies of exit polls made by the from this populist insurgency by channeling British Election Study find that nearly 49% voters’ frustrations and promising a populist of semi-skilled workers, unskilled workers, pull upward. Yet populism, by definition, pits a and those reliant on state welfare payments virtuous and homogenous people against a set voted to leave the EU due to economic anxiety of elites or dangerous others who are together (Schmitt et al.). A similar study by the British depicted as depriving the sovereign people Social Attitudes team found that 80% of those of their rights, values, prosperities, identity, with a higher education degree voted to remain and voices (Albertazzi and McDonnell, p. 2). whereas those with a General Certificate of Farage won over these voters because they felt Secondary Education or less voted to remain left behind by Britain’s rapid economic and by only 30% (National Centre for Social social transformation (as shown by the British 97 Election Study) but he still needed to navigate London” (Doyle). the nationalist’s horizontal plane of strictly If these portrayed criminal immigrants outlining who is included in that definition of were not stealing physical materials from “virtuous and homogenous people.” Therefore, British citizens, they were presumably stealing although voters may have found an economic their benefits. The Express claimed that “the voice in UKIP, they needed to find a “dangerous average family of unskilled migrants cost the other” to exclude from the nationalist UK £30,000 a year, once tax, public service narrative, and they found the perfect contender use, and benefit payments are considered” yet in immigrants from the EU. the report produced by the Express did not balance their research with the positive effects The Dangerous Other that migrants have on public finance and how economically beneficial they are to the country UKIP argued for Great Britain to become as a whole (Ruhs and Vargas-Silva). A study by “great” again not by removing economic an Oxford University Migration Observatory hierarchies or by redressing the economic research team found that in reality there is injustices suffered by many in rural areas but no significant impact on unemployment or by shifting blame for all ills onto the foreign average wages for British citizens by overall other. For UKIP, the scapegoat for this type immigration into the UK (Ruhs and Vargas- of thinking was often immigrants, especially Silva). (Katherine Wu’s article in this volume from the EU. The political party used language, of Perspectives further explores how incorrect such as “spiraling,” “floodgates,” “besieging,” UKIP’s presented statistics on immigration and “swamping,” to describe outsiders who were.) Nevertheless, demographic warfare had infiltrated their society and threatened continued as UKIP successfully bracketed the majority’s rights (Seaton). This idea of a millions of immigrants into a single identity, persecuted majority fuels a type of majoritarian demonizing a collective group as the “other” nationalism that claims the UK is under siege and constantly painting them as a people beyond by enemies and must be “taken back.” an average British person’s understanding. UKIP normalized its politics of fear and exclusion by representing it as a defensive This type of purposeful attack on reaction to the threats supposedly posed by immigrants had a profound effect. Studies European immigrants to the security of the conducted by British Social Attitudes found nation as well as the collective British identity. that issues associated with citizens’ sense of The most effective way UKIP broadcasted national identity and cultural outlook were these nationalist messages was through media significantly associated with vote choice. discourse, which was 75% anti-European The study found that 73% of those who saw (Seaton). Having the British press at UKIP’s immigration as a “growing concern to Great defense changed the dynamic of the Brexit Britain’s culture and identity” voted to leave vote, especially with issues of immigration. the EU (National Centre…). Furthermore, the The readers of the Daily Mail, the Telegraph, perceived identity of those polled also made a and the Sun received intense Leave persuasion difference in response. The study found that and accounted for four times as many readers no less than 92% of British citizens who said than the Guardian, , and the they identified as European wanted Britain to , which published opinion continue to be a member of the EU. On the articles mainly supporting a Remain vote other hand, those who identified as strictly (Martinson). Therefore, anti-European English, rather than British or European, had rhetoric found its way into almost every great support for leaving the EU (National headline on newspaper stands: the Express Centre…). Remain voter Beverly David told featured a story claiming that “half of all rape the study that “people in London have a and murder suspects in some parts of Britain different identity. We are Londoners first, then are foreigners” (Sheldrick) and the Daily European, then British” (National Centre…). Mail included a headline saying that “More With some London boroughs voting close to Than 30,000 Europeans a Year Are Arrested in 80% Remain, it is easy to see how identity— 98 Figure 1 Word Cloud of What Mattered Most to Leave Voters

Source: Prosser et al.

whether foreign or native—made a difference history. Even Winston Churchill’s son touted in the attitudes of voters. After the vote results that “immigration has to be halted to defend came out, British citizen Julius Beltrame said, the British way of life” (Storry and Childs). As a “I’ve never felt less British and more Londoner” result, UKIP and other nationalist parties could (National Centre…). easily reimagine the nation’s self-identity by Similarly illustrative of the central promoting the deep, horizontal comradeship importance to the Brexit outcome of national that only common language, culture, and identity and anti-outsider attitudes, the British customs can arouse in British citizens. By Election Study created a word cloud of the directing the electorate’s economic and populist language used by survey respondents about the grievances to the dangerous other, embodied reasons for their vote preferences (Figure 1). by the EU, UKIP fostered a nationalist culture The size of the text reflects the relative number that no longer resided only in the domain of the of times Leave voters used each word when far-right. The party brought nationalism from answering, “What matters most to you when the fringes to the mainstream, continuing to deciding how to vote in the EU referendum?” purposefully alienate the EU through negative The findings show extraordinary consistency. narratives of immigration that amplified Immigration leads the list by a long margin, economically rooted populist angst. followed by control, country, sovereignty, laws, and borders (Prosser et al.). The Difficulties of Creating At the core of UKIP’s identity politics a “Truly Global Britain” was a movement in search of a homogenous Britain. Alarmed by the perceived downfalls Populist and nationalist sentiment of heterogeneity and hybridity, nationalists surrounding economic inequalities and in the party crafted a narrative of us-versus- immigration was not left at the ballot box them that would eventually reconfigure the after Brexit. Half a year after the vote, newly island as narrowly British while alienating appointed Prime Minister has those who did not fit their version of expressed attempted to maneuver the complicated British identity. UKIP knew the importance of waters between a “hard” or “soft” Brexit in aliens and outsiders to the formation of group the midst of bitter civic and political opinions consciousness; it had existed throughout that plague negotiations and planning for the 99 implementation of the UK’s exit from the EU. sentiment may serve as restrictions to limit the May has tried to convey to the nation that the scope of May’s globalist goals for negotiations. result of the referendum was not a decision to turn inward and retreat from the world but No Island Is an Island, rather was “the moment the country chose to Entire of Itself build a truly global Britain” (Department for Exiting the ). Although she In June 1940, the Evening Standard said the UK is proud of its European heritage, published a comic by David Low on its front she claimed that the nation has always been a page. The drawing depicted a heroically isolated country that has looked beyond Europe and British solider on the White Cliffs of Dover, to the wider world because “Britain’s history fighting against vicious waves of the channel, and culture is profoundly internationalist” and featured a three-word caption: “Very Well, (Department for Exiting the European Union). Alone” (Low). The cartoon was commenting Indeed, over several centuries, havens for on the fall of France to Nazi Germany and British ideology have existed all over the the prospect of a war that could end in either world, whether through imperial, religious, “surrender, starvation, or subjugation”; or economic expansion. Still, can the UK nevertheless, the soldier stood tall…and alone. This type of national resoluteness actually become a global Britain post-Brexit resurfaced in the Brexit vote. Popular culture, as May hopes the country to become? How politics, and economics have always boasted a does a country position itself to become more “finest hour” reflex in British history, but the globally oriented when populist and nationalist bouts of populist and nationalist morale present sentiment drove the country to become more in the Brexit vote took the world by surprise. isolationist in the first place? A barrage of disapproval emanated from the Furthermore, May wants to create this new international community: one Swiss newspaper and equal partnership between Europe and an asked, “What in the world has happened to this independent, self-governing, global Britain that country?” (Zaschke); a German radio station is “strong, confident and united at home,” yet called Brexit the “biggest political nonsense the UK is still strongly divided. The Brexit vote since the Roman emperor Caligula decided to exacerbated the social and cultural divisions in appoint his horse Incitatus as consul” (Boland); British society, leaving the path ahead of May Japanese media called Britain an “outcast”; riddled with hurdles to overcome—politically, Poland depicted the nation as “an offended, socially, and economically. Politically, the spoiled child” (Cortazzi); Pakistan headlines British Social Attitudes team found that described the British lion as possessing “more both the Conservative and the Labour parties of a moan than a roar” (Husain); and another were virtually equally split on the issue of German newspaper called the UK “the laughing leaving the EU, whereas the UKIP base voted stock of the world” (Stephens). A nation once by almost 100% to leave the EU (National lauded by its neighbors for its relentless and Centre…, p. 86). How will negotiations play impenetrable steadiness now struggles to out internationally in Brussels if domestically keep May’s promise of becoming a “strong and parliamentarians cannot agree on the merits stable” UK. of the very decision they are negotiating? As argued, the victory of the Leave Socially, 75% of voters under the age of 30 campaign in Britain was underpinned by voted for a future in Europe whereas 61% economic and cultural anxiety that transcended over the age of 65 voted against (National traditional ideological lines. The aversion to Centre…, p. 12). How can the ideological international bodies such as the EU was based differences between the varying age groups be on populist and nationalist tribalism, drawing reconciled? Economically, May must also take on the perception of nationhood, sovereignty, into consideration the parliamentary concerns and the need to protect historic British of Scotland, which voted overwhelmingly to identity. Although UKIP and other right-wing stay in the single market of the EU. All aspects parties often caricaturized complex realities, considered, inherent populist and nationalist they essentially sold a romantic and exclusive 100 Downton Abbey age of economic prosperity alienating the EU from those benefits. and traditional values. The problem that May There are only 20 miles of water separating must face now, however, is how to take those the White Cliffs of Dover from continental anxieties and channel them into a successful Europe. The next two years of negotiations on Brexit negotiation. UKIP promised a UK that Brexit will determine whether or not that 20- would benefit from a populist’s pull upward mile stretch completely severs the island from economically and a nationalist’s pull to the right the proximate continent. In an ever-increasing culturally. May will most certainly struggle globalized world, Britain will soon ask itself to keep that promise, especially if it means whether or not an island can truly be an island, fundamentally restructuring her government entire of itself, alone. to aid the electorate economically while also

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