Notes

Introduction

1. Clement Dodd (1993) edited a volume on Turkish Cypriot affairs, cover- ing political, social, and economic areas. More recent research has been concerned with particular issues such as the dynamics of political econ- omy (Lacher and Kaymak, 2005; Sonan, 2007); the question of Turkish Cypriot identity building and social conflicts within (Kızılyürek and Gautier-Kızılyürek, 2004; Hatay, 2005, 2008; Ramm, 2006; Navaro-Yashin, 2006); as well as the analysis of the connection of Turkish Cypriot sovereignty with Turkey’s involvement from different perspec- tives (Navaro-Yashin, 2003; Bahcheli, 2004a). The case of Transdniestria, on the other hand, has been marked by a paucity of research. Whereas economic developments have been followed in detail by ’s Center for Strategic Studies and Reforms (CISR), internal political dynamics have been explored in only a very few specialized articles (Büscher, 1996; Tröbst, 2003; Hanne, 2004; Korobov and Byanov, 2006; Protsyk, 2009).

2 Setting up a State

1. The metaphor is borrowed from Richmond (2002a) mentioned in Chapter 1. 2. Although it is widely believed that Denktas¸ was the founder and leader of the TMT, Denktas¸ himself described his role within the organization as a political advisor (Cavit, 1999, p. 512). For an alternative view of the TMT’s activities and Turkey’s role in the formation of this group see Ionnides (1991). 3. It should be noted, however, that although these armed clashes are often referred to as ‘inter-communal’ fighting, on closer examination this term is a misnomer. The two armed groups were highly nationalist in ideology. There were many instances in which the two groups used violence against their own communities, due to the cooperation between left-leaning Greek and Turkish Cypriots (Cavit, 1999; Stavrinides, 1999; Patrick, 1976). 4. The agreements included three parts: Treaty of Establishment, Treaty of Guarantee, and Treaty of Alliance. The constitution and the new Cypriot were safeguarded by the Treaty of Guarantee between Great Britain, Greece, and Turkey, according to which, if security, territorial integrity, or independence were undermined, the guarantor states could intervene to restore order. The Treaty of Alliance provided for coopera- tion between Greece, Turkey, and Cyprus on matters of common defense.

180 Notes 181

In addition to the national Cypriot forces, Greece and Turkey were to keep their military forces on the island (Patrick, 1976, p. 30). The Treaty of Establishment gave Great Britain rights to keep its sovereign bases on the territory of Cyprus. 5. Among the most significant changes to the constitution were elimination of the president’s and vice president’s veto powers, collective holding of elections, establishment of unified municipalities, and adjustment of the ratio of representatives of the two communities in the civil service and security forces to match the ratio in the population as a whole. Furthermore, according to the plan, the Treaties of Guarantee and Alliance, which excluded enosis and provided for the intervention of the guarantor states, were to be abolished (Patrick, 1976, pp. 35–6). 6. Aimed at restoring peace on the island, the resolution also had some political repercussions. Referring to the government of Cyprus, the reso- lution implied the Greek Cypriot faction, because at that time no Turkish Cypriot representative remained in the administration of the Republic of Cyprus. The Greek Cypriot side was thus recognized as the legitimate government of this state (Patrick, 1976, pp. 52–4). At the practical level this led to UN acceptance of arms supply to the Greek Cypriot side, since it was considered to be the Cyprus government and had a legitimate right to defend the state. The Turkish initiatives were labeled as ‘smuggling’ (Crawshaw, 1978, p. 370). 7. Denktas¸’s critics believed that this move was a pretext for him to assert his authority and to add more presidential powers to the constitution, because in the elections of the early 1980s the left managed to gain politi- cal weight (Interview, 2005a). 8. According to Denktas¸, he already had a majority in the parliament, but he preferred unanimity. To receive a unanimous vote, Denktas¸ pointed out that, ‘It would not be possible to recognize a voice in the new con- stitution to those parties who came out against the establishment of the Republic. … Permission cannot be given to the establishment of parties who say “I do not want the Republic”’ (quoted in Dodd, 1993, p. 135). 9. On the details of historical developments in the region see Dima (2001) and King (2000). 10. The majority consisted of 48.5 per cent ethnic Ukrainians. The rest of the population represented 8.5 per cent Russians, 8.5 per cent Jews, and 2 per cent Germans (King, 1998, p. 60). 11. The decrease in Moldovan population in the MSSR has been due to the fact that many of the intellectuals chose to leave for (Crowther, 1991, pp. 185–6). Yet, according to some accounts, the decrease is a result of the purges and overt deportation in the 1940s, and the planned migration, in accordance with the Soviet labor policy, in the 1950s (Dima, 2001, p. 46). 12. The club was named for a prominent Romanian/Moldovan priest and poet. 13. This event was of great significance for the Moldovan nationalist camp. As suggested by Dima, ‘When the Cyrillic script was changed to Latin, 182 Notes

all of a sudden everybody discovered that the Moldavians were in fact pure and simple Romanians. … After all, it wasn’t an alphabet question, but one of national identity; an identity which propelled the Moldavian Romanians on a new historical stage’ (Dima, 2001, p. 143). 14. Mircea Druc was dismissed a year later, in 1991, and moved to Romania, where he attempted to continue his political career. In 1992 he ran for the presidential post, campaigning for the union of Moldova with Romania, and received around three per cent of the vote (Kaufman, 1996, p. 125). 15. This explains the inconsistent use of Moldovan/Moldavian in this work. 16. Calls for enosis with Romania evoked memories of World War II, when the region was occupied by Romanian forces from 1941 to 1944. In addi- tion, the adaptation of Romanian symbols was viewed as Romanization of the region. 17. On the details of the Gagauz region see Chinn and Roper (1998). 18. was one of the organizers and the head of the OSTK. Having worked as assistant director of a factory in Ukraine, in November 1987 Smirnov moved to Transdniestria and was appointed to lead the machine- building factory Elektromash in . Promoted by the OSTK, Smirnov won a seat in the City Soviet of Tiraspol and was elected as its chair, a key post in Transdniestria at that point. He also managed to be elected to the Supreme Soviet of the MSSR. The engineer-turned-politician became the leader of the PMSSR in September 1990. 19. It is also reported that the long-term aims of Cossacks and the Transdniestrian leadership were divergent. If the Transdniestrians were fighting for independence, the Cossacks were believed to have aimed at reestablishment of the tsarist Russian Empire (Kolstø et al., 1993, p. 13). 20. The issue of weapons distribution to the Transdniestrian armed forces, however, is also a subject of dispute. According to the Moldovan ver- sion of events, Transdniestrians could have acquired weapons in two ways. First, they could have had open access to ammunition stores, which belonged to the 14th Army. Second, the 14th Army command failed to implement measures to prevent the seizure of weapons by Transdniestrian armed forces and civilians (ECHR, 2004). There is no denial on the Transdniestrian side that weapons were acquired from the 14th Army. Gaining access to ammunition, however, was more problem- atic than suggested by the Moldovan side (Bergman, 2004; Grosul et al., 2001). 21. I use the term ‘Transdniestrians’ in reference to inhabitants of the region, the political implications of this term are further discussed in Chapter 3. 22. Ozhiganov points out that although Lebed appeared to have taken a pro-Transdniestrian stance, his main concern was not defending PMR as such, but to make certain that the 14th Army and its ammunition depots remained under Russian control and to prevent the Transdniestrian side from gaining possession of additional military supplies which could lead to further escalation of the armed conflict (1997, p. 183). In addition, it Notes 183

was also important for Lebed to address the interests of the 14th Army’s officer corps. The harsh statements to the Moldovan government as well as demonstrational military operations could be viewed, in this regard, as a warning to the Moldovan forces that the army’s contingent and installations on the left bank are not to be attacked (Ozhiganov, 1997, p. 182). 23. In 1995 the Moldovan government changed some of the reforms under- taken when the Popular Front was in power in the early 1990s. The government replaced the Romanian anthem Desteapta-te, Romane! with the new Limba Noastra (Our language), a poem by a Moldovan/Romanian writer. The hymn avoids reference to whether the language is Romanian or Moldovan. According to the Moldovan Constitution, as amended in 1994, ‘the state language of the Republic of Moldova is the and functions on the basis of the Latin Script’, omitting any connection to Romania (Panici, 2003, p. 44).

3 Symbolic Statebuilding

1. The description is based on the press coverage by Olvia Press (2 September 2005). 2. For a detailed analysis of this issue see Papadakis (2003). 3. Greek Cypriots are referred to as Rumlarr, a term which is usually used for the Greek Orthodox community of the Ottoman Empire, as well as Greeks living in Turkey nowadays. The implication of the use of this term in relation to Greek Cypriots is that they are seen as ‘former subjects of the Ottoman Empire, and certainly different to Greeks, thus denying them their claim to a Greek identity and delegitimating their political demands for Union with Greece’ (Papadakis, 2008, p. 13). 4. The delegation included quite a number of high officials, such as Deputy Prime Minister Cemil Çiçek, State Minister Murat Bass¸esgiogg˘lu, Economy Minister Mehmet S¸ims¸ekk, Interior Minister Bess¸ir Atalay, Defense Minister Vecdi Gönül, Agriculture Minister Mehdi Eker, Transportation Minister Binali Yıldırım and Environment Minister Veysel Erog˘lu (Hürriyett, 20 July 2008). 5. The same tendency can be observed on the Greek Cypriot side (Constantinou and Papadikis, 2002). 6. Turkish Cypriots tend to regard themselves as more ‘modern’ than Turks from Turkey. For the analysis of the settler issue see Hatay (2005, 2008), Navaro-Yashin (2006), and Ramm (2006). 7. Denktas¸, for example, referred to these migration processes as ‘Those coming are Turks and those leaving are Turks’ (Ramm, 2006, p. 534). 8. In Turkish, beyy means Sir, chief, or ruler. 9. The judiciary is believed to be one of the few state institutions to escape the influence of Turkey. When asked about the TRNC’s image abroad as a colony of Turkey, Denktas¸ pointed out that ‘The legal system in Turkey is completely different from our legal system. Would a colonial power 184 Notes

allow this to happen? It’s the only thing which shows your independence completely’ (quoted in Pillai, 1999, p. 27). 10. Akıncı was greatly concerned with the growing anti-Turkish mood among Turkish Cypriots and believed that it might damage relations with Turkey. Turkey’s role was not in question, rather the nature of the relationship. As he stated, ‘We feel gratitude to Turkey. We are aware that if Turkey had not intervened in Cyprus on 20 July 1974, there would not be a Turkish Cypriot population on the island. We would all be butchered by Greek Cypriots. We are grateful to Turkey. But, at the same time, we want to administer ourselves, and we believe we are capable of doing it’ (Turkish Daily News, 2000d). 11. When the EU agreed to reassess Cypriot membership in 1995, even if no political settlement was achieved, the Turkish and the TRNC gov- ernments repeatedly threatened further integration. In 1998, for exam- ple, ‘Protocol on Functional and Structural Cooperation between The Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Defence of the TRNC and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Turkey’ was signed. For the proto- col’s text see: Perceptions: Journal of International Affairs, 3/1, March–May 1998. The same year, Turkey and the TRNC agreed to form an economic union. 12. In subsequent years, the support further declined. In 1999, 8.2 per cent of Turkish Cypriots expressed their support for integration with Turkey, while in 2000, 7.7 per cent were in favor, and in 2002 support was only 5.1 per cent (Bahcheli, 2004a, p. 183). 13. For the details of Annan Plan see, among others, ICG (2006a). 14. Neither side found the Annan Plan a perfect solution; for the objections see ICG (2006a). 15. Denktas¸ has been known for his stubborn position, but the president of Greek Cypriots, Tassos Papadopoulos, elected in February 2003, has also become famous for his obstinacy to compromise (The Economistt, 2004). 16. For example, a locally designed website devoted to the promotion of the PMR abroad insists ‘It’s Pridnestrovie, not ’. Further, there is a clarification to the term, which reads: ‘Transnistria is an artificial geo- graphic term created in World War II by fascists to designate a territory of about 16,000 square miles used for the annihilation of Jews deported from Romania. It was an area situated in south-western Ukraine, a small part of which is today present-day Pridnestrovie. … Widely used abroad to describe the PMR, it [Transnistria] is not used locally and it should be avoided’ (http://visitpmr.com/transnistria–pmr.html, date accessed 30 May 2009). 17. Even the history of the currency dates as far back as the fourth century BC. See further the web site of the PMR Central Bank at http://www.cbpmr. net/?id=34&lang=ru, date accessed 30 May 2009. 18. In 1993 Lebed won a seat in the PMR Supreme Soviet with 87 per cent of the vote. In his electoral campaign he advocated subsequent unification of Transdniestria with Russia (Simonsen, 1995, p. 531). Notes 185

19. See further http://www.presidentpmr.org/category/62.html, date accessed 23 May 2009. 20. The leaflet addressed Smirnov, asking that he remember that Transdnie- strians are against: ‘losing the independence of our republic; becoming a province of Romania; living on our native soil as uprooted; losing our language and having to be ashamed of our nationality; passing an exam in that we do not know and therefore losing our jobs; repaying back the West for the Republic of Moldova’s many bil- lions in loans.’ Finally, the leaflet was concluded with the hope that the President would ‘remain faithful to the oath of allegiance to the people of Transdniestria’ (quoted in Tröbst, 2003, p. 463). 21. Parliamentary elections: 1995 – 50 per cent, 2000 – 43.8 per cent, 2005 – 50.3 per cent (Büscher, 1996, p. 867; Olvia Press, 10 December 2000; Olvia Press, 11 December 2005). 22. Presidential elections: 1996 – 57.1 per cent, 2001 – 63 per cent, 2006 – 66.1 per cent. Results for Smirnov: 1991 – 65.4 per cent, 1996 – 71.91 per cent, 2001 – 81.9 per cent, 2006 – 82.4 per cent (Grosul et al., 2001, p. 284; Babilunga, 2003, p. 266; Dnestrovskaia Pravda, 24 December 1996; Nezavisimaia Moldova, 12 December 2006; Novyi Region, 11 December 2006. 23. The case is different with referendums which tend to produce a higher turnout. Referendums on such questions as creation of the PMR within the (1990), Independence of PMR (1991), Presence of the Russian Army (1995), Adoption of the Constitution (1995), and Independence and eventual unification with Russia (2006) produced an average turn out figure of 78 per cent, and the votes in favor of those questions ranged from 90 to 97 per cent. A notable exception is the referendum on private ownership of land (2003), which was considered as invalid due to a low turnout of 38.9 per cent (Infotagg, 17 August 2006, Olvia Press, 7 April 2003; Olvia Press, 17 September 2006). 24. The low interest in political life can be observed not only among a great number of Transdniestrians, but among the people’s representatives in the Supreme Soviet as well. On several occasions the sessions started with delay or did not take place at all, due to the lack of a necessary quorum. Concerned with a low level of discipline among the deputies, the leader- ship of the Supreme Soviet considered the possibility of withholding the mandate from ‘irresponsible deputies’, who ‘lost connection with the parliament’ (Olvia Press, 21 December 2004). 25. Approximately 600 social movements are registered in Transdniestria. However, a survey revealed that around 65 per cent of registered NGOs could not be contacted due to cessation of activities, reorganization, or other reasons. For details see: ‘Civil Society and Social Unions in Transnistria’, www.worldwindow.md, date accessed 21 August 2007. 26. See the letters published by Olvia Press (30 July 2003; 1 August 2003; 4 August 2003). 186 Notes

27. According to the statistics provided by , more than 50 per cent of students did not express any interest in the political life of Transdniestria. When asked ‘Who is your representative in the Supreme Soviet?’ only four per cent answered the question (Proriv, 2005e, pp. 13–15). 28. http://www.pmrstamps.com/pmr_fiscal_stamps.htm, date accessed 23 May 2009. 29. According to Tiraspol’s official data, the turnout in the referendum was 77 per cent (Olvia Press, 18 September 2006). 30. It is estimated that around 57,308 Turkish Cypriots have Cyprus identity cards; 32,185 are passport holders (Cyprus Mail, 14 February 2006). 31. This is also one of the examples of the ‘recognition game’ between the Republic of Cyprus and the TRNC. The fact that Turkish Cypriots go to a Greek Cypriot hospital and present a Greek Cypriot identity card implies their denial of the TRNC, hence the recognition of the Republic of Cyprus (Interview, 2005c). 32. The timing was no coincidence. On 16 May 2001, Moldova signed an agreement with Transdniestria on the mutual recognition of documents. In a week, Smirnov issued a decree on the introduction of the PMR pass- ports, which dated, however, back to 11 May 2006, hoping that the agree- ment would apply to the new passports and Moldova would be forced to ‘recognize’ Transdniestria (Interview, 2006i). 33. This information is drawn from field research notes based on informal talks with residents of Tiraspol and Bendery, Transdniestria, April–June 2006.

4 Economic Reproduction and Political Implications

1. This information is drawn from field research notes based on infor- mal talks with Turkish Cypriot residents of , Northern Cyprus, September–December 2006. 2. According to Patrick (1976), the Greek Cypriot government chose eco- nomic sanctions as a tool to enforce its authority among the Turkish Cypriot community, since the continued military confrontations could provoke Turkish intervention. As a result, in August 1964 the move- ment of people and goods was restricted in a number of Turkish Cypriot enclaves. Greek Cypriot authorities expected that ‘the extension of gov- ernment control would follow from encouraging Turk-Cypriots to frater- nise with Greek-Cypriots and by increasing the economic dependence of Turk-Cypriots on Greek-Cypriots’ (Patrick, 1976, p. 107). However, this policy of social and commercial isolation failed to produce the antici- pated results. Instead, Turkish Cypriots searched for help from Turkey. 3. Denktas¸ was a co-founder of the UBP and its first leader in the 1970s. Since 1983 the party has been headed by Erog˘lu, whereas Denktass has chosen not to have any affiliation with the political parties (Hatay, 2005, p. 17). 4. In the 2000 elections their stance on the Cyprus issue also differed. Whereas Denktas¸ did not deny the need to search for a settlement with Notes 187

the Greek Cypriots and was supportive of UN proximity talks with Clerides, Erog˘lu insisted on consolidation of the TRNC and even integra- tion with Turkey (Turkish Daily News, 2000a). 5. In the 1995 elections the results of the first round were as follows: Denktas¸ 40 per cent, and Erog˘lu 25 per cent (Turkish Daily News, 2000c). 6. The rumors surrounding withdrawal were abundant. According to some, Erog˘lu decided to halt his campaign in order to preserve his political career, as his followers within the UBP threatened an uprising against his party leadership unless he withdrew from the presidential race (Turkish Daily News, 2000c). Erog˘lu himself stated that the withdrawal was a con- sequence of Turkey’s involvement (Sonan, 2007, p. 13). 7. As a result, the exchange rate was measured not so much in banknotes as in kilograms. As one Transdniestrian citizen complained in the local newspaper ‘more terrible pains and humiliations are required to convince vendors at the marketplace to accept Transdniester currency’ (quoted in Ionescu, 2002, p. 83). 8. The question of liquidation of internal customs points and establishment of joint customs operations was agreed upon, but it was not put into practice (CISR, 2007b, p. 31). 9. The table originally appeared in Isachenko, 2009, p. 64 and is reprinted with kind permission of Taylor and Francis. 10. The table originally appeared in Isachenko, 2009, p. 64 and is reprinted with kind permission of Taylor and Francis. 11. In a survey, approximately 47.4 per cent of respondents in Transdniestria regarded the situation as better on the left bank than in Moldova proper (Kolossov, 2001, p. 101). 12. Participation of Russian companies in Moldova proper is also quite sig- nificant (Economist Intelligence Unitt, 12 February 2004). 13. See, for example, http://www.pridnestrovie.net/sheriff.html, date accessed 3 July 2009. 14. Various interviews with local and foreign observers, Chisinau/Tiraspol, April–June 2006.

5 Informal States and their Sponsors

1. http://www.mfa.gov.tr/mfa, date accessed April 28, 2008. 2. The decision to intervene by Ecevit was based not only on public discon- tent over the situation in Cyprus in 1974 but also included a calculation to strengthen the stance of his party, then in a tense coalition with the National Salvation Party, as well as to improve relations with the mili- tary (Bahcheli, 1992; Adamson, 2001). This was not the only instance in which the significant domestic dimension of Cyprus for Turkish politics was demonstrated. In the period 1955–8 the Turkish government under Menderes is believed to have taken advantage of the Cyprus question to redirect public attention from serious domestic difficulties in the economy (Bahcheli, 1992). 188 Notes

3. In a historical perspective, the division is known as the debate between ‘Westernizers’ and ‘Slavophiles’. It is a rather crude division, however. First, on both sides there are variations in extreme. Second, there are occasional shifts in views, whereby advocates of a particular approach may merge ideas and images from another part of the spectrum (Adomeit, 1995, p. 51). For the details of the paradigm debates and variations within the approaches see, among others, Adomeit (1995), Tsygankov (1997), and Smith (1999). 4. Since 1996 the MFA again took the lead as a result of leadership shifts in the Defence Ministry and with the appointment of Evgeny Primakov in 1996 as a foreign minister (Lynch, 2000, p. 3). 5. A great amount of effort was spent by Moldovan officials in lobbying for support, especially in Eastern European capitals (Interview, 2006c). 6. On the details of the relations between Moldova and the EU see, among others, Gabanyi (2004) and Wróbel (2004). 7. The list includes major sites of Transdniestria’s economy, such as Moldova’s Power Plant, Steel factory MMZ, and Moldova’s Bouquet Winery (Solovyev and Popov, 2007). 8. Another episode of this blackmailing practice occurred in summer 2002, when Moscow was about to finalize a deal with Moldova. At that time, Litskai reportedly stated that Transdniestria was a colony of the Russian Empire and of the Soviet Union for about 100 years and that these were not the best years. He continued by saying that Transdniestria could achieve independence if it shifts its orientation toward the US and Ukraine. Moreover, the local media was at that time circulating the idea of inviting NATO to the region to replace Russian bases (Interview, 2006i). 9. A state summit is chaired by the president and includes participation of the prime minister, chief of general staff, and the foreign minister. 10. Shevchuk has been quite active in trying to find direct contacts in Moscow, bypassing the traditional lobby of the Smirnov family and security appara- tus (Solovyev and Zygar, 2006). These efforts seem to have had a measure of success, especially against the background of Moscow’s disenchantment with Smirnov. As a result of frequent visits to Moscow, Shevchuk man- aged to establish a close relationship with Putin’s party, Edinaia Rossia. Remarkably, it was the parliament which was in charge of distributing a new monetary infusion from Moscow to Tiraspol. The last flow of financial aid came in the fall 2006 in the amount of 60 million USD to cover the costs of referendum and budget deficits (Solovyev, 2007c). 11. An example of Max Weber’s concept and its significance includes a stra- tum of intellectuals in China, the literati, who have been bearers and carriers of Confucianism (Weber, 1946, pp. 416–42). 12. Some Turks, while discussing Turkey’s engagement in Cyprus, refer to it as ‘the last Ottoman island Turkey still has’. Notes 189

6 Informal States and (Inter)national Communities

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14th Army, 5, 55–9, 136, 150, Communal Liberation Party (TKP), 182n20, 189n3 45–6, 72, 75–6, 110 Abkhazia, 5, 15, 166 Communist Party of the Soviet administrative resource, 98, 150 Union (CPSU), 49 active measures, 90–4 Connolly, William, 14 AKEL, see under Progressive Party of contested states, 17–18 the Working People Cossacks, 54–5, 58, 182n19 AKP, see underr Justice and critical geopolitics, 152 Development Party CTP, see underr Turkish Republican Akıncı, Mustafa, 75–6, 110, 184n10 Party Akritas Plan, 41 currency, 128 Annan, Kofi, 77, 168 Northern Cyprus, 107 Annan Plan, 77–80, 111, 129, 134, Transdniestria, 81, 83, 95, 113–14, 147–9, 158, 164–5, 170, 174, 184n17, 187n7 184n13, 189n2 customs, 1, 21, 94, 113–15, Atatürk, 37, 69, 70, 141 120–1, 123–6, 148, 155, 166, August Putsch, 52, 56, 61–2, 65 187n8 Azerbaijan, 138, 164 Cyprus Turkish Football Federation, 165 Belarus, 86, 87, 123, 169 Bendery, 58–9, 84–5, 150 de facto states, 2, 15–16 , 47–51, 63 see also informal states borders, 1, 13, 21, 34, 64, 67–8, 152, democracy, 7, 8, 15, 91, 111, 155, 154–5, 173 157, 160–2, 166–7, 176 bricolage, 4–5, 27, 94, 177, 179 Denktass¸, Serdar, 110, 164 Brzezinki, Zbigniew, 138 Denktas¸, Rauf, 9, 39, 41, 44–7, 64, budget, 99–100, 113, 128, 174 69–70, 72–80, 97–8, 108–111, Northern Cyprus, 102–4, 107 142–3, 146–7, 149, 158–9, 174, Transdniestria, 85, 113–19, 121, 180n2, 181n7, 183n7, 183n9, 123–5, 127, 118n10 184n15, 186n3, 186n4, 187n5 Bush, George W., 155 diplomacy, 8, 17, 155, 157, 162–8, 170, 177 carrier groups, 152–3, 175 discourse, 2, 6, 8, 16, 20, 130, Che Guevara High School of 151–4, 156–62, 169, 173–6 Political Leadership, 93 Northern Cyprus, 44, 69–70, 72–4, Certeau, Michel de, 3–5, 26–31, 156, 80 178 Russia, 135, 141 Commonwealth of Independent Transdniestria, 50, 63, 81, 83, State (CIS), 56–7, 61, 116, 135, 87–8, 95, 127, 145, 166 137, 166 Turkey, 133–4, 141

204 Index 205

dramaturgiia, 90–1, 93–4 Greece, 6, 37–40, 43, 46, 68–9, 77, Druc, Mircea, 51, 182n14 134, 180n4, 183n3 Green Line, 97 East Timor, 167 GUAM, 137 Edinstvo, 150 elections, 2, 160–1, 166, 181n5 Happy Peace Operation, see under see also parliamentary and Turkish military intervention presidential elections Hobsbawm, Eric, 95–6 Elias, Norbert, 3–4, 22–5, 28, 31, 33 Empire, 153, 173, 175–7 identity, 11 enosis, 37–41, 44, 46, 64–5, 70, 77, Northern Cyprus, 36–7, 69, 73–4, 134, 181n5, 182n16 77, 180n1, 183n3 EOKA, see underr National Transdniestria, 48, 50–1, 81–4, Organization of Cypriot 88–9, 134, 138, 154, 182n3 Fighters independence Erdog˘an, Recep Tayyip, 147 celebration (Northern Cyprus), 36, Eritrea, 15 71, 142 Erogg˘lu, Dervis¸, 109–112, 174, 187n4 celebration (Transdniestria), 66–7, European Court of Human Rights 137, 144 (ECHR), 6, 159, 177 unilateral declaration (Northern European Union (EU), 2, 97, 105, Cyprus), 36, 45–6, 74–5, 165, 122, 128, 131, 138, 168, 188n6 142–3 EU Border Assistance Mission to unilateral declaration Moldova and Ukraine (EUBAM), (Transdniestria), 60–1 122–3 informal states, 2–3, 17–18 EU membership, 77–9, 111, 146–9, international community 184n11 responses to informal states, 156 extra-territoriality, 6, 177 view of Northern Cyprus, 158–60 view of Transdniestria, 128, 160–2 FIFA, 165, 189n7 International Council for see also non-FIFA Democratic Institutions and figuration, 3–5, 7, 22–6, 31–5, 68, State Sovereignty, 167 75, 79, 123, 130–1, 145–6, international relations theory, 12, 153–4, 172, 175–8 13, 18, 19, 22, 31–2, 151, 172 fiscal disobedience, 99, 103, 174 football, 124, 162, 164–5 Justice and Development Party Foucault, Michel, 22, 28–9, 152 (Turkey), 80, 146–9

Gagauzia, 51–3, 62, 67, 182n17 KGB, 53, 55, 61, 91, Gazprom, 120–2, 124 Kirby, Michael, 155 geopolitics, see underr critical Kolerov, Modest, 139 geopolitics korenizatsiia policy, 48 Georgia, 137 Kosovo, 155, 165 German Democratic Republic, Küçük, Fazıl, 41–2, 44 162 Kuchma, Leonid, 88, 169 Great Britain, 37–9, 43, 180n4 Kyrgyzstan, 164, 189n6 206 Index

language, 46, 64, 67, 69, 96, 168, 172 Organization of Islamic Conference Moldova, 48–52, 63, 183n23, (OIC), 163–4 185n20 Organization for Security and Transdniestria, 83, 86, 88 Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), Northern Cyprus, 70, 72–3 67, 94, 128, 149, 161 Lebed, Alexandr, 58–9, 85, 136, OSTK, see underr United Council of 182n22, 184n18 Work Collectives Lukashenka, Aleksandr, 169 Ottoman Empire, 36–8, 48, 65–6, Lukes, Steven 32, 171 70, 107, 141, 154, 183n3, 188n12 Makarios, 37, 41, 68 military intervention, 35–6, 65, 173 Papadopoulos, Tassos, 158, 184n15 see also 14th Army and Turkish parliamentary elections military intervention (1974) Northern Cyprus, 77–80, 168–9 Moldovan Communist Party (CPM), Transdniestria, 89, 125, 185n21 86–7 passports, 97–8, 186n30, 186n32 Moldavian Autonomous Socialist Patriotic Party of Pridnestrovie Soviet Republic (MASSR), 48–9, (PPP), 124 82, 84 perestroika and glasnostt, 47, 50, 63 Moldavian Socialist Soviet Republic poaching, 4–5, 177 (MSSR), 49–51, 59–60, 63, 81, see also bricolage 181n11, 182n18 political rituals, 7, 66–7, 96, 159, Montevideo Convention, 15, 17 161 multi-vectored foreign policy, 145 political technologies, 90–1, 93 Popular Front, 47, 50–1, 63–4, Nagorno-Karabakh, 5, 15, 166 183n23 National Organization of Cypriot power Fighters (EOKA), 38–9, 41 conception, 7–8, 11–12, 17, 23–5, National Party (UBP), 45, 72, 29–30, 178 78–9, 110, 112, 186n3, 187n6 dimensions, 31–2, 169–71 Near Abroad, 134–6, 138–9, 153–4 relations, 64–5, 89, 91–2, 99, 111, non-FIFA, 165 123, 136–7, 141–54 non-governmental organizations presidential elections (NGO) Northern Cyprus, 110–12, 186n4, Northern Cyprus, 76, 112, 146 187n5 Transdniestria, 92, 94, 160, Transdniestria, 87, 89–90, 126–7, 185n25 150, 185n22 non-recognition, 3, 99, 156–7, 170, Pridnestrovian Moldavian Soviet 176–7 Socialist Republic (PMSSR), see also recognition 52–3, 59–61, 182n18 North Atlantic Treaty Organization Pridnestrovie, 81–82, 84, 95, (NATO), 132, 138–40, 145, 184n16 188n8 Primat der Außenpolitik, 151 Primakov, Evgeny, 149–50, 188n4 Obnovlenie, 125–8, 151, 161 privatization, 113, 118–19, 123, 145 OPON, see underr Special Forces Progressive Party of the Working Police Detachment People (AKEL), 72 Index 207

Proriv, 92–4, 126, 155, 161, 186n27 South Ossetia, 5, 15, 166 Putin, Vladimir, 144, 150, 168 sovereignty, 10–14, 35, 64, 180n1 sovereignty claims, 8, 69, 72, 75 quasi-states, 2, 15, 20 sovereignty trap, 14 see also informal states Soviet Union, 48–9, 51–7, 60–2, 65, 83, 95, 113, 132, 135, 150, recognition, 2–3, 6, 8, 11, 15, 17–8, 185n23, 188n8 33, 35, 65, 99, 155–7, 162, 170, Special Forces Police Detachment 176–8 (OPON), 53, 58 Northern Cyprus, 46, 73, 143, sports, 88, 124, 162–6, 170, 176 148, 160, 163–4, 186n31, state 189n7 conception, 20–2 Transdniestria, 59–60, 87, 98, 139, image, 7–8, 67, 96, 173–4, 177 144, 160, 167–8, 186n32 see also statecraft referendum statebuilding, see underr statecraft Northern Cyprus, 37, 158, 165, State Duma (Russia), 136–7, 140, 168, 189n2, 189n7 144, 168 Transdniestria, 52, 53, 60, 65, 86, statecraft, 7, 9–10, 18, 21–2, 67, 172 95, 185n23, 186n29, 188n10 states-within-states, 16–18 Renewal, see under Obnovlenie strategies, 4–5, 7, 23, 29, 31, 33–4, 57, Republican Guard, 53–5 65, 90, 99–100, 105, 113, 118, Romania, 5, 48–9, 51, 63–4, 66, 123, 134, 139, 156, 174, 178 84, 136, 145, 181n11, 182n14, see also tactics 182n16, 183n23, 184n16, stateness, see underr statecraft 185n20 Suvorov, Alexandr, 66, 83, 95 Rutskoi, Aleksandr, 57, 59, 62 tactics, 4–5, 7–8, 22, 23, 29, 31, Samiland, 165 33–4, 57, 78, 99, 156–7, 168–70, Scott, James, 30 176, 178 settlers, 65 see also strategies Northern Cyprus, 73–4, 76 Taiwan, 15, 162, Sheriff, 124–6, 165, 174 taksim, 38–40, 44, 111 see also Obnovlenie Talat, Mehmet Ali, 7, 110, 112, Shevchuk, Evgeny, 119, 125–8, 151, 158–60, 163, 165, 168 188n10 territorial trap, 7, 10, 22, 177 see also Obnovlenie territoriality, 7, 10, 12–13, 67, 153, Smirnov, Igor, 53, 60–1, 67, 85–90, 177 97, 113, 120, 124–8, 139, 144, see also extra-territoriality 150–1, 161, 166, 168–9, 182n18, This country is ours, 74, 77, 112, 185n20, 185n22, 186n32, 146 188n10 Tiraspol Times, 155 smuggling, 122–3, 181n6 TKP, see underr Communal Liberation social carriers see underr carrier Party groups tourism, 99, 100, 102, 105–6 Soiuz, 60, 62, 65, 143–4 Treaty of Westphalia, 10–11 Somaliland, 15 Turkish Embassy in Nicosia, 39, 43, South Korea, 162 75, 142–3 208 Index

Turkish military intervention (1974), UN General Assembly, 37, 45 43–4, 71, 73, 104, 106, 132–3, UN Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus 147, 158, 184n10, 187n2 (UNFICYP), 41 Turkish Republican Party (CTP), UN Security Council, 41, 44, 45–6, 72, 74, 78–9, 110, 112 47 Turkish Resistance Organization United States, 2, 89, 115, 128, 132, (TMT), 39, 42, 75, 141–2, 180n2 138, 155 unrecognized states, 9 UBP, see underr National Unity Party see also informal states Ukraine, 48, 55–6, 67, 87, 90, 93–4, 99, 113, 115–17, 121–4, 126–8, virtual politics, 90–2, 94, 167–8, 138–9, 145, 182n18, 184n16, 170, 176 188n8 Voronin, Vladimir, 140, 144 Union for Democracy and People’s Rights, 166 weak states, 2, 20 United Council of Work Collectives see also informal states (OSTK), 52, 87, 182n18 Weber, Max, 20, 152, 188n11 United Nations (UN), 2, 45, 60, 77, 146–8, 163, 165, 181n6, 187n4 Yeltsin, Boris, 56–7, 59, 61, 136–7, UN Charter, 14 144