DOCSLIB.ORG

Introduction 2 Setting up a State

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Introduction 2 Setting up a State Notes Introduction 1. Clement Dodd (1993) edited a volume on Turkish Cypriot affairs, cover- ing political, social, and economic areas. More recent research has been concerned with particular issues such as the dynamics of political econ- omy (Lacher and Kaymak, 2005; Sonan, 2007); the question of Turkish Cypriot identity building and social conflicts within Northern Cyprus (Kızılyürek and Gautier-Kızılyürek, 2004; Hatay, 2005, 2008; Ramm, 2006; Navaro-Yashin, 2006); as well as the analysis of the connection of Turkish Cypriot sovereignty with Turkey’s involvement from different perspec- tives (Navaro-Yashin, 2003; Bahcheli, 2004a). The case of Transdniestria, on the other hand, has been marked by a paucity of research. Whereas economic developments have been followed in detail by Moldova’s Center for Strategic Studies and Reforms (CISR), internal political dynamics have been explored in only a very few specialized articles (Büscher, 1996; Tröbst, 2003; Hanne, 2004; Korobov and Byanov, 2006; Protsyk, 2009). 2 Setting up a State 1. The metaphor is borrowed from Richmond (2002a) mentioned in Chapter 1. 2. Although it is widely believed that Denktas¸ was the founder and leader of the TMT, Denktas¸ himself described his role within the organization as a political advisor (Cavit, 1999, p. 512). For an alternative view of the TMT’s activities and Turkey’s role in the formation of this group see Ionnides (1991). 3. It should be noted, however, that although these armed clashes are often referred to as ‘inter-communal’ fighting, on closer examination this term is a misnomer. The two armed groups were highly nationalist in ideology. There were many instances in which the two groups used violence against their own communities, due to the cooperation between left-leaning Greek and Turkish Cypriots (Cavit, 1999; Stavrinides, 1999; Patrick, 1976). 4. The agreements included three parts: Treaty of Establishment, Treaty of Guarantee, and Treaty of Alliance. The constitution and the new Cypriot republic were safeguarded by the Treaty of Guarantee between Great Britain, Greece, and Turkey, according to which, if security, territorial integrity, or independence were undermined, the guarantor states could intervene to restore order. The Treaty of Alliance provided for coopera- tion between Greece, Turkey, and Cyprus on matters of common defense. 180 Notes 181 In addition to the national Cypriot forces, Greece and Turkey were to keep their military forces on the island (Patrick, 1976, p. 30). The Treaty of Establishment gave Great Britain rights to keep its sovereign bases on the territory of Cyprus. 5. Among the most significant changes to the constitution were elimination of the president’s and vice president’s veto powers, collective holding of elections, establishment of unified municipalities, and adjustment of the ratio of representatives of the two communities in the civil service and security forces to match the ratio in the population as a whole. Furthermore, according to the plan, the Treaties of Guarantee and Alliance, which excluded enosis and provided for the intervention of the guarantor states, were to be abolished (Patrick, 1976, pp. 35–6). 6. Aimed at restoring peace on the island, the resolution also had some political repercussions. Referring to the government of Cyprus, the reso- lution implied the Greek Cypriot faction, because at that time no Turkish Cypriot representative remained in the administration of the Republic of Cyprus. The Greek Cypriot side was thus recognized as the legitimate government of this state (Patrick, 1976, pp. 52–4). At the practical level this led to UN acceptance of arms supply to the Greek Cypriot side, since it was considered to be the Cyprus government and had a legitimate right to defend the state. The Turkish initiatives were labeled as ‘smuggling’ (Crawshaw, 1978, p. 370). 7. Denktas¸’s critics believed that this move was a pretext for him to assert his authority and to add more presidential powers to the constitution, because in the elections of the early 1980s the left managed to gain politi- cal weight (Interview, 2005a). 8. According to Denktas¸, he already had a majority in the parliament, but he preferred unanimity. To receive a unanimous vote, Denktas¸ pointed out that, ‘It would not be possible to recognize a voice in the new con- stitution to those parties who came out against the establishment of the Republic. … Permission cannot be given to the establishment of parties who say “I do not want the Republic”’ (quoted in Dodd, 1993, p. 135). 9. On the details of historical developments in the region see Dima (2001) and King (2000). 10. The majority consisted of 48.5 per cent ethnic Ukrainians. The rest of the population represented 8.5 per cent Russians, 8.5 per cent Jews, and 2 per cent Germans (King, 1998, p. 60). 11. The decrease in Moldovan population in the MSSR has been due to the fact that many of the intellectuals chose to leave for Romania (Crowther, 1991, pp. 185–6). Yet, according to some accounts, the decrease is a result of the purges and overt deportation in the 1940s, and the planned migration, in accordance with the Soviet labor policy, in the 1950s (Dima, 2001, p. 46). 12. The club was named for a prominent Romanian/Moldovan priest and poet. 13. This event was of great significance for the Moldovan nationalist camp. As suggested by Dima, ‘When the Cyrillic script was changed to Latin, 182 Notes all of a sudden everybody discovered that the Moldavians were in fact pure and simple Romanians. … After all, it wasn’t an alphabet question, but one of national identity; an identity which propelled the Moldavian Romanians on a new historical stage’ (Dima, 2001, p. 143). 14. Mircea Druc was dismissed a year later, in 1991, and moved to Romania, where he attempted to continue his political career. In 1992 he ran for the presidential post, campaigning for the union of Moldova with Romania, and received around three per cent of the vote (Kaufman, 1996, p. 125). 15. This explains the inconsistent use of Moldovan/Moldavian in this work. 16. Calls for enosis with Romania evoked memories of World War II, when the region was occupied by Romanian forces from 1941 to 1944. In addi- tion, the adaptation of Romanian symbols was viewed as Romanization of the region. 17. On the details of the Gagauz region see Chinn and Roper (1998). 18. Igor Smirnov was one of the organizers and the head of the OSTK. Having worked as assistant director of a factory in Ukraine, in November 1987 Smirnov moved to Transdniestria and was appointed to lead the machine- building factory Elektromash in Tiraspol. Promoted by the OSTK, Smirnov won a seat in the City Soviet of Tiraspol and was elected as its chair, a key post in Transdniestria at that point. He also managed to be elected to the Supreme Soviet of the MSSR. The engineer-turned- politician became the leader of the PMSSR in September 1990. 19. It is also reported that the long-term aims of Cossacks and the Transdniestrian leadership were divergent. If the Transdniestrians were fighting for independence, the Cossacks were believed to have aimed at reestablishment of the tsarist Russian Empire (Kolstø et al., 1993, p. 13). 20. The issue of weapons distribution to the Transdniestrian armed forces, however, is also a subject of dispute. According to the Moldovan ver- sion of events, Transdniestrians could have acquired weapons in two ways. First, they could have had open access to ammunition stores, which belonged to the 14th Army. Second, the 14th Army command failed to implement measures to prevent the seizure of weapons by Transdniestrian armed forces and civilians (ECHR, 2004). There is no denial on the Transdniestrian side that weapons were acquired from the 14th Army. Gaining access to ammunition, however, was more problem- atic than suggested by the Moldovan side (Bergman, 2004; Grosul et al., 2001). 21. I use the term ‘Transdniestrians’ in reference to inhabitants of the region, the political implications of this term are further discussed in Chapter 3. 22. Ozhiganov points out that although Lebed appeared to have taken a pro-Transdniestrian stance, his main concern was not defending PMR as such, but to make certain that the 14th Army and its ammunition depots remained under Russian control and to prevent the Transdniestrian side from gaining possession of additional military supplies which could lead to further escalation of the armed conflict (1997, p. 183). In addition, it Notes 183 was also important for Lebed to address the interests of the 14th Army’s officer corps. The harsh statements to the Moldovan government as well as demonstrational military operations could be viewed, in this regard, as a warning to the Moldovan forces that the army’s contingent and installations on the left bank are not to be attacked (Ozhiganov, 1997, p. 182). 23. In 1995 the Moldovan government changed some of the reforms under- taken when the Popular Front was in power in the early 1990s. The government replaced the Romanian anthem Desteapta-te, Romane! with the new national anthem Limba Noastra (Our language), a poem by a Moldovan/Romanian writer. The hymn avoids reference to whether the language is Romanian or Moldovan. According to the Moldovan Constitution, as amended in 1994, ‘the state language of the Republic of Moldova is the Moldovan language and functions on the basis of the Latin Script’, omitting any connection to Romania (Panici, 2003, p. 44). 3 Symbolic Statebuilding 1. The description is based on the press coverage by Olvia Press (2 September 2005). 2. For a detailed analysis of this issue see Papadakis (2003). 3. Greek Cypriots are referred to as Rumlarr, a term which is usually used for the Greek Orthodox community of the Ottoman Empire, as well as Greeks living in Turkey nowadays.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Kozak Memorandum Transnistrian Issue
    Kozak Memorandum Transnistrian Issue Cosmo neologise gloomily. Christiano is predictive: she vituperate terminatively and daikers her zamia. Submergible Smith piked erelong or glows aborning when Stanfield is Austronesian. World war ii, russia and vladimir voronin himself announced increase of moldova regards these strategic security committee of distributing powers clearly, but immunized against. Abkhazia and commenced peace settlement process for which became an opening for? More transnistrian issue and kozak memorandum which included in practice, but also include outright war, political issues to tangible progress. Moldovan relations with kozak memorandum transnistrian issue of transnistrian guard. Above the business contacts and needs reasonable plan, where he wanted to reducing tensions between moldova became an issue takes under kozak memorandum, while looking ahead. Soviet state language, but in bucharest regarding its transformation and divided on anything about changes to pay for now. The customs authorities with economic blockade and west and on their support that russia? Soviet bloc which accentuates ethnic minorities, kozak memorandum is highly uneven enforcement, kozak memorandum transnistrian issue of the. At issue adequately, kozak memorandum transnistrian issue takes under what country. Moscow appeared together representatives, which are trafficked for a geopolitical opportunity for? This would have been a need to change in the kozak memorandum, only potentially call on. An extreme stance on its relations at stalemate, kozak memorandum included in terms about his political promises. Legal status quo, have bridged any kind of trafficking in accordance with kozak memorandum contained elements in terms of legislative power. In any particular segments of poland, kozak memorandum transnistrian issue as expressed its significant issues were not refer to sign it.
    [Show full text]
  • External Evaluation of OHCHR Project “Combating Discrimination in the Republic of Moldova, Including in the Transnistrian Region” 2014-2015
    External Evaluation of OHCHR Project “Combating Discrimination in the Republic of Moldova, including in the Transnistrian Region” 2014-2015 FINAL REPORT This report has been prepared by an external consultant. The views expressed herein are those of the consultant and therefore do not necessarily reflect the official opinion of the OHCHR. December 2015 Acknowledgments The evaluator of the OHCHR project “Combating Discrimination in the Republic of Moldova, including in the Transnistrian Region” is deeply grateful to the many individuals who made their time available for providing information, discussing and answering questions. In particular, the evaluator benefited extensively from the generous information and feedback from OHCHR colleagues and consultants in OHCHR Field Presence in Moldova and in OHCHR Geneva. The evaluator also had constructive meetings with groups of direct beneficiaries, associated project partners, national authorities, and UN colleagues in Moldova, including in the Transnistrian region. External Evaluator Mr. Bjorn Pettersson, Independent Consultant OHCHR Evaluation Reference Group Mrs. Jennifer Worrell (PPMES) Mrs. Sylta Georgiadis (PPMES) Mr. Sabas Monroy (PPMES) Mrs. Hulan Tsedev (FOTCD) Ms. Anita Trimaylova (FOTCD) Ms. Laure Beloin (DEXREL) Mr. Ferran Lloveras (OHCHR Brussels) Table of Contents Table of Contents ......................................................................................................................................... 3 List of Abbreviations ....................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Vladimir Buldakov
    ATTEMPTS AT THE “NATIONALIZATION” AATTEMPTS ATTHE “N“NATIONALIZATION””OF RRUSSIAN AND SSOVIET HHISTORYIN THE NNEWLY II NDEPENDENT SS LAVIC SS TATES Vladimir Buldakov No people want to remain without their own history, yet no national history is possible without its own myths. Soviet histo- riography insisted on the existence in the past of a strong, com- mon “Ancient Russian people” and an “Ancient Russian State” (Drevnerusskoe gosudarstvo). After the collapse of the Soviet Union, three newly independent Slavic states found that they did not need the fragmented histories of a ruined empire, but their own glorified and undivided histories providing a spiritual path to the future. This was absolutely impossible without the creation of new myths. How can this process be studied correctly? What kind of theories and documents should be given preference? First of all, it’s very important to understand that the very term “nationalization” has a double meaning in the Russian mentality, implying not only state-citizenship, but also an eth- nic context. According to the latter meaning, it is the national- ization (ethnization) of history that best provides a key to un- derstanding the modern identification process in post-Soviet Slavic states. Unusual events, such as the disintegration of the Soviet empire, require a non-traditional complex of sources. Usually history is “rewriting,” but not necessarily by professional histo- rians, who only carry out orders – not only from above, but also (especially in revolutionary times) from below. As a historian of revolutions, I prefer to use non-official documents from many origins. But first of all the contradictory, emotionally tense and absurd-looking events and evidence of the “nationalization of history” must be studied without attempts to judge, blame or teach.
    [Show full text]
  • 2016 Human Rights Report
    MOLDOVA 2016 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT Note: Unless otherwise noted, all references in this report exclude the secessionist region of Transnistria. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Moldova is a republic with a form of parliamentary democracy. The constitution provides for a multiparty democracy with legislative and executive branches as well as an independent judiciary and a clear separation of powers. Legislative authority is vested in the unicameral parliament. Pro-European parties retained a parliamentary majority in 2014 elections that met most Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), Council of Europe, and other international commitments, although local and international observers raised concerns about the inclusion and exclusion of specific political parties. On January 20, a new government was formed after two failed attempts to nominate a candidate for prime minister. Opposition and civil society representatives criticized the government formation process as nontransparent. On March 4, the Constitutional Court ruled unconstitutional an amendment that empowered parliament to elect the president and reinstated presidential elections by direct and secret popular vote. Two rounds of presidential elections were held on October 30 and November 13, resulting in the election of Igor Dodon. According to the preliminary conclusions of the OSCE election observation mission, both rounds were fair and respected fundamental freedoms. International and domestic observers, however, noted polarized and unbalanced media coverage, harsh and intolerant rhetoric, lack of transparency in campaign financing, and instances of abuse of administrative resources. Civilian authorities maintained effective control over the security forces. Widespread corruption, especially within the judicial sector, continued to be the most significant human rights problem during the year.
    [Show full text]
  • The Impact of the European Court of Human Rights on Justice Sector Reform in the Republic of Moldova
    Journal of Liberty and International Affairs | Vol. 4, No. 2, 2018 | eISSN 1857-9760 Published online by the Institute for Research and European Studies at www.e-jlia.com © 2018 Judithanne Scourfield McLauchlan This is an open access article distributed under the CC-BY 3.0 License. Peer review method: Double-Blind Date of acceptance: September 16, 2018 Date of publication: November 12, 2018 Original scientific article UDC 341.645.544.096(478) THE IMPACT OF THE EUROPEAN COURT OF HUMAN RIGHTS ON JUSTICE SECTOR REFORM IN THE REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA Judithanne Scourfield McLauchlan Associate Professor of Political Science, University of South Florida St. Petersburg, United States of America Fulbright Scholar Moldova 2010, 2012 jsm2[at]usfsp.edu Abstract For this study, I reviewed the judgments of the European Court of Human Rights against the Republic of Moldova and the corresponding reports of the Committee of Ministers from 1997 through 2014. In addition, I interviewed more than 25 lawyers, judges, and human rights advocates. After analyzing the effectiveness of the Court in terms of compliance with the judgments in specific cases (individual measures), I will assess the broader impact of these decisions (general measures) on legal reforms and public policy in the Republic of Moldova. I will evaluate the effectiveness of the decisions of the ECtHR in the context of the implementation of Moldova’s Justice Sector Reform Strategy (2011-2015), the Council of Europe’s Action Plan to Support Democratic Reforms in the Republic of Moldova (2013-2016), and Moldova’s National Human Rights Action Plan (2011-2014). My findings will offer insights into the constraints faced by the ECtHR in implementing its decisions and the impact of the ECtHR on national legal systems.
    [Show full text]
  • Painful Past, Fragile Future the Delicate Balance in the Western Balkans Jergović, Goldsworthy, Vučković, Reka, Sadiku Kolozova, Szczerek and Others
    No 2(VII)/2013 Price 19 PLN (w tym 5% VAT) 10 EUR 12 USD 7 GBP ISSN: 2083-7372 quarterly April-June www.neweasterneurope.eu Painful Past, Fragile Future The delicate balance in the Western Balkans Jergović, Goldsworthy, Vučković, Reka, Sadiku Kolozova, Szczerek and others. Strange Bedfellows: A Question Ukraine’s oligarchs and the EU of Solidarity Paweï Kowal Zygmunt Bauman Books & Reviews: Tadeusz Mazowiecki, Mykola Riabchuk, Robert D. Kaplan and Jan Švankmajer Seversk: A New Direction A Siberian for Transnistria? Oasis Kamil Caïus Marcin Kalita Piotr Oleksy Azerbaijan ISSN 2083-7372 A Cause to Live For www.neweasterneurope.eu / 13 2(VII) Emin Milli Arzu Geybullayeva Nominated for the 2012 European Press Prize Dear Reader, In 1995, upon the declaration of the Dayton Peace Accords, which put an end to one of the bloodiest conflicts in the former Yugoslavia, the Bosnian War, US President, Bill Clinton, announced that leaders of the region had chosen “to give their children and their grandchildren the chance to lead a normal life”. Today, after nearly 20 years, the wars are over, in most areas peace has set in, and stability has been achieved. And yet, in our interview with Blerim Reka, he echoes Clinton’s words saying: “It is the duty of our generation to tell our grandchildren the successful story of the Balkans, different from the bloody Balkans one which we were told about.” This and many more observations made by the authors of this issue of New Eastern Europe piece together a complex picture of a region marred by a painful past and facing a hopeful, yet fragile future.
    [Show full text]
  • Trafficking in Transnistria: the Role of Russia
    Trafficking in Transnistria: The Role of Russia by Kent Harrel SIS Honors Capstone Supervised by Professors Linda Lubrano and Elizabeth Anderson Submitted to the School of International Service American University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for graduation with General University Honors Bachelor of Arts Degree May 2009 Abstract After declaring de facto independence from the Republic of Moldova in 1992, the breakaway region of Transnistria became increasingly isolated, and has emerged as a hotspot for weapons and human trafficking. Working from a Realist paradigm, this project assesses the extent to which the Russian government and military abet trafficking in Transnistria, and the way in which Russia uses trafficking as a means to adversely affect Moldova’s designs of broader integration within European spheres. This project proves necessary because the existing scholarship on the topic of Transnistrian trafficking failed to focus on the role of the Russian government and military, and in turn did not account for the ways in which trafficking hinders Moldova’s national interests. The research project utilizes sources such as trafficking policy centers, first-hand accounts, trade agreements, non-governmental organizations, and government documents. A review of the literature employs the use of secondary sources such as scholarly and newspaper articles. In short, this project develops a more comprehensive understanding of Russia’s role in Moldovan affairs and attempts to add a significant work to the existing literature.
    [Show full text]
  • Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Moldova: Does Moldova's Eastern Orientation Inhibit Its European Aspirations?
    “Foreign affairs of the Republic of Moldova: Does Moldova’s Eastern orientation inhibit its European aspirations?” Liliana Viţu 1 CONTENTS: List of abbreviations Introduction Chapter I. Historic References…………………………………………………………p.1 Chapter II. The Eastern Vector of Moldova’s Foreign Affairs…………………..p.10 Russian Federation – The Big Brother…………………………………………………p.10 Commonwealth of Independent States: Russia as the hub, the rest as the spokes……………………………………………………….…………………………….p.13 Transnistria- the “black hole” of Europe………………………………………………..p.20 Ukraine – a “wait and see position”…………………………………………………….p.25 Chapter III. Moldova and the European Union: looking westwards?………….p.28 Romania and Moldova – the two Romanian states…………………………………..p.28 The Council of Europe - Monitoring Moldova………………………………………….p.31 European Union and Moldova: a missed opportunity?………………………………p.33 Chapter IV. Simultaneous integration in the CIS and the EU – a contradiction in terms ……………………………………………………………………………………...p.41 Conclusions Bibliography 2 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ASSMR – Autonomous Soviet Socialist Moldova Republic CEEC – Central-Eastern European countries CIS – Commonwealth of Independent States CoE – Council of Europe EBRD – European Bank for Reconstruction and Development ECHR – European Court of Human Rights EU – European Union ICG – International Crisis Group IPP – Institute for Public Policy NATO – North Atlantic Treaty Organisation NIS – Newly Independent States OSCE – Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe PCA – Partnership and Cooperation Agreement PHARE – Poland Hungary Assistant for Economic Reconstruction SECI – South East European Cooperation Initiative SPSEE – Stability Pact for South-Eastern Europe TACIS – Technical Assistance for Commonwealth of Independent States UNDP – United Nations Development Program WTO – World Trade Organization 3 INTRODUCTION The Republic of Moldova is a young state, created along with the other Newly Independent States (NIS) in 1991 after the implosion of the Soviet Union.
    [Show full text]
  • N.I.Il`Minskii and the Christianization of the Chuvash
    Durham E-Theses Narodnost` and Obshchechelovechnost` in 19th century Russian missionary work: N.I.Il`minskii and the Christianization of the Chuvash KOLOSOVA, ALISON,RUTH How to cite: KOLOSOVA, ALISON,RUTH (2016) Narodnost` and Obshchechelovechnost` in 19th century Russian missionary work: N.I.Il`minskii and the Christianization of the Chuvash, Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/11403/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk 2 1 Narodnost` and Obshchechelovechnost` in 19th century Russian missionary work: N.I.Il`minskii and the Christianization of the Chuvash PhD Thesis submitted by Alison Ruth Kolosova Material Abstract Nikolai Il`minskii, a specialist in Arabic and the Turkic languages which he taught at the Kazan Theological Academy and Kazan University from the 1840s to 1860s, became in 1872 the Director of the Kazan Teachers‟ Seminary where the first teachers were trained for native- language schools among the Turkic and Finnic peoples of the Volga-Urals and Siberia.
    [Show full text]
  • Kovalov Ou 0169D 10959.Pdf
    UNIVERSITY OF OKLAHOMA GRADUATE COLLEGE THE EFFECTS OF POPULISM ON DEMOCRATIC QUALITY IN THE CZECH REPUBLIC, POLAND, AND UKRAINE A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE FACULTY in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY By MAKSYM KOVALOV Norman, Oklahoma 2013 THE EFFECTS OF POPULISM ON DEMOCRATIC QUALITY IN THE CZECH REPUBLIC, POLAND, AND UKRAINE A DISSERTATION APPROVED FOR THE DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE BY ______________________________ Dr. Mitchell P. Smith, Chair ______________________________ Dr. Charles D. Kenney ______________________________ Dr. Ronald K. Gaddie _____________________________ Dr. Suzette R. Grillot _____________________________ Dr. Daniel L. Hicks © Copyright by MAKSYM KOVALOV 2013 All Rights Reserved. Моим дорогим родителям за их безусловную поддержку, любовь и веру, что у меня все получится. Acknowledgements First and foremost, I am very grateful to my advisor, Dr. Mitchell Smith, for his help and guidance. During these long years of taking classes and writing papers he has been a tremendous source of inspiration, ideas and encouragement. I am thankful for his detailed feedback on numerous drafts of this dissertation. I would also like to thank the members of my dissertation committee – Dr. Charles Kenney, Dr. Suzette Grillot, Dr. Keith Gaddie and Dr. Daniel Hicks – for their valuable comments, discussions and suggestions. My six months of dissertation research would not have been possible without financial support from the College of Arts and Sciences at the University of Oklahoma, the Robberson Research Grant awarded by the Graduate College and the John Halvor Leek Memorial Scholarship awarded by the Department of Political Science. These grants and scholarships provided travel funding for my fieldwork in the Czech Republic, Poland and Ukraine.
    [Show full text]
  • THE AUDIT of the DEMOCRATIC SYSTEM of REPUBLIC of MOLDOVA Anthology of Analysis on Governance
    THE AUDIT OF THE DEMOCRATIC SYSTEM OF REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA Anthology of Analysis on Governance Institute for Development and Social Initiatives (IDIS) “Viitorul” THE AUDIT OF THE DEMOCRATIC SYSTEM OF REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA Anthology of Analysis on Governance Authors: Veaceslav Berbeca Cornel Ciurea Marin Gurin Ion Guzun Lilia Ioniță Sergiu Lipcean Leonid Litra Ion Osoian Translation from Romanian to English: Cristina Coțofană Cristian Ciobanu Diana Loznean Victoria Sargu The Audit of Democracy was elaborated on the methodology of the International Institute for Democracy and Elec- toral Assistance. This product was financially supported by the Black Sea Trust for Regional Cooperation. Opinions expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent those of the Black Sea Trust, the German Marshall Fund, or its partners. For any information related to this study, please contact the Institute for Development and Social Initiatives „Viitorul”, Product Coordinator: Leonid Litra. Address: MD-2005, Republic of Moldova, Chişinău, 10/1 Iacob Hancu str., IDIS „Viitorul Tel: 37322-22-18-44, Fax: 37322-24-57-14 e-mail: [email protected] şi [email protected] © IDIS Viitorul, 2011 THE AUDIT OF THE DEMOCRATIC SYSTEM OF REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA 3 Anthology of Analysis on Governance Ackowledgements The publication THE AUDIT OF THE DEMORACTIC SYSTEM OF REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA, Anthology of Analysis on Governance- was elaborated by the Institute for Development and Social Initiatives “Viitorul”. At the research elaboration also contributed experts that preferred to remain anonymous. We would like also to express our gratitude to foreign experts who offered pertinent comments for the improvement of this study. THE AUDIT OF THE DEMOCRATIC SYSTEM OF REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA expresses the personal opinions of the authors, which may not coincide, with those of IDIS “Viitorul”.
    [Show full text]
  • The Role of Germany in the Transnistria Conflict
    Przegląd Strategiczny 2020, Issue 13 Bogdan KOSZEL DOI : 10.14746/ps.2020.1.7 Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7118-3057 THE ROLE OF GERMANY IN THE TRANSNISTRIA CONFLICT HISTORIC BACKGROUND The territory of Transnistria is a special enclave on the left bank of the Dniester River, with cultural and historical traditions markedly different than those in neighbor- ing Moldova. The Ottoman conquests, followed by the partitioning of Poland, made the Dniester a river marking the border between the Russian and Turkish empires. When Turkey grew weaker in the international arena and Russia grew stronger after its victory over Napoleon, the territory – known as Bessarabia – fell under Russian rule until 1918, to be embraced by Greater Romania after the collapse of tsarism (Lubicz- Miszewski, 2012: 121–122). After the Soviet Union was formally established in 1922, the Moscow government immediately began to question the legality of Bessarabia’s inclusion within Romania and never accepted this annexation. In 1924, the Moldovan Autonomous Socialist So- viet Republic (MASSR) was established on the left bank of the Dniester as an integral part of the Ukrainian Socialist Soviet Republic. Before World War II, Germany showed no interest in this region of Europe, believ- ing that this territory was a zone of influence of its ally, the Austro-Hungarian mon- archy, and then of the Soviet Union. In the interwar period, Romania was a member of the French system of eastern alliances (Little Entente) and Berlin, which supported Hungarian revisionist sentiments, held no esteem for Bucharest whatsoever. At the time of the Weimar Republic, Romania became interested in German capital and ob- taining a loan from the Wolff concern to develop their railroads, but Germany shunned any binding declarations (Koszel, 1987: 64).
    [Show full text]