Vladimir Buldakov
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Kozak Memorandum Transnistrian Issue
Kozak Memorandum Transnistrian Issue Cosmo neologise gloomily. Christiano is predictive: she vituperate terminatively and daikers her zamia. Submergible Smith piked erelong or glows aborning when Stanfield is Austronesian. World war ii, russia and vladimir voronin himself announced increase of moldova regards these strategic security committee of distributing powers clearly, but immunized against. Abkhazia and commenced peace settlement process for which became an opening for? More transnistrian issue and kozak memorandum which included in practice, but also include outright war, political issues to tangible progress. Moldovan relations with kozak memorandum transnistrian issue of transnistrian guard. Above the business contacts and needs reasonable plan, where he wanted to reducing tensions between moldova became an issue takes under kozak memorandum, while looking ahead. Soviet state language, but in bucharest regarding its transformation and divided on anything about changes to pay for now. The customs authorities with economic blockade and west and on their support that russia? Soviet bloc which accentuates ethnic minorities, kozak memorandum is highly uneven enforcement, kozak memorandum transnistrian issue of the. At issue adequately, kozak memorandum transnistrian issue takes under what country. Moscow appeared together representatives, which are trafficked for a geopolitical opportunity for? This would have been a need to change in the kozak memorandum, only potentially call on. An extreme stance on its relations at stalemate, kozak memorandum included in terms about his political promises. Legal status quo, have bridged any kind of trafficking in accordance with kozak memorandum contained elements in terms of legislative power. In any particular segments of poland, kozak memorandum transnistrian issue as expressed its significant issues were not refer to sign it. -
N.I.Il`Minskii and the Christianization of the Chuvash
Durham E-Theses Narodnost` and Obshchechelovechnost` in 19th century Russian missionary work: N.I.Il`minskii and the Christianization of the Chuvash KOLOSOVA, ALISON,RUTH How to cite: KOLOSOVA, ALISON,RUTH (2016) Narodnost` and Obshchechelovechnost` in 19th century Russian missionary work: N.I.Il`minskii and the Christianization of the Chuvash, Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/11403/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk 2 1 Narodnost` and Obshchechelovechnost` in 19th century Russian missionary work: N.I.Il`minskii and the Christianization of the Chuvash PhD Thesis submitted by Alison Ruth Kolosova Material Abstract Nikolai Il`minskii, a specialist in Arabic and the Turkic languages which he taught at the Kazan Theological Academy and Kazan University from the 1840s to 1860s, became in 1872 the Director of the Kazan Teachers‟ Seminary where the first teachers were trained for native- language schools among the Turkic and Finnic peoples of the Volga-Urals and Siberia. -
Winds of Change in the Transnistrian Settlement Process HIIA PAPERS Series of the Hungarian Institute of International Affairs
HIIA Papers T-2012/1 ZSUZSANNA VÉGH Winds of Change in the Transnistrian Settlement Process HIIA PAPERS Series of the Hungarian Institute of International Affairs Publisher: Hungarian Institute of International Affairs Editor and typesetting: Andrea Tevelyné Kulcsár Editorial office: H-1016 Budapest, Bérc utca 13-15. Tel.: +36 1 279-5700 Fax: +36 1 279-5701 E-mail: [email protected] www.kulugyiintezet.hu www.hiia.hu © Zsuzsanna Végh, 2012 © Hungarian Institute of International Affairs, 2012 ISSN 2060-5013 Zsuzsanna Végh Winds of Change A RESOLV A BLE CONFLI C T A T THE BO R DE R S OF THE EU R OPE A N UNION he Transnistrian conflict is often referred to as the most easily resolvable territorial conflict in the neighbourhood of the European Union (EU). The reason is the Tnature of the conflict. For one, there has been no violence since the Transnistrian war in 1992 between the Republic of Moldova and Transnistria, the separatist entity and it is very unlikely that any violent clash would occur in the future. For two, as opposed to other territorial conflicts in the post-Soviet space, the conflict between Moldova and Transnistria is not based on ethnic differences. Both Moldova and Transnistria are ethnically mixed, there is no ethnic violence between Moldovans, Russians and Ukrainians, and the inhabitants of both territories generally have multiple citizenships. The resolution, nonetheless, despite several attempts, is still only a distant goal. The EU became engaged in the resolution of the Transnistrian conflict in 2005 through the so-called ‘5+2 talks’ which got to a halt in 2006. -
Moldova Page 1 of 18
Country Reports on Human Rights Practices in Moldova Page 1 of 18 Moldova Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2007 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor March 11, 2008 Moldova is a republic with a form of parliamentary democracy, with an estimated total population of 4.2 million inhabitants; an estimated 533,000 persons live in the secessionist-controlled region of Transnistria. Approximately 750,000 Moldovans live outside of the country. The constitution provides for a multiparty government with power shared by the president, the executive, a unicameral Parliament, and the judiciary; however, in practice the three branches of government are heavily influenced by the presidency. Parliamentary elections in 2005 generally complied with most international standards for democratic elections. Communist Party leader Vladimir Voronin was reelected by parliament in 2005 as president for a second consecutive term. Civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of the security forces. Unless specifically stated, all references herein exclude the secessionist region of Transnistria. The government generally respected the human rights of its citizens; however, security forces beat persons in custody and held persons in incommunicado detention, prison conditions remained harsh, and security forces occasionally harassed and intimidated the political opposition. There were reports of judicial and police corruption, arbitrary detention by police, and occasional illegal searches. The government attempted to influence the media and intimidate journalists, maintained some restrictions on freedom of assembly, and refused official registration to some religious groups. Persistent societal violence and discrimination against women and children; trafficking in women and girls for sexual exploitation; discrimination against Roma; limits on workers' rights; and child labor problems were also reported. -
Introduction 2 Setting up a State
Notes Introduction 1. Clement Dodd (1993) edited a volume on Turkish Cypriot affairs, cover- ing political, social, and economic areas. More recent research has been concerned with particular issues such as the dynamics of political econ- omy (Lacher and Kaymak, 2005; Sonan, 2007); the question of Turkish Cypriot identity building and social conflicts within Northern Cyprus (Kızılyürek and Gautier-Kızılyürek, 2004; Hatay, 2005, 2008; Ramm, 2006; Navaro-Yashin, 2006); as well as the analysis of the connection of Turkish Cypriot sovereignty with Turkey’s involvement from different perspec- tives (Navaro-Yashin, 2003; Bahcheli, 2004a). The case of Transdniestria, on the other hand, has been marked by a paucity of research. Whereas economic developments have been followed in detail by Moldova’s Center for Strategic Studies and Reforms (CISR), internal political dynamics have been explored in only a very few specialized articles (Büscher, 1996; Tröbst, 2003; Hanne, 2004; Korobov and Byanov, 2006; Protsyk, 2009). 2 Setting up a State 1. The metaphor is borrowed from Richmond (2002a) mentioned in Chapter 1. 2. Although it is widely believed that Denktas¸ was the founder and leader of the TMT, Denktas¸ himself described his role within the organization as a political advisor (Cavit, 1999, p. 512). For an alternative view of the TMT’s activities and Turkey’s role in the formation of this group see Ionnides (1991). 3. It should be noted, however, that although these armed clashes are often referred to as ‘inter-communal’ fighting, on closer examination this term is a misnomer. The two armed groups were highly nationalist in ideology. -
The Project "Transnistrian Problem: View from Ukraine"
Strategic and Security Studies Group TRANSNISTRIAN PROBLEM: a view from Ukraine KYIV 2009 STRATEGIC AND SECURITY STUDIES GROUP The publication contains the results of the research of interstate relations between Ukraine and Moldova through the lens of Transnistrian settlement problem. The focal points of the research are the assessment of cooperation between two states, issues of citizenship, border regime, interethnic relations, NGOs partnership etc. The publication is aimed at enhancing the dialogue of Ukrainian and Moldovan experts and politicians. It was prepared within the project “Transnistrian problem: a view from Ukraine” supported by International Renaissance Foundation (project manager – O.Basarab). Chapters 14 and 16 were prepared with the kind assistance of Open Ukraine Foundation and Victor Pinchuk Foundation. The project was implemented by “Strategic and Security Studies Group” (SSSG) - non-governmental organization, which has been working since 2003 in the field of: National security policy and sustainable development of Ukraine International relations and foreign policy of Ukraine Regional and international security European political and integration processes Euro Atlantic dialogue and integration SSSG supports transparency in decision-making process and wider discussion regarding foreign, security and defense policy policy of Ukraine and to promotes democratic changes in society. Our contacts: Info[a]gsbs.org.ua www.gsbs.org.ua + 38 (044) 491 - 3830 Publication edited by S. GERASYMCHUK Authors: N. BELITSER (Pylyp Orlyk Institute for Democracy) S. GERASYMCHUK (Strategic and Security Studies Group) O. GRYTSENKO (Strategic and Security Studies Group) Y. DOVGOPOL (Independent expert) Z. ZHMINKO (Strategic and Security Studies Group) Y. MATIYCHYK (Strategic and Security Studies Group) O. SUSHKO (Institute of Euro-atlantic Cooperation) O. -
The EU Border Mission at Work Around Transdniestria: a Win-Win Case?
n°21, janvier 2010 Daria Isachenko Université Humboldt de Berlin & Université de Magdeburg The EU border mission at work around Transdniestria: a win-win case? Until recently little was known about Transdniestria, a small piece of territory situated between Moldova and Ukraine. What was mostly known is that this place is a “diplomatically isolated haven for transnational criminals and possibly terrorists”, a “black hole” making “weapons, ranging from cheap submachine guns to high-tech missile parts”.1 In brief, it is a “gunrunner’s haven”, where “just about every sort of weapon is available” upon request.2 Moreover, to arms production and smuggling, many experts add human trafficking and drug smuggling.3 Transdniestria as an informal state appeared on the scene in the early 1990s as the Soviet Union was on the verge of collapse. Since then, Transdniestria remains a contested territory which officially belongs to Moldova, but has managed to create its own attributes of statehood, seeking international recognition. The claim to statehood of this entity presents a great challenge to Moldova’s territorial integrity, whose officials mostly view this statelet as a puppet, created by the “certain circles” in the Kremlin with the sole purpose of keeping Moldova under Russia’s sphere of influence. Since no progress was made in settling this “frozen” conflict over the years, Moldova started to search for allies in the West. By 2005 the Moldovan government managed to persuade the European Union to 1 G. P. Herd, “Moldova and the Dniestr region: contested past, frozen present, speculative futures?”, Central and Eastern Europe Series, 05/07, Conflict Studies Research Centre, Defence Academy of the United Kingdom, Febuary 2005. -
“Sheriff” in Town: Corruption and Captive Markets in Transnistria
There’s a new “Sheriff” in Town: Corruption and Captive Markets in Transnistria Michael Bobick Cornell University Havighurst Center Miami University Young Researcher’s Conference 2012 Please do note cite without the author’s permission Abstract Crime and corruption have plagued Transnistria since its initial declaration of independence in 1990. Transnistria has all of the requisite symbolic and institutional aspects of statehood but lacks international recognition. Transnistria’s economy, like the state itself, exists outside of any normative regulatory or juridical framework. Long viewed a black spot on the political map of Europe, the region’s economy has played a central role in illicit transactions throughout the post-Soviet period. This paper explores the issue of corruption in Transnistria through the lens of a single company, Sheriff. As a holding company that controls the vast majority of the region’s profitable enterprises, Sheriff is the most visible economic entity in the region (its businesses include supermarkets, gas stations, internet, telecommunications, textile production, broadcast and cable television, auto sales, publishing, cognac production, light manufacturing, publishing, and advertising). Sheriff has turned Transnistria’s liminality into a means of generating immense profits and rents due to its close relationship to the state. Yet Sheriff serves as a crucial buffer between residents who face an otherwise bleak material existence, offering both charity and other modern conveniences to residents. Sheriff has, in the words of one informant, brought a “civilized” consumer experience to the region. This paper examines the wider political context that gave rise to Sheriff (i.e., its murky rise to its monopoly position), its position as a facilitator of illicit economic transactions, and how Sheriff, through its provisioning of goods and services, displaces, masks, and ultimately disarms allegations of corruption both inside and outside of the region. -
Mass-Media Din Transnistria În Vremuri Ale Schimbărilor
Prezentul ciclu de sinteze de politici face parte din proiectul “Mass-media în sprijinul democrației, incluziunii și responsabilității (MEDIA-M)” August 2018 | No 5 Mass-media din Transnistria în vremuri ale schimbărilor Serghei Zveaghințev Mass-media din Transnistria, o republică nerecunoscută, auto-proclamată, situată pe teritoriul Republicii Moldova, se află sub controlul diferitor interese politice puternice. Instituțiile mass-media de stat, de rând cu postul privat de televiziune TSV, prezintă aceeași viziune asupra tuturor problemelor, de la subiecte politice la cele economice. Dar situația nu a fost întotdeauna la fel. O luptă între elite, desfășurată în ultimii ani, a schimbat completamente climatul mediatic, eclipsând unele publicații și schimbând linia editorială a altora. Presa scrisă: păstrată din perioada sovietică În Transnistria, există șapte publicații municipale: Dnestrovskaia Pravda (Adevărul nistrean) (Tiraspol), Novoe Transnistria rămâne unul dintre puținele teritorii, unde presa Vremea (Timpuri noi) (Bender), Slobodzeiskie Vesti (Știrile scrisă și-a păstrat cititorii și semnificația sa. Mai mult de Sloboziei) (Slobozia și regiunea adiacentă), Novosti (Noutăți) jumătate din populația republicii este de vârstă mijlocie sau (Râbnița și regiunea adiacentă), Zarea Pridnestrovia (Zorile mai mare – nu deține capacități de utilizare a calculatorului transnistrene) (Dubăsari și regiunea adiacentă), Drujba sau de acces la Internet – și, prin urmare, preferă să se (Prietenia) (Grigoropol și regiunea adiacentă), Dnestr aboneze sau să cumpere ziare1. (Nistru) (Kamenka și regiunea adiacentă). Acestea apar cu o periodicitate de 1-3 ori pe săptămână, pe hârtie de ziar Majoritatea ziarelor distribuite în Transnistria existau deja în standard A2. perioada sovietică. Slobodzeiskie Vesti (Știrile Sloboziei), de exemplu, există de vreo 85 de ani. -
Inside and Around the Kremlin's Black Box
Inside and Around the Kremlin’s Black Box: The New Nationalist Think Tanks in Russia Marlène Laruelle STOCKHOLM PAPER October 2009 Inside and Around the Kremlin’s Black Box The New Nationalist Think Tanks in Russia Marlène Laruelle Institute for Security and Development Policy Västra Finnbodavägen 2, 131 30 Stockholm-Nacka, Sweden ww.isdp.eu Inside and Around the Kremlin’s Black Box: The New Nationalist Think Tanks in Rus- sia is a Stockholm Paper published by the Institute for Security and Development Policy. The Stockholm Papers Series is an Occasional Paper series addressing topical and timely issues in international affairs. The Institute is based in Stockholm, Sweden, and cooperates closely with research centers worldwide. The Institute is firmly established as a leading research and policy center, serving a large and diverse community of analysts, scholars, policy- watchers, business leaders, and journalists. It is at the forefront of research on issues of conflict, security, and development. Through its applied research, publications, research cooperation, public lectures, and seminars, it functions as a focal point for academic, policy, and public discussion. This publication is kindly made possible by support from the Swedish Ministry for For- eign Affairs. The opinions and conclusions expressed are those of the author/s and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Institute for Security and Development Policy or its sponsors. © Institute for Security and Development Policy, 2009 ISBN: 978-91-85937-67-7 Printed in Singapore Distributed in Europe by: Institute for Security and Development Policy Västra Finnbodavägen 2, 131 30 Stockholm-Nacka, Sweden Tel. +46-841056953; Fax. -
257 Political Parties in Western Siberia, August 1991-0Ctober 1993: a Comparative Analysis by Grigorii Golosov
#257 Political Parties in Western Siberia, August 1991-0ctober 1993: A Comparative Analysis by Grigorii Golosov Grigorii Golosov is an Associate Professor in the Department of Social and Political Theory at Novosibirsk State University in Russia. He was a Short-term Scholar at the Kennan Institute during the 1993-1994 program year. The Kennan Institute for Advanced Russian Studies The Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars The Kennan Institute for Advanced Russian Studies is a division of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars. Through its programs of fellowships, meetings, and publications, the Institute encourages scholarship on Russia and the former Soviet Union, embracing a broad range of fields in the social sciences and humanities. The Kennan Institute is supported by contributions from foundations, corporations, individuals, and the United States Government. Kennan Institute Occasional Papers The Kennan Institute makes Occasional Papers available to all those interested in Russian studies. Occasional Papers are submitted by Kennan Institute scholars and visiting speakers, particularly those who wish to receive timely feedback on their work. Copies of Occasional Papers and a list of papers currently available can be obtained free of charge by contacting: Occasional Papers Kennan Institute for Advanced Russian Studies 370 L'Enfant Promenade, SW, Suite 704 Washington, D.C. 20024-2518 (202) 287-3400 This Occasional Paper has been produced with support provided by the Russian, Eurasian, and East European Research and Training Program of the U.S. Department of State (funded by the Soviet and East European Research and Training Act of 1983, or Title Vlll). We are most grateful to this sponsor. -
Moldova Page 1 of 38
2009 Human Rights Report: Moldova Page 1 of 38 Home » Under Secretary for Democracy and Global Affairs » Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor » Releases » Human Rights Reports » 2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices » Europe and Eurasia » Moldova 2009 Human Rights Report: Moldova BUREAU OF DEMOCRACY, HUMAN RIGHTS, AND LABOR 2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices March 11, 2010 Moldova is a republic with a form of parliamentary democracy. The country has an estimated total population of 3.95 million, including 532,000 in the secessionist-controlled region of Transnistria. An estimated 900,000 citizens, including approximately 250,000 Transnistrians, lived outside the country. The constitution provides for a multiparty democracy with legislative and executive branches, as well as an independent judiciary and a clear separation of powers between them; however, under the previous government led by the Party of Communists (PCRM), which was in power until September 25, the three branches of government were heavily influenced by the president. On April 5, the country held parliamentary elections that failed to fully comply with international standards. In that election the ruling PCRM increased its previous majority in parliament. Following that parliament's failure to elect a president, as prescribed by law, new parliamentary elections took place on July 29, and the four opposition parties won enough seats to establish a governing coalition, known as the Alliance for European Integration, which entered office on September 25. International observers noted some of the same problems in the July elections as in April but also reported improvement in the electoral process.