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Romanian Folk Magic: Bewitching Ideology Daniel Bird
Romanian Folk Magic: Bewitching Ideology Daniel Bird Potions swirling in cauldrons, midnight spells, curses and hidden covens: the witch is a fgure entrenched in our myth and memory. It is, however, a little-known fact that today many witches still reign supreme over parts of modern Europe, holding seats of power in lavish abodes. These supernatural practitioners have refused to be relegated to history and instead have transmogrifed their talents to ft into a capitalist arena where magic fourishes and their arts embed them- selves in an industry of their own. Associated most frequently in European memory with Satanic worship, witchcraft has held a curious grip on the human psyche. The archetype has surfaced world- wide in many cultural iterations, having even received a post-mortem resurgence and transformation in Western pop-culture flm and television. Witches in this medium have been portrayed equally as relatable adolescents and as the more traditionally horrifying hags of the thriller genre, showing the fgure of the witch to be a durable and fexible one. Much the same can be said of witchcraft in the country of Romania, where the practice and sociocultural perceptions of witch- craft have evolved, expired and been subsequently revived in the last century. To properly articulate the historical trajectory of Romanian witchcraft, I begin by describing its birthplace in the agrarian countryside. I then examine the strug- gles of the practice under the Romanian Communist system which sought to oppress this tradition. The discussion delineates the resurgence of the trade after 1989, and the Golden Age of witchcraft in the new neoliberal setting. -
Is Turkey a Rival to the European Union? Neo-Ottoman Influence in the Balkans," Claremont-UC Undergraduate Research Conference on the European Union: Vol
Claremont-UC Undergraduate Research Conference on the European Union Volume 2019 Article 4 8-23-2019 Is Turkey a Rival to the European Union? Neo- Ottoman Influence in the Balkans Ghazi Ghazi Oakland University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.claremont.edu/urceu Part of the International and Area Studies Commons, and the International Relations Commons Recommended Citation Ghazi, Ghazi (2019) "Is Turkey a Rival to the European Union? Neo-Ottoman Influence in the Balkans," Claremont-UC Undergraduate Research Conference on the European Union: Vol. 2019, Article 4. DOI: 10.5642/urceu.201901.04 Available at: https://scholarship.claremont.edu/urceu/vol2019/iss1/4 This Chapter is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Claremont at Scholarship @ Claremont. It has been accepted for inclusion in Claremont-UC Undergraduate Research Conference on the European Union by an authorized editor of Scholarship @ Claremont. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Is Turkey a Rival to the European Union? Neo-Ottoman Influence in the Balkans Cover Page Footnote Thank you to Professor Paul Kubicek for his guidance and mentorship throughout this project, all the help he provided me is greatly appreciated. I would also like to thank the Department of Political Science at Oakland University and all the professors within the department that have supported me through my undergraduate career and given me the opportunities to work on research to increase my understanding of international relations. This chapter is available in Claremont-UC Undergraduate Research Conference on the European Union: https://scholarship.claremont.edu/urceu/vol2019/iss1/4 Claremont–UC Undergraduate Research Conference on the European Union 41 4 Is Turkey a Rival to the European Union? Neo-Ottoman Influence in the Balkans Ghazi Ghazi Oakland University Abstract Turkey, under Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s presidency, has begun to re-animate some aspects of its predecessor, the Ottoman Empire. -
ADEPT Political Commentaries
ADEPT Political Commentaries September-December 2004 Concerns on the eve of elections Igor Botan, 15 September 2004 Democracy and governing in Moldova e-journal, II year, no. 37, August 30 - September 12, 2004 With the launch of the fall political season analysts and media alike engaged in assessing preparations for parliamentary elections. According to their estimates, elections might be held late May or even June next year. The source for such predictions is the Constitution itself. Paragraph 3 Article 61 of the Constitution provides that "election of Parliament members will be started not later than 3 months from the end of the previous mandate or from the dissolution of the previous Parliament". Article 63 specifies that "the mandate of the current Parliament may be extended until the structure of the new Parliament has been completed and the latter can meet in full session" that according to the same article is held "within at most 30 days from election day". That is why it is considered that Parliament mandate commences on the day of its first session. Given that the last parliamentary elections were held on February 25, while the Parliament was convened on a first session via a Presidential Decree on March 20, 2001, it is expected that parliamentary elections would be held sometime during the three months March 21 - June 21, 2005. This estimation is logical and at the first glance seems accurate. Arguments cited by those who claim election date would be set for the end of May or even June cite, derive from the supposed interests of the ruling party. -
Circumscripția Uninominală Nr 32, Mun Chișinău.Pdf
Circumscripția uninominală nr. 32, mun. Chișinău Nr. secției de Sediul biroului electoral al Hotarele secției de votare Nr. de alegători votare secției de votare Bubuieci 285 str. Toader Bubuiog nr. 2-52, nr. 1-97; str. Viilor nr. 2-6, nr. 1-19; Casa de cultură, s.Bubuieci, 3103 str. A. Puşkin nr. 2-18, nr.1-19; str. V. Tereşcova nr. 2-14, nr. 1-19; str. Toader Bubuiog, 28 str. V. Alecsandri nr. 2-20, nr. 1-17; str. Tineretului nr. 2-20, 1-17; str-la Tineretului nr. 2-16 şi 1-25; str. I. Soltîs nr. 2-12, 3-27; str. Iu. Gagarin nr. 2-58, 1-67; str. Voluntarilor nr. 2-12, 1-13; str. Plopilor nr. 2-12, 1-13; str.27 August nr. 2-46, 1-103b; str. A. Popov, nr. 2-12, 1-7; str. Sf. Maria nr. 2-8, 1-3; str. B. Glavan nr. 2-22, 1-19; str. Toamnei nr. 1-53; str. Şcolii, nr. 2-110, 1-107; str. Cişmelei nr. 2-16, 1-9; str. A. Mateevici nr. 2-12, 1-3; str. I. Creangă nr. 2-10, 1-13; str. M. Eminescu nr. 2-58; str. Florilor nr. 2-40, 1-15; str. V. Cupcea nr. 2-36, 1-13; str. E. Doga nr. 2-8, 1-3; str. V. Micle nr. 2-14, 1-13; str. Victoriei nr. 2-52, 1-27; str. Independenţei nr. 2-46, 1-47; str. M. Viteazul nr. 2-60, 1-57; str. D.Cantemir nr. 2-56, 1-61; str. -
Painful Past, Fragile Future the Delicate Balance in the Western Balkans Jergović, Goldsworthy, Vučković, Reka, Sadiku Kolozova, Szczerek and Others
No 2(VII)/2013 Price 19 PLN (w tym 5% VAT) 10 EUR 12 USD 7 GBP ISSN: 2083-7372 quarterly April-June www.neweasterneurope.eu Painful Past, Fragile Future The delicate balance in the Western Balkans Jergović, Goldsworthy, Vučković, Reka, Sadiku Kolozova, Szczerek and others. Strange Bedfellows: A Question Ukraine’s oligarchs and the EU of Solidarity Paweï Kowal Zygmunt Bauman Books & Reviews: Tadeusz Mazowiecki, Mykola Riabchuk, Robert D. Kaplan and Jan Švankmajer Seversk: A New Direction A Siberian for Transnistria? Oasis Kamil Caïus Marcin Kalita Piotr Oleksy Azerbaijan ISSN 2083-7372 A Cause to Live For www.neweasterneurope.eu / 13 2(VII) Emin Milli Arzu Geybullayeva Nominated for the 2012 European Press Prize Dear Reader, In 1995, upon the declaration of the Dayton Peace Accords, which put an end to one of the bloodiest conflicts in the former Yugoslavia, the Bosnian War, US President, Bill Clinton, announced that leaders of the region had chosen “to give their children and their grandchildren the chance to lead a normal life”. Today, after nearly 20 years, the wars are over, in most areas peace has set in, and stability has been achieved. And yet, in our interview with Blerim Reka, he echoes Clinton’s words saying: “It is the duty of our generation to tell our grandchildren the successful story of the Balkans, different from the bloody Balkans one which we were told about.” This and many more observations made by the authors of this issue of New Eastern Europe piece together a complex picture of a region marred by a painful past and facing a hopeful, yet fragile future. -
Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Moldova: Does Moldova's Eastern Orientation Inhibit Its European Aspirations?
“Foreign affairs of the Republic of Moldova: Does Moldova’s Eastern orientation inhibit its European aspirations?” Liliana Viţu 1 CONTENTS: List of abbreviations Introduction Chapter I. Historic References…………………………………………………………p.1 Chapter II. The Eastern Vector of Moldova’s Foreign Affairs…………………..p.10 Russian Federation – The Big Brother…………………………………………………p.10 Commonwealth of Independent States: Russia as the hub, the rest as the spokes……………………………………………………….…………………………….p.13 Transnistria- the “black hole” of Europe………………………………………………..p.20 Ukraine – a “wait and see position”…………………………………………………….p.25 Chapter III. Moldova and the European Union: looking westwards?………….p.28 Romania and Moldova – the two Romanian states…………………………………..p.28 The Council of Europe - Monitoring Moldova………………………………………….p.31 European Union and Moldova: a missed opportunity?………………………………p.33 Chapter IV. Simultaneous integration in the CIS and the EU – a contradiction in terms ……………………………………………………………………………………...p.41 Conclusions Bibliography 2 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ASSMR – Autonomous Soviet Socialist Moldova Republic CEEC – Central-Eastern European countries CIS – Commonwealth of Independent States CoE – Council of Europe EBRD – European Bank for Reconstruction and Development ECHR – European Court of Human Rights EU – European Union ICG – International Crisis Group IPP – Institute for Public Policy NATO – North Atlantic Treaty Organisation NIS – Newly Independent States OSCE – Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe PCA – Partnership and Cooperation Agreement PHARE – Poland Hungary Assistant for Economic Reconstruction SECI – South East European Cooperation Initiative SPSEE – Stability Pact for South-Eastern Europe TACIS – Technical Assistance for Commonwealth of Independent States UNDP – United Nations Development Program WTO – World Trade Organization 3 INTRODUCTION The Republic of Moldova is a young state, created along with the other Newly Independent States (NIS) in 1991 after the implosion of the Soviet Union. -
Threats to Russian Democracy and US-Russian Relations
After Chechnya: Threats to Russian Democracy and U.S.-Russian Relations ARIEL COHEN Introduction : All Politics Is Local , Al¡ Foreign Policy Is Domestic Half a year alter Russian tanks rolled into Chechnya, the future of Russian democracy and free markets is under threat. The internal situation in Russia bears a direct influence on Russia's relations with the outside world and the United States. While the world's leaders gather in Moscow to celebrate the victory over Nazism, Russian Foreign Minister Andrei Kozyrev is calling for the use of force to "protect" Russian co-ethnics living outside the borders of the Russian Federation. Kozyrev's declarations go beyond mere rhetoric. Russia is introducing its new 58th field army in the Northern Caucasus, in clear and conscious violation of the Conventional Forces Europe (CFE) Treaty, a centerpiece of post-Cold War European security. If Russia is not planning an agressive action either against Ukraine or its Transcaucasus neighbors, why does it need to revise upwards the CFE limitations of 164 tanks and 414 artillery systems? Why was General Alexander Lebed, a self-proclaimed restorer of the old Soviet Union and Commander of the l4th Army in Moldova, applauding Kozyrev? Chechnya became the testing ground for the new Russian policy, both foreign and domestic. The people who engineered it, the so-called Party of War in Moscow, are watching for reactions at honre and abroad to this version of the "last thrust South." The West is facing its greatest challenge since the collapse of communism: how to deal with the Russia that is emerging from under the rubble. -
Analyzing the Russian Way of War Evidence from the 2008 Conflict with Georgia
Analyzing the Russian Way of War Evidence from the 2008 Conflict with Georgia Lionel Beehner A Contemporary Battlefield Assessment Liam Collins by the Modern War Institute Steve Ferenzi Robert Person Aaron Brantly March 20, 2018 Analyzing the Russian Way of War: Evidence from the 2008 Conflict with Georgia Contents Acknowledgments ........................................................................................................................................ 1 Executive Summary ...................................................................................................................................... 3 Introduction .................................................................................................................................................. 9 Chapter I – History of Bad Blood ................................................................................................................ 13 Rose-Colored Glasses .............................................................................................................................. 16 Chapter II – Russian Grand Strategy in Context of the 2008 Russia-Georgia War ................................... 21 Russia’s Ends ........................................................................................................................................... 22 Russia’s Means ........................................................................................................................................ 23 Russia’s Ways ......................................................................................................................................... -
Rim Nr.3-4-12-NOV-2010.Pmd
SUMAR • Studii pontice – SERGIU IOSIPESCU – Închiderea Mării Negre sub otomani (II) ............... 1 – MIRCEA SOREANU – Fortificaţii şi porturi otomane la Marea Neagră ...... 12 • Istorie militară şi lingvistică REVISTA DE ISTORIE MILITAR~ – Dr. CRISTIAN MIHAIL – Influenţa limbajului militar (daco-) roman asupra limbii române (I) ................................................................................................ 21 Publicaţia este editată de Ministerul Apărării Naţionale, prin • Originile Europei şi ale naţiunilor ei Institutul pentru Studii Politice – ALEXANDRU MADGEARU – Un efemer regat gepidic în Transilvania ...... 27 de Apărare şi Istorie Militară, – FLORIAN DUMITRU SOPORAN – Solidarităţi etnice în Ungaria medievală: membru al Consorţiului Acade- apărarea patriei şi apărarea creştinătăţii în prima jumătate a secolului al XV-lea ..... 38 miilor de Apărare şi Institutelor pentru Studii de Securitate din • Istorie modernă şi contemporană cadrul Parteneriatului pentru – General-maior (r) dr. MIHAIL E. IONESCU, CARMEN RÎJNOVEANU Pace, coordonator naţional al – Arhitectura păcii după un război hegemonic. Congresul de la Viena (1815) Proiectului de Istorie Paralelă: şi căderea Zidului Berlinului (1989): privire comparativă ............................... 58 NATO – Tratatul de la Varşovia – General-maior (r) dr. MIHAIL E. IONESCU – Interviu cu ambasadorul Ion Diaconu........................................................................................................ 68 COLEGIUL DE REDAC}IE – M. MIHĂILESCU, RALUCA IOSIPESCU -
Winds of Change in the Transnistrian Settlement Process HIIA PAPERS Series of the Hungarian Institute of International Affairs
HIIA Papers T-2012/1 ZSUZSANNA VÉGH Winds of Change in the Transnistrian Settlement Process HIIA PAPERS Series of the Hungarian Institute of International Affairs Publisher: Hungarian Institute of International Affairs Editor and typesetting: Andrea Tevelyné Kulcsár Editorial office: H-1016 Budapest, Bérc utca 13-15. Tel.: +36 1 279-5700 Fax: +36 1 279-5701 E-mail: [email protected] www.kulugyiintezet.hu www.hiia.hu © Zsuzsanna Végh, 2012 © Hungarian Institute of International Affairs, 2012 ISSN 2060-5013 Zsuzsanna Végh Winds of Change A RESOLV A BLE CONFLI C T A T THE BO R DE R S OF THE EU R OPE A N UNION he Transnistrian conflict is often referred to as the most easily resolvable territorial conflict in the neighbourhood of the European Union (EU). The reason is the Tnature of the conflict. For one, there has been no violence since the Transnistrian war in 1992 between the Republic of Moldova and Transnistria, the separatist entity and it is very unlikely that any violent clash would occur in the future. For two, as opposed to other territorial conflicts in the post-Soviet space, the conflict between Moldova and Transnistria is not based on ethnic differences. Both Moldova and Transnistria are ethnically mixed, there is no ethnic violence between Moldovans, Russians and Ukrainians, and the inhabitants of both territories generally have multiple citizenships. The resolution, nonetheless, despite several attempts, is still only a distant goal. The EU became engaged in the resolution of the Transnistrian conflict in 2005 through the so-called ‘5+2 talks’ which got to a halt in 2006. -
Political Antisemitism in Romania? Hard Data and Its Soft Underbelly Shafir, Michael
www.ssoar.info Political antisemitism in Romania? Hard data and its soft underbelly Shafir, Michael Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Shafir, M. (2012). Political antisemitism in Romania? Hard data and its soft underbelly. Studia Politica: Romanian Political Science Review, 12(4), 557-603. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-445667 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC-ND Lizenz This document is made available under a CC BY-NC-ND Licence (Namensnennung-Nicht-kommerziell-Keine Bearbeitung) zur (Attribution-Non Comercial-NoDerivatives). For more Information Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/deed.de Political Antisemitism in Romania? 557 Political Antisemitism in Romania? Hard Data and its Soft Underbelly MICHAEL SHAFIR As in many other former communist countries of East Central Europe1, antisemitism in Romania resurged almost concomitantly with the demise of the former regime2. Empirical research on antisemitism, however, emerged only considerably later and did not take off as a main focus until the establishment of the National Institute for the Study of the Holocaust in Romania ”Elie Wiesel” (INSHREW) in 2005. This does not imply that the subject of Jews, attitudes to Jews measured by instruments such as stereotypic perceptions and/or ”social distance”, or attitudes toward controversial Romanian historical figures linked to the country’s antisemitic past was not tangentially or even directly tackled on occasion. What lacked until 2005, however, was an effort to systematically (among other instruments, employing a standard questionnaire capable of rendering comparative results) place under focus the phenomenon in its synchronic and diachronic unfolding. -
A Comparison Among Neighbours on the Moldova-Ukrainian Border
Journal on Ethnopolitics and Minority Issues in Europe Vol 17, No 1, 2018, 1-23. Copyright © ECMI 2018 This article is located at: http://www.ecmi.de/fileadmin/downloads/publications/JEMIE/2018/Schl egel.pdf How could the Gagauz Achieve Autonomy and what has it Achieved for them? A Comparison Among Neighbours on the Moldova-Ukrainian Border Simon Schlegel* East-Ukrainian Centre for Civic Initiatives Abstract In southern Bessarabia, a multi-ethnic region on the Moldovan-Ukrainian border, one ethnic group, the Turkic speaking Gagauz, have managed to negotiate a unique autonomy status with the Moldovan government in 1994. Neither their Bulgarian neighbours nor the Gagauz on the Ukrainian side of the border have achieved a similar degree of political autonomy. The analysis presented here looks into the historical factors that enabled autonomy for the Gagauz in Moldova. It wraps up the literature on the emergence of the autonomy status and draws on interviews with activists and educators. It appears that a unique geopolitical constellation was more decisive for the achievement of autonomy than local or national ethno-politics. The comparison with neighbouring groups suggests that under the precarious economic circumstances in the region, the effect of autonomy on the preservation of language was rather small. The main effect of the autonomy was that the Gagauz elite had the means to adopt their own geopolitical position, sometimes contradicting the central government. With the beginning of the Ukrainian Russian conflict in 2014 this characteristic of Gagauz autonomy came to be seen as a potentially dangerous precedent in Ukraine. Keywords: Ukraine; Moldova; Gagauz autonomy; language policy * Research for this paper has been generously funded by the Max-Planck-Institute for Social Anthropology in Halle, Germany.