A Comparative Study on Formosan Phonology: Paiwan and Budai Rukai
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Phonetic Evidence for the Contact-Induced Prosody in Budai Rukai *
Concentric: Studies in Linguistics 37.2 (July 2011):123-154 Phonetic Evidence for the Contact-Induced Prosody in Budai Rukai * Chun-Mei Chen National Chung Hsing University This paper investigates the contact-induced prosody in Budai Rukai, an Austronesian language spoken in Taiwan. By providing phonetic representations of word stress shift in Budai Rukai, the contact-induced prosody has been further verified. The contrastive stress in the Budai dialect is in the process of developing predictable penultimate stress resulting in innovations in new settlements. Budai Rukai speakers who have frequent contact with Paiwan speakers tend to produce the Paiwan stress patterns. The prosodic change has applied an optional rule of extrametricality, and echo vowels have been treated as proper vowels in the varieties. Antepenultimate stress becomes penultimate stress in trisyllabic or longer prosodic words, with a release from extrametricality. Results also suggest that speaker variability affected the stress shift in Budai Rukai. Keywords: phonetic evidence, contact-induced prosody, Budai Rukai, stress 1. Introduction This paper investigates word-level phonetic features of the varieties of Budai Rukai, and I propose that the prosodic varieties of Budai Rukai have undergone a change due to language contact. Stress in Budai Rukai has been a controversial issue (Li 1977, Ross 1992, Blust 1997). Previous studies address the stress issue mainly within the work of historical reconstruction. None of the existing studies have made a careful examination on the prosodic phonology of stress in Budai Rukai, let alone empirical evidence for the innovation of the prosodic patterns. The controversy of the Rukai stress lies in the inconsistency with the penultimate prominence or “paroxytones”, following the practice of Zorc (1983), and the phonological environments in which predictable stress patterns are attested. -
Villains of Formosan Aboriginal Mythology ABSTRACT
Villains of Formosan Aboriginal Mythology Aaron Valdis Gauss 高加州 Intergrams 20.1 (2020): http://benz.nchu.edu.tw/~intergrams/intergrams/201/201-gauss.pdf ISSN: 1683-4186 ABSTRACT In Western fairy tales, the role of the villain is often reserved for the elderly woman. The villains of Snow White, The Little Mermaid, Rapunzel, Hansel and Gretel, Cinderella and Sleeping Beauty are all witches; women who wield dark magic to maledict the innocent. In stark contrast, Formosan aboriginal mythology villains take on decidedly dissimilar roles. In the Paiwan story of Pali, for example, Pali is a young boy who, through no fault of his own, is cursed with a pair of red eyes that instantaneously kill all living things that they see. Pali’s identity and the reasons for his evil acts are diametrically opposed to those found in “typical” Western tales. This article investigates the identities and motives of villains in Formosan aboriginal stories. Despite the unfortunate lack of related material in English, Taiwan Indigene: Meaning Through Stories (臺灣原住民的神話與傳說套書) offers a unique look into the redirection of English literature to source from a wider geographic and ethnographic perspective and serves as the primary data source for this research. Works done in this vein indicate a greater openness toward the “other” ethnic groups that remain almost completely absent from English literature. The identities of the villains and the elements motivating their nefarious deeds are investigated in detail. Can the villains of such stories be grouped broadly according to identity? If so, what aspects can be used to describe that identity? What root causes can be identified with regard to the malevolent acts that they perpetrate? The ambitions behind this study include facilitating a lifting of the veil on the mysterious cultures native to Formosa and promoting a greater understanding of, and appreciation for, the rich and complex myths of the Formosan aboriginal peoples. -
Tonhauser, Judith
UCLA Working Papers in Linguistics, Theories of Everything Volume 17, Article 7: 43-58, 2012 Nominal Tense in Tsou: Nia and Its Syntax/Semantics* Henry Y. Chang This paper investigates nominal tense (NT) in the Formosan language Tsou. In light of the NT diagnostics proposed in Nordlinger and Sadler (2004), this paper analyzes the nominal temporal marker nia as an instance of Independent NT (INT), heading a DP-internal tense phrase (TP). The INT-analysis explains nicely why (i) nia makes a temporal distinction of past versus nonpast within a noun phrase, (ii) nia cannot be replaced by a verbal tense/mood auxiliary, (iii) the meaning of nia is rather abstract—nia applies widely to nouns of various kinds, including nouns denoting artifacts, location and time, (iv) nia is normally preceded by a case marker, (v) a verb is required to undergo nominalization upon patterning with nia, (vi) nia is compatible both with definite and indefinite noun phrases, (vii) nia can co-occur either with a realis auxiliary or an irrealis auxiliary. These findings may advance our understanding of Tsou nominal structure on the one hand and shed new lights on the universal nominal structure on the other (cf. Cinque 2005, 2011). Keywords: Tsou, nominal temporal marker, independent nominal tense, past versus nonpast, nominal structure. 1 Introduction It is generally held that temporal information is characteristic of verbal categories and normally marked on them. However, recent studies have shown that temporal marking is also possible and productive with nominal categories across many genetically unrelated languages. The major debate in this connection is whether nominal temporal markers are instances of nominal tense (Nordlinger and Sadler 2004, 2008, Tonhauser 2007, 2008). -
A Grammar of Mantauran (Rukai)
Was I that lucky? Elizabeth Zeitoun(齊莉莎) Academia Sinica 2017/06/03 1 Fieldwork A schematic overview 2 1991‐1992 1991‐ 2005‐ 1992‐ 2013‐ Languages studied for the past 26 years 3 1991‐1992 1991‐ 2005‐ 1992‐ 2013‐ Languages studied for the past 26 years 4 1991‐1992 1991‐ 2005‐ 1992‐ 2013‐ Languages studied for the past 26 years 5 1991‐1992 1991‐ 2005‐ 1992‐ 2013‐ Languages studied for the past 26 years 6 Why not start with the Wu Dah‐you award? 2004 The dynamic/stative dichotomy in Formosan languages (Zeitoun & Huang 2000) 7 The dynamic/stative distinction •My first major paper was Zeitoun & Huang (2000) where we showed that the Formosan languages exhibit a pervasive distinction between dynamic and stative verbs. • Stative verbs are marked by Ø or ma‐ and in other contexts, these same verbs are marked by ka‐ (e.g. when marked as negative, imperative, causative, irrealis, and/or nominalized). •Conversely, dynamic verbs are marked by M‐ or Ø and in other contexts, these same verbs are unmarked (e.g. when marked as negative, imperative, causative, irrealis, and/or nominalized). Verb type Indicative AV form Alternant form –Basic Stem (negated or affixed) Dynamic /M/ Ø Ø Stative Ø ka‐ ma‐ 8 Twice awarded the MOST Outstanding Research Award: Ups and downs 2010 9 Rukai The Wanshan village (萬山村)in 1992, at the time when I carried my first fieldwork there • Rukai includes six main dialects: Tanan, Labuan, Budai, Maga, Tona and Mantauran. 10 Rukai http://www.wretch.cc/blog/maler3733 •In August 1992, as I was just starting working as a research assistant at Academia Sinica, I was asked by Prof. -
Grammaticalization in Squliq Atayal*
Concentric: Studies in Linguistics 42.1 (May 2016): 31-44 DOI: 10.6241/concentric.ling.42.1.02 Verbs or Adverbs in Thao* Paul Jen-kuei Li Academia Sinica One may expect that concepts, such as ‘all’, ‘only’, ‘again’, ‘very’, ‘first’, ‘next’, and ‘tomorrow’, are adverbs or nouns, yet they all behave like verbs in Thao. Are there any genuine adverbs at all in Thao? There must be at least a few. For example, the form mani ‘also’ is always invariable and its occurrence in a sentence is relatively free. Similarly, the form maʃna ‘even’ is also invariable and it usually occurs before a noun or subject of a clause. The same is true of the time word tiɬa ‘yesterday’. The same or very similar phenomena may also be found in other Formosan languages. It is interesting to see how similar or dissimilar the adverbial verbs and adverbs in Thao behave in other languages. I have compared them to those in a closely related language, Favorlang, in this paper. Key words: Thao, verb, adverb, adverbial, invariable, Favorlang 1. Introduction Linguists who have worked with Formosan and western Austronesian languages generally recognize verbs, nouns and some grammatical particles in these languages. Adjectives in English are stative verbs in these languages. They have also found that many adverbial concepts in Chinese and English are expressed using verbs in these languages (Starosta 1988). One may wonder if there are any genuine adverbs in these languages at all. The form of an adverb is usually invariable and its position in a sentence is relatively free. -
Equative Constructions in World-Wide Perspective
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by ZENODO 1 Equative constructions in world-wide perspective Martin Haspelmath & the Leipzig Equative Constructions Team1 Abstract: In this paper, we report on a world-wide study of equative constructions (‘A is as big as B’) in a convenience sample of 119 languages. From earlier work, it has been known that European languages often have equative constructions based on adverbial relative pronouns that otherwise express degree or manner (‘how’, ‘as’), but we find that this type is rare outside Europe. We divide the constructions that we found into six primary types, four of which have closely corresponding types of comparative constructions (‘A is bigger than B’). An equative construction often consists of five components: a comparee (‘A’), a degree-marker (‘as’), a parameter (‘is big’), a standard-marker (‘as’), and a standard (‘B’). Most frequently, the parameter is the main predicate and the equative sense is expressed by a special standard-marker. But many languages also have a degree-marker, so that we get a construction of the English and French type. Another possibility is for the equality sense to be expressed by a transitive ‘equal’ (or ‘reach’) verb, which may be the main predicate or a secondary predicate. And finally, since the equative construction is semantically symmetrical, it is also possible to “unify” the parameter and the standard in the subject position (‘A and B are equally tall’, or ‘A and B are equal in height’). But no language has only a degree-marker, leaving the standard unmarked. -
The Endangered Languages in Taiwan
The Endangered Languages in Taiwan Paul Li Academia Sinica Abtract All Formosan languages are endangered and threatened with extinction. The problems of the criteria for being endangered languages and what aspects of language to study are briefly discussed. There are five most endangered Formosan languages: Pazih, Thao, Kanakanavu, Saaroa and Kavalan, each with a few speakers left. An account of the work that has been done on each of these languages is given. Finally there is a brief discussion of what has been done to conserve and revitalize all the endangered languages in Taiwan. 1. Languages in Taiwan: The Past and the Present There are two main types of languages spoken in Taiwan, Austronesian and Chinese. All the aboriginal languages, spoken in the plains or mountain areas, belong to the Austronesian language family. The population of the indigenous peoples (450,000) is very small, only barely 2% of the total population of Taiwan (23,000,000). The rest of the population speaks a variety of Chinese dialects, including Mandarin, Minnan (Taiwanese), and Hakka. Mandarin has been adopted as the official language by the Nationalist Government since 1945, and it has become the predominant language at the expense of all the other languages in Taiwan. Hence these languages, especially the aboriginal, are endangered and threatened with extinction. Despite all the efforts of the new government in the past eight years, it seems hard to turn the tide. When I started to work on Rukai, an Austronesian language in Taiwan, in 1970, it was sound and healthy, as were many other Formosan languages, such as Atayal, Seediq, Bunun, Tsou, Paiwan, and Amis. -
Social Policies and Indigenous Peoples in Taiwan
Faculty of Social Sciences University of Helsinki Finland SOCIAL POLICIES AND INDIGENOUS PEOPLES IN TAIWAN ELDERLY CARE AMONG THE TAYAL I-An Gao (Wasiq Silan) DOCTORAL THESIS To be presented, with the permission of the Faculty of Social Sciences of the University of Helsinki, for public examination in lecture room 302, Athena, on 18 May 2021, at 8 R¶FORFN. Helsinki 2021 Publications of the Faculty of Social Sciences 186 (2021) ISSN 2343-273X (print) ISSN 2343-2748 (online) © I-An Gao (Wasiq Silan) Cover design and visualization: Pei-Yu Lin Distribution and Sales: Unigrafia Bookstore http://kirjakauppa.unigrafia.fi/ [email protected] ISBN 978-951-51-7005-7 (paperback) ISBN 978-951-51-7006-4 (PDF) Unigrafia Helsinki 2021 ABSTRACT This dissertation explores how Taiwanese social policy deals with Indigenous peoples in caring for Tayal elderly. By delineating care for the elderly both in policy and practice, the study examines how relationships between indigeneity and coloniality are realized in today’s multicultural Taiwan. Decolonial scholars have argued that greater recognition of Indigenous rights is not the end of Indigenous peoples’ struggles. Social policy has much to learn from encountering its colonial past, in particular its links to colonization and assimilation. Meanwhile, coloniality continues to make the Indigenous perspective invisible, and imperialism continues to frame Indigenous peoples’ contemporary experience in how policies are constructed. This research focuses on tensions between state recognition and Indigenous peoples’ -
View, Independent Domestications of a Plant This Hypothesis Is Adopted Here, with the Standard Caveat Can Be Expected to Result in Wholly Independent Vocabularies
Rice (2011) 4:121–133 DOI 10.1007/s12284-011-9077-8 How Many Independent Rice Vocabularies in Asia? Laurent Sagart Received: 30 September 2011 /Accepted: 10 December 2011 /Published online: 5 January 2012 # Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2011 Abstract The process of moving from collecting plants in all have the same underlying cause: the shift to agriculture the wild to cultivating and gradually domesticating them has and its demographic consequences. Populations of farmers as its linguistic corollary the formation of a specific vocab- can support larger families than hunter-gatherers, which ulary to designate the plants and their parts, the fields in gives them higher densities, and lets them expand with their which they are cultivated, the tools and activities required to genes, their crops and their languages. This is the well- cultivate them and the food preparations in which they enter. known Bellwood–Renfrew farming/language hypothesis. From this point of view, independent domestications of a plant This hypothesis is adopted here, with the standard caveat can be expected to result in wholly independent vocabularies. that not all linguistic expansions need to be agriculturally Conversely, when cultivation of a plant spreads from one based (Eskimo–Aleut an obvious case) and with the refine- population to another, one expects elements of the original ment, introduced in Bellwood (2005b) that while agriculture vocabulary to spread with cultivation practices. This paper per se will normally induce an increase in population den- examines the vocabularies of rice in Asian languages for sity, it will not by itself suffice to lead to geographical evidence of linguistic transfers, concluding that there are at expansion: another prerequisite is the possession of a diver- least two independent vocabularies of rice in Asia. -
Thesis HUMA 2009
A Phonetic Study on Implosives in China by Cun Xi A Thesis Submitted to The Hong Kong University of Science and Technology In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for The Degree of Doctor of Philosophy In Division of Humanities April, 2009, Hong Kong i HKUST Library Reproduction is prohibited without the author’s prior written consent UMI Number: 3365904 INFORMATION TO USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleed-through, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. ______________________________________________________________ UMI Microform 3365904 Copyright 2009 by ProQuest LLC All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. _______________________________________________________________ ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, MI 48106-1346 Acknowledgements At this exciting and momentous time, the first person I would like to thank is my supervisor Prof. Zhu Xiaonong. Many years ago, when I was a newcomer to linguistics, he introduced me to the possibilities along that path and encouraged me to explore them. Reading and correcting every detail of my thesis is not his style, but his comments often hit the nail on the head. He likes to talk to students in an open-hearted way, as our friend, and invite us to meals at his home. -
The Case Markers in Tona Rukai Revisited
Concentric: Studies in Linguistics 31.2 (December 2005): 1-29 Case Markers in Tona Rukai Revisited: The Distinction between ko and na May Hsiu-mei Wang National Hualien Senior Vocational High School of Commerce This paper aims at reexamining the distinction between the two case markers for common nouns, ko and na, in Tona Rukai, a Formosan language. By studying the corpus established by Zeitoun et al. (2003), this paper argues against the distinction in case and proximity proposed in the literature. Instead, discourse information leads us to propose an anaphoric vs. non-anaphoric distinction.1 Key words: Tona Rukai, Formosan languages, case marker, anaphoric definiteness, discourse, corpus analysis 1. Introduction Rukai is one of the Austronesian languages of Taiwan, commonly referred to as the “Formosan languages”. The Rukai language is distributed in a rather small area in southeastern Taiwan and is spoken by a total population of approximately 10,0002. The language investigated in this paper, Tona, constitutes one of the six major Rukai dialects. It is spoken in the Tona Village (Maolin County, Kaohsiung Prefecture) with a population of about 600. This study is a part of my MA thesis (see Wang 2003). When I started to investigate the usage of NPs in Tona Rukai, the first challenge I encountered was to account for the use and functions of pre-nominal particles, conventionally called “case markers” among Formosanists. Although many studies have focused on case markers from a language-specific or typological perspective (see Zeitoun 1995, 2003, Li 1997a, 1997b and Huang et al. 1998), the distinction that had earlier been reported regarding the two case markers for common nouns, ko and na in Tona Rukai did not completely match my data and was very puzzling. -
Crossing Into Different Lives
IPCF 2020 Issue magazine October 29 2020 October Issue 29 Issue October 2020 Crossing into mukakakua kuparaiaiahlüisa cucu sala'a cucu sala'a kuparaiaiahlüisa mukakakua Different Lives Crossing into Different Lives Different into Crossing “Two roads diverged in a wood, and I took the one less traveled by, and that has made all the difference.” Robert Frost, The Road Not Taken. mukakakua kuparaiaiahlüisa cucu sala'a Words from Publisher Editorial pinadnaden o amizingan so cireng no rarakeh aka no malalavayo a tao pu'kataunan sa parhaway a kushwit Establishment of the Middle Ground Views across Generations Youthful Energy Pumps New Energy into Indigenous Communities o pimasawdan no makeykeylian a tao Traditional villages impose specific age rules and have their own Thau a kataunan lhmazawan ianan mani sa faqlhu a As the number of younger people returning to villages increases, an, pangozayan o cireng no rarakeh do systems to follow. It is always the village elders that provide kushwit, maqa ianan sa manasha wa parhaway mutauniza. a new force starts to form. The younger generation has come into opinions and make decisions on public affairs. However, kabedbedam no asa ka ili a vazavazay; am thuini a parhaway numa sa suma wa miniahala inai a thau contact with other groups within society, bringing back new ideas and when young people return to villages, they are faced with the fresh perspectives. Innovative approaches or solutions can then be sicyakwaya am, no siya mian do keymimili a qbit sa izai a shmuzaq, mapalansuun minfazaq, numa predicament where they cannot voice their opinions freely. Some kmathu sa faqlhu a inagqtu manakataun ; isa kataun derived when discussing issues in the villages.