Journal of Contemporary Sociological Issues, Volume 1, Issue 2 (2021), pp. 24-41 doi: 10.19184/csi.v1i2.20852 ISSN 2723-3456 E-ISSN 2775-2895

The Third Space Formation of Hindu in Sidoarjo Siti Alif Ulfah Universitas Jember [email protected]

Abstract

The article discusses the formation of the third space and articulation of the cultural identity of in Sidoarjo, East . There are social restrictions related to religious articulation, generally, in the discourse of the dominant. On the other hand, there was a minority group tried to represent their identity as Hindus. Those problems are discussed through ethnographic research methods. The research approach uses a post-colonial perspective, particularly theory of the third space (space in between) from Homi K. Bhabha. The result showed that Hindus interpreted and articulated its cultural space by identity negotiation. Through the setting and image of , there are three categories of Sidoarjo’s Hindus: from Sidoarjo, Hinduism from outside Sidoarjo, and Hinduism from . Although there is a mixture of the three categories, they develop strategies in dealing with the dominant discourse. Hindus carry out these strategies by developing a third spatial formation which is shaped by cultural codes and social networks, educational institution and military structure, also through ogoh-ogoh. Thus, the third space for Hindus are productive, dynamic, and negotiate.

Keywords: Hindu community, postcolonial identity, third space

I. INTRODUCTION

This research begins with the demolition of the statue in the Sidoarjo square which is related to the city icon that the local government tries to promote. In 2015, a demonstration effort by a number of Islamic organizations protested against the establishment of the Jayandaru Monument and took down 9 statues representing the various occupations of the Sidoarjo community. The construction of the Jayandaru monument was initiated by a company in the field of shrimp and seafood trade in Sidoarjo. The nine statues are in the form of humans which are considered to violate Islamic values and culture of the Sidoarjo people. The statue was done by an artist from Bali1. The events represented the state legitimizing its power and how the local community negotiated on state power. The square is a public space where people voice their aspirations, interests, demonstrations, and place their opinions through the city concept. The local government deliberately invited artists from Bali who are considered capable of articulating the government's intention of the image of the city. The artist who came from Bali had different style of art work from the dominant discourse in Sidoarjo. Thus, there were clashes with Islamic perspective which considered statues to resemble humans and it was forbidden in Islamic culture. In more detail, this research is based on the figuration of the demolition of the statue in the plaza which were represented by three characters. First, the residents and

1 See more: https://www.merdeka.com/peristiwa/bentuk-manusia-sempurna-monumen-jayandaru- sidoarjo-dianggap-berhala.html Accessed on 24 November 2016 at 16.15 WIB.] 25 | Journal of Contemporary Sociological Issues

the banser who demonstrated to the local government to dismantle the statue because of the contrary to Islamic sharia. At this point, it characterizes the strength of the masses which dominant, therefore this group is used to control the social space in Sidoarjo in the name of Islam. Second, local government that formulates regional policies, including the allocation of funds to create the image of the city and landmarks of Sidoarjo through the statue. As a representation of the state and apparatus that should be able to manage plurality, it is 'challenged' by the dominant power. Third, artists who are imported from Bali with artistic images and Hindu traditions attached to their profession. It marks them as a marginal group that places art and tradition through Hinduism becoming a vulnerable group against dominant forces. Thus, it was interesting to explore the work of articulations outside the dominant group. It is crucial to discuss identity struggle for Hindus as minority group and immigrants from outside Sidoarjo who face the dominant power. The number of Hindus officially recorded as Parisada Hindu Darma (PHDI) Sidoarjo is 450 families spread across 12 sectors in several sub-districts (according to the Chairman of PHDI Sidoarjo). The Hindu Sidoarjo community internally strengthens their existence through institutions within the Parisadha Hindu Indonesia (PHDI) which was initiated by the government to forge synergies between Hindus across the country. And a problem which has not yet been resolved is about a temple which has not received a permit. The Hindus built temple as a place of worship (function of religiosity) to Sang Hyang Widhi (God Almighty). Geertz2 talks about the various functions of temples which are closely related to the existence of Hindus. Temples in Sidoarjo are spread across 3 locations, namely Nirwala Jati Temple in Sekelor, Balongbendo District, then Margo Wening Temple in Balonggarut Village, Krembung District and finally Jala Sidhi Amarta Temple in the Juanda Navy cluster area. The Hindus in Sidoarjo have historical roots but not fully considered to be present. The traces of Hindu heritage in the Sidoarjo can be seen from the remains of artifacts and representations of temple buildings. It was another problem of cultural articulation. Sidoarjo is not only seen from a single narrative based on religion, therefore it is urgent to explore Hindus narration on the one hand and how this religion becomes part of cultural articulation. To emphasize the problematic identity of Hindus in the reflection of Sidoarjo's hegemonic discourse, the research used Bhabha’s work which articulates the importance of identity.3 Bhabha calls it "the third space in the "other", which means there is a space for dialogue between a minority and the dominant power. “The other” is seen from the standpoint of the minority. Thus, there is hybridity space among the dominant discourse. The concept of hybridization is defined as a form of subjectivity of colonial subjects. Subjects are positioned to have awareness of their self and their past, of themselves with who controls them, of themselves with all knowledge systems that position themselves in a social space. From the existing consciousness, the subject

2 Clifford Geertz, Tafsir Kebudayaan (: Kanisius, 1992). 3 Richard King, Agama, Orientalisme, dan Poskolonialisme (Yogyakarta: Qalam, 2001). 26 | The Third Space Formation of Hindu in Sidoarjo

creates a practice that differentiates itself from all the systems that govern itself, by displaying a rift in the unity of the ruling knowledge system, by presenting a multiplicity in the ambivalence of the text, which seems to be always presented as a single, definite and without gap for subject placement rulers.4 The subject is trapped in a dominant space which is beyond his ability and differentiator. Then, the subject looks for an identity that is never fixed in a search. There is a period when the subject becomes fused or maintains an identity. There were identity struggles through a complex representation process and negotiation efforts for the subject's hybrid identity. In the negotiation, subject identity recognizes and denies the falsity that are attached to it and at the same time presents its otherness. In this sense, Bhabha's point his affirmation of the meaning of postcolonial identity.5 In the context of Hinduism in Sidoarjo, the subjects live spread out in complex and diverse habitation. In the daily life of Hindu subjects, a translation appears between their identity and the subjects outside themselves. The research specifically narrates the Hindus articulation in Sidoarjo’s dominant cultural space which is dynamic of spatial modeling in diversity and formations with an industrial setting. Therefore, the problem underlined in the research was about the formation of the third space of the Hindus identity in Sidoarjo. In post-colonial studies, especially Homi K. Bhabha, the third space refers to the space of dominant groups trying to control and monopolize various forms of cultural articulation. However, there were spaces between the minority groups appearing in various ways which can be played. In particular, minority present in the complexities that exist in certain social categories. This qualitative research used ethnographic approach. The ethnographic approach is intended to describe certain groups, ethnicity, race, identity, etc. "Describing" according to Atkinson6 means that researchers are encouraged in sensory abilities and theoretical analysis skills to explore phenomena. The study used a postcolonial perspective which is translated as unresolved problems upon the state and colonialism. The data collection method was purposive technique with observation, interviews, and documentations. In this context, researcher aimed to describe the formation of Hindus in Sidoarjo who are still dealing with negotiations and cultural spaces.

II. CULTURAL ENCOUNTERS: HINDU IDENTITY IN HISTORICAL NARRATIVE

Next to the veranda of the madya temple (the middle part of the temple), in the midst of busy preparations for the Tawur Agung Kasanga (ceremony before Nyepi). Four people gathered to chat with each other. One of them is named Pak Ketut. Previously, the researcher asked Mr. Ketut for permission to participate in a series of ceremonies, then

4 Hery Prasetyo, Development And Uneven Development (Does Democratization Work?) (2012). 5 Martin Lukitto Sinaga, IdentitasPoskolonial “Gereja Suku” dalam Masyarakat Sipil (Yogyakarta: LkiS, 2004). 6 Martin Hammersley & Paul Atkinson, Ethnography Principles in Practice, third ed (New York: Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2007). 27 | Journal of Contemporary Sociological Issues

the researcher approached Mr. Ketut. As the beginning of the research meeting, shake hands with Pak Ketut, and to the others in sequence. The last shake hands, one with a stern gaze, with a shocking tone and a smile he said "Can you shake hands?" Expressions and questions whether or not a handshake can assume that they are creating limitations. This assumption arises from how the subject relates to the shaking moment. He and them as Hindu subjects. As for me, the researcher as a subject who happened to be represented by the researcher as what is called an Islamic idea and entity. Islamic entity, refers to the attributes of the clothes and veils that are being worn. The researcher's visual preference confirms how a question should be asked or not. The subject who said he actually questioned the production of understanding the limits of a Muslim woman when she shook her hand. From the process of meeting and the question of whether or not to shake this hand, the researcher then decided to shake his hand. In a situation like this, the initial process of the researcher with participation in the Hindu community in carrying out the ceremony before Nyepi. The meeting on Monday morning reminded me of a time when the researcher was visiting Pak Nyoman's house some time before. The meeting with Pak Nyoman was about the research permit. From the front view of the house, the house building is different from the houses next to it, with a gate flanked by two statues. Inside, leading to the main door on the right side there is a small carved stone building, there are incense sticks and several flower offerings. The first time he met Pak Nyoman, the researchers' first impression was distracted by the clothes Pak Nyoman was wearing. Senteng, a piece of cloth tied around the waist and wearing a motif sarong and using a bracelet made of several series of threads of red, white and black colors wrapped around the hand. After a while, Pak Nyoman rose to his feet to get udeng between conversations, then put it on. Pak Nyoman emphasized that the clothes worn were clothes worn in Hindu prayers. In the middle of Pak Nyoman's conversation, it can be seen that Pak Nyoman is the chairman of Parisadha Hindu Dharma Indonesia (PHDI) in Sidoarjo. When Pak Nyoman shows the details of his clothing which is an attribute of Hindu prayers, it can be seen that Pak Nyoman is playing his social position as part of the Hindu figure in Sidoarjo to the researcher. In the moment of the two encounters, one of the dimensions that must be analyzed is that when the question is whether or not there are shakes and clothing symbols of the encounter with Hindu subjects, they realize that they are Hindu subjects when they meet other subjects. They translate their Hindu cultural identity when they meet subjects with different identities. Incidentally, it was a different identity that was represented when meeting the researcher. Meanwhile, the clothes Pak Nyoman wore, which were 'shown' to researchers as guests or in other words as not part of their identity, showed an articulate side of who they were. Emphasis on representation of clothing is a product of voicing Hindu identity with a reduction in Pak Nyoman's subjectivity as a Hindu. In the context of this research, Pak Nyoman intends to affirm how Hindus should be projected with such an appearance. 28 | The Third Space Formation of Hindu in Sidoarjo

The utterances and representations of clothing attributes from the meeting with the informants above are signs that indicate who they are to the researcher, becoming the entry point for recognizing and meeting Hindus in Sidoarjo. For researchers this is part of a discursive narrative because they are talking about themselves as Hindus and other people outside of them. This means that this is an encounter of two different entities. In this context, the process of encounter can be interpreted as how they form awareness of Hindu identity. Their awareness as Hindu subjects led to a reading of other entities which could be interpreted in the concept of Bhabha in the postcolonial portrait of I and other. Bhabha emphasized that the question of identity is represented through various forms of reading from oneself (I) and others (the other). In a postcolonial perspective 'the other' has become an entirely different issue of emergence because it rejects the domination of uniformity. In other words, he wants to speak in his language and world.7 According to Bhabha8 the meeting of two entities in the discourse of identity occurs self-reflection and representation in a spatial setting. In line with Bhabha thinking, in the context of the encounter and the introduction of the clothing attributes of the Hindu subject above, which will be the focal point in this section can be found the sign of translating identity about self (I). The Hindu subject as I translates his identity. The concept of self (I) as a Hindu subject is formulated in the cultural experiences and situations that are built. While other is represented by the Hindu subject as a reading of who the other is (the other) in the same space setting. In the case above, this refers to the colonial legacy in the process of subjecting the subject through images. Colonial heritage sees the singularity of the subject with respect to space and time. Then it is articulated through other cultural signs as others. Therefore, the encounter with the Hindu subject above can be identified as a colonial construction. All of these can be said to be stereotypes in forming identity. The identities will continue to be marked to emphasize the differences. Those who are marked are those other (the other).9 At first glance, to initiate a postcolonial analysis of the existence of this Hindu identity in a spatial setting, meeting and visiting one of the Hindu houses, Hindu representations also appear in the Sidoarjo spatial setting. The existence of traces of Hindu heritage has been written by the Sidoarjo history team as an important narrative of how Hinduism became part of the historicity of the formation of the Sidoarjo region. Historical research and collection of Hindu historicity are accompanied by other narratives that address certain topics. In the book, the Hindu narrative clearly explains how during the period of the Jenggala kingdom to the territorial rule by the Dutch. Based on the Sidoarjo History Tracing Team10 Starting in the kingdom era in 1019 to 1042, Sidoarjo is the territory of the Kahuripan kingdom led by a king named Airlangga

7 Martin Lukitto Sinaga, supra note 5. 8 Homi K Bhabha, The Location of Culture (London: Rouledge, 1994). 9 Ibid at 95–96. 10Tim Penelusuran Sejarah Sidoarjo, Jejak Sidoarjo dari Jenggala ke Suriname (Sidoarjo: Ikatan Alumni Pramong Praja Sidoarjo, 2006). 29 | Journal of Contemporary Sociological Issues

(son of Udayana), one of the kingdoms in Bali from Empress Mahendratta. Another Hindu existence in Sidoarjo is a Kamalagyan inscription found. In Siswanto11, the word kalagyan mentioned in the Kamalagyan inscription refers to the name of a village. Kamalagyan is identified as Klagen Village, which is now in Sidoarjo Regency. At this point, the encounter and the beginning of how Hinduism appears in the historical narrative of the city of Sidoarjo. In the narrative of historicity above, Erlangga and the kingdom he ruled, namely the establishment of a Jenggala kingdom in the Sidoarjo region became the point of the Sidoarjo region's existence. Meanwhile, there is evidence of inscriptions in several areas of Sidoarjo indicating the existence of Hindu heritage. However, the historical record keeping does not further investigate that in Sidoarjo there is a narrative of the Hindu community. Behind the obscurity of various Hindu historical texts in Sidoarjo during the colonial period, the tried to control the Sidoarjo regency. During the colonial period there was an attempt to separate the Sidoarjo region from Surabaya. Based on the decision of the Dutch East Indies Government Number: 9/1859 dated January 31, 1859 under the name Sidokare Regency. January 31 is used as the anniversary of the city of Sidoarjo. The name Sidokare was referred to as a bad connotation, then by the decision of the Dutch East Indies Government No. 10/1859 dated 28 May Staatsblad No. 32, the name of Sidokare Regency was changed to the name of Sidoarjo Regency 12. Here it can be seen from the domination (domination) of space summarized in the narrative of Sidoarjo's historicity carried out by the Dutch East Indies government. There has been a leap in the production of knowledge of Hindu identity in Sidoarjo, especially in the translation of the welfare identity of the existence of Hindu entities as I. Prior to the colonial period, Hindu narratives and their cultural origins took root. When the Dutch East Indies came and tried to dominate the Sidoarjo region, the historical roots were broken, their artifacts remained with the evidence of the existence of inscriptions and other Hindu relics in several areas in Sidoarjo. With this, Hindus are dominated by the spatial setting of Sidoarjo and it is important to discuss how the turmoil of identity about itself faces the setting of Sidoarjo city. Then behind the narrative of the historicity of Hindu identity in Sidoarjo, when there is an obfuscation of Hindu history they will struggle to gain access in translating their identity through the polemic of acknowledging Hindu religious practices from the history of the establishment of a temple in Sidoarjo. The Sidoarjo Hindu community at that time, with the journey to build a temple as a place of worship and acceptance of identity is not easy. The plan to build a temple in Balonggarut village, Krembung district was rejected by a group of people and local residents with various accusations. To obtain legality in establishing places of worship, around 1971 Hindus in Sidoarjo took the initiative to

11 Siswanto, “Identifikasi penggunaan Lahan Berdasarkan Sumber Prasasti Abad Ke-11 Masehi di Jawa Timur” (2015) Purbawidya: Jurnal Penelitian dan Pengembangan Arkeologi. 12 Selayang pandang kabupaten Sidoarjo, 2018: Dinas Komunikasi dan Informatika Sidoarjo. http://portal.sidoarjokab.go.id/uploads/2018/07/selayangpandang2018revisi.pdf [accessed on 24 October 2018] 30 | The Third Space Formation of Hindu in Sidoarjo

apply for a permit to establish a temple to the Sidoarjo regency government. For religious needs, a Hindu named Pak Untung donated land in his front yard. In the construction of places of worship, every community should be free and safe and comfortable to worship in accordance with and the 1945 Constitution. In fact, at the local community and village apparatus level, the existence of other religions is still experiencing rejection, threats and destruction of places of worship. Permits to establish places of worship are regulated in the Joint Decree of the Minister of Religion and the Minister of Home Affairs No. 10 of 1969 contains the implementation of the duties of the government apparatus in ensuring order and smooth execution of the development of places of worship and religion by its adherents. Regarding the procedure for the construction of places of worship, this regulation was revised which was later regulated in the Joint Regulation of the Minister of Religion and the Minister of Home Affairs No. 9 and No. 8 of 2006.13 In 1976, there were still rejection and no permit for the temple building. In 1981, for Pak Untung's struggle, Pak Wirai and other Hindus made an approach to the Sidoarjo district court and the Sidoarjo police chief, which was then led by Balinese. Due to this mobilization, a bright point appeared on how this temple was licensed and could be used for prayer activities, even though at that time the construction process had not yet been completed. The temple construction process finally got good results, funding and permits. On January 1, 1992, a temple was inaugurated by the Regent of Sidoarjo, Edhi Sanyoto, with the official name Pura Tirto Wening. Then came an idea to relocate the temple. This continued with the purchase of land and the widening of the temple on the left side which was located only a dozen meters from Pura Tirto Wening, until the Agung Margo Wening temple was built in 2002. In naming the temple, tirto means water, while wening means clear. For the name Margo means road. The process of relocating the Penataran Agung Margo Wening temple took 2 years. The old temple, Tirto Wening temple, is still used by Pak Untung's family to pray. Meanwhile, Pura Margo Wening is a in Sidoarjo. The process of relocating the temple, which later became the family's old temple with a joint decision, did not only reflect the dynamics of Pak Untung's land rights. Instead, it became a strategy that gave direction to the existence of historical memory evidence of Pak Untung's role as a figure who provided services in fighting for the establishment of a temple in the area where he lived. Above the establishment of a temple polemically has emphasized that the integrity of Hindus in fighting for places of prayer opens a space for collective memory for Hindus who live in the Sidoarjo area. The long history of the Margo Wening temple has become the starting point for the articulation of Hindu identity in Sidoarjo because in the process of building the Margo Wening temple there was a polemic of prohibiting the establishment of a temple in the village environment. The polemic on the prohibition of establishing places of worship articulated how religious sentiment was at that time. Pura Margo Wening has

13 https://tirto.id/syarat-syarat-mendirikan-rumah-ibadah-masjid-hingga-gereja-eotQ [diakses pada 10 maret 2020] 31 | Journal of Contemporary Sociological Issues

experienced a history of struggle for identity that is not easy to the process of licensing and the struggle to find a place of worship which is problematic and long, which finally leads to the inauguration of the Sidoarjo Regent It can be said that Pura Margo Wening is the first temple in Sidoarjo and is the pioneer of the establishment of one of the temples in other areas in Sidoarjo. These historical pieces about the articulation of Hindu identity in Sidoarjo create awareness on the Hindu subject. The struggle in an affirmation of identity leaves cultural collective memories. The place of worship as a means of religiosity is a witness that is rooted in the selfhood of the Hindu subject. The polemic on the recognition of places of worship and the existence of Hindus in Sidoarjo in building Hindu awareness through the history of this temple is how Hindus see other entities in Sidoarjo. This is the reason for reading I as a Hindu subject and seeing the other in the Sidoarjo setting. Given Hindu religiosity that is not parallel to the narrative that Hinduism is an important historical part in Sidoarjo. In practice, there was a crack that clearly indicated that Hindus were trying to articulate their identity, which was originally without any protection from the Sidoarjo regency government. It can be assumed that the control of the Sidoarjo area and the Sidoarjo government policy in collecting history has been interrupted without investigating the reality that there are Hindus in Sidoarjo. In reality, there are Hindus in the Sidoarjo area that are contrary to their historical processes. Consequently, in historical narratives they find it difficult to articulate their identity. Meanwhile, it is in this sense that we can understand Bhabha's meaning in his affirmation of the meaning of postcolonial identity through reading how otherness is to territorial control by formulating the anniversary of Sidoarjo regency. Sidoarjo Regency without emphasizing the Hindu narrative afterward, which focuses on the legacy and periodization of the Hindu kingdom. At this point it can be emphasized that Hindu (I) selfishness has awareness of others in the spatial setting of Sidoarjo. Therefore, the image of the autonomous space displayed by Sidoarjo seems to cover the existence of the Hindu discourse itself. The dynamics of Hindu ethnicity and face to face with the appearance of Sidoarjo. The practice of seeking and translating cultural identities, paradoxically, continuity in Sidoarjo's historical record never talks about the existence of Hindus in Sidoarjo. The discourse that appears is in the form of Hindu artifacts in the packaging of royal history and evidence of relics of Hindu statues and inscriptions. Based on this situation, there are boundaries between Hindus who are fighting for their own history and Sidoarjo's identity which discourages the historicity of its territory in the form of a version legitimized by the Sidoarjo government. With the awareness that they are part of the trace of historicity and part of the Hindu subject, Hindu identities interpret and defend their own identities. When encounters and meetings with people outside Hinduism, his expression shows that there is a lingering wound in the hearts of the Sidoarjo Hindus related to the struggle for temple construction and the existence of Hindu resistance at that time. 32 | The Third Space Formation of Hindu in Sidoarjo

In other words, Sidoarjo's anniversary is never seen as part of Hindu identity. There are no cultural rituals or festivals intended specifically to remember that Hinduism is part of Sidoarjo's identity and history. It is as if this anniversary is separate from the identity of the Hindu community. The Hindu community must run independently and the local government runs with the agenda of its people. Why is this history important to discuss, because history or historicity in this research, cultural syncretism is not fully appreciated. They always present Islamic culture, while later communities outside them do not use Hindu cultural codes.

III. HINDU SUBJECTIVITY IN SIDOARJO

Through the setting of the city of Sidoarjo, Hindu identity is no longer a single identity, newcomers emerge and the Hindu identity becomes diverse. Based on data in the field, the diversity of Hindu identities by researchers is divided into 3 categories, including Hindu Sidoarjo, Hinduism from Java outside Sidoarjo, and Hinduism from Bali, then this appears collaboration in unifying Hindu identity. The Hindu subject articulates itself in different articulations. In this regard, the spirit of the city of Sidoarjo with the presence of Hindus in Sidoarjo is that Hinduism in Sidoarjo is no longer talking about a single awareness of narrative. Before the transmigration flow, the narrative of the existence of Hindus who were originally Hindus from local residents in the village of Balong Garut, Krembung district and several in the Sekelor area with evidence of the historical existence of the Margo Wening temple as described in the previous section. Through the setting of the city of Sidoarjo, Hindu identity is no longer a single identity, newcomers emerge and the Hindu identity becomes diverse. Based on data in the field, the diversity of Hindu identities by researchers is divided into 3 categories, including Hindu Sidoarjo, Hinduism from Java outside Sidoarjo, and Hinduism from Bali, then this appears collaboration in unifying Hindu identity. Regarding the 'authentic', the immigrants from Bali claim that the original Balinese Hindu is Bali Aga. Bali Aga which comes from Old Javanese aga, which means "mountains". As a popular term, the term appears for the first time as nothing more than a reasonable and unresponsive description of a population whose main residence is a vast mountainous area that stretches out into the depths of the hilly island of Bali. 14 Reuter15 argues that the Balinese Aga interpret their world and the structure of their relationships, both in banua and in other environments of social interaction, using a principle of order that Reuters calls "precedence". Presedency is the main idea put forward to establish, affirm and compete the positions and status of various individuals and groups in mountainous Bali. Just as the status of Bali Aga in Balinese society as a whole centers on the conceptual differences between the newer arrivals and the original Balinese Aga people who had preceded them, so too is the situation with their own

14 Thomas A Reuters, Custodians of The Sacred Mountains: Budaya dan Masyarakat di Pegunungan Bali (Jakarta: Yayasan Obor Indonesia, 2005). 15 Ibid. 33 | Journal of Contemporary Sociological Issues

internal relations conceptualized by distinguishing between "predecessors" and "heirs". in a great order of development of time, space, and life. Meanwhile, according to Picard16, in the 14th century, royal chronicles reported that Bali was conquered by the royal army from Java, who later founded the palace at Gelgel in the southeast of the island. After Majapahit fell in the early 16th century, legends tell of a massive immigration wave to Bali. from priests, writers, and artists, to avoid the unstoppable pressure of Islam on the island of Java. Simultaneously with this migration, the Hindu Majapahit heritage was brought to the Gelgel palace, which marked the beginning of the heyday of what was later considered the golden age of Bali. The thing that is underlined here is from both Reuters and Picard, that the locality and the transfer of subjects from Java to Bali based on the historicity stated are immigrants or those who inhabit the island of Bali (Bali Aga) having their own identity. Thus, the dynamics of the translation are not limited to locality, as well as how historicity is. A form of collaboration between Hindus in Sidoarjo is a temple building. The Margo Wening temple building characterizes the collaboration of two cultural architecture, namely Java through the Bentar temple and Bali through its carvings. Explicitly, the building of the Margo Wening temple or other temples in Sidoarjo, the Hindus in Sidoarjo agree that the temple belongs together. By consensus, temples in Sidoarjo are ready to be used for prayer and social activities. By combining the two elements above, the shape of the temple building can be identified as a symbol of the strength of space. The point is the reproduction of Hindu identity in collaboration with the form of a place of worship. In their social practice to build social relations with Hindus who spread in Sidoarjo areas, Hindus build the same awareness through social relations in a similar discourse. Discourse practice on one's identity in the dominant discourse and entity through the regional articulation of Hindu dwellings in city spaces. He formed a network with the intention of spreading power relations.17 Initially this network was formed at the Margo Wening temple, Krembung. Hindu figures, intellectuals, and some Hindus in Sidoarjo feel that in quantity there are still many Hindus who are scattered in spaces in Sidoarjo. They took the initiative to form small groups through residential zoning. Starting from 3 zones until now it has spread to 12 zones. They call it a sector, it should be called the sub-district parisadha in the Parisadha regulations. Because from the beginning you have been accustomed to using the word sector, so the pronunciation is still using the word sector. In Sidoarjo regency, it consists of 12 sectors, including: 1 housing sector Deltasari; 2 sectors of the Tamansari; 3 sectors of Waru; 4 Tropodo sectors; 5 Juanda sectors; 6 Gedangan sectors; 7 City sectors; 8 sectors of the temple; 9 Tanggulangin sectors; 10 Krembung sectors; 11 sectors of Trosobo; and Sekelor's newest sector (figure 1).

16 Michel Picard, Bali: Pariwisata Budaya dan Budaya Pariwisata (Jakarta: kepustakaan Populer Gramedia, 2006). 17 M Foucault, Arkeologi Pengetahuan (Yogyakarta: IRCiSoD, 2012). 34 | The Third Space Formation of Hindu in Sidoarjo

Figure 1. Distribution of 12 Hindu Sectors in Sidoarjo

From all 12 sectors. In terms of distribution and quantity, Waru has the largest 4 sectors, including: the Deltasari sector, the Tamansari sector, the waru sector, and the Tropodo sector. These 4 sectors are likened to a location close to the city of Surabaya. In the map image, the distribution of the 12 sectors appears to be uneven in various sub- districts in Sidoarjo. The largest sector is in the northern region, while in each of the three temples in Sidoarjo there are respective sectors, in Sekelor, Krembung and Juanda (TNI AL complex) the rest occupy around the city center. The number of sectors can increase according to the distribution of the residences of the Sidoarjo Hindus, The existence of a sector also characterizes their recording, legitimacy and their existence in occupying spaces in Sidoarjo. Remarkably, this affirmation of identity does not characterize a conflict between Hinduism for Java or Hinduism for Bali. they liken themselves to the same, because they are united in the religious element, namely Hinduism. The sector work idea characterizes the values of solidarity and unity among Hindus in Sidoarjo. Sector division is one form of practice that organizes social existence and social reproduction of Hindus in Sidoarjo. The idea of a mapping with 12 sectors spread out can reinforce Hindu subjects of the importance of internal networking. In terms of temporality, social activities are not only centered in temples, but based on mutual agreement can visit each other to the residence of one Hindu or other activities. In this sense, they are no longer single, they become diverse. The Hindu community in diversity and diversity, although within social distance and administrative boundaries of the country and geographically separated, they are mutually reinforcing as a Hindu minority group in Sidoarjo, connecting social networks, and building communal ties. The division of 12 sectors in Sidoarjo is a strategic way of dividing territories similar to a systematic and structured military. The mention of the informants should be Parisdaha Kecamatan, not the sector. In addition, the militaristic concept is not only in the division of sectors, seen from using a military base for places of worship (TNI AL complex), some Hindus are military, and a military surveillance system.

35 | Journal of Contemporary Sociological Issues

IV. THE THIRD SPACE FORMATION OF HINDU IDENTITY This part focuses on acceptance or intermediate elements which are dominant and positioned marginally through the concept of subjectivity of Hindus in Sidoarjo in the third space. This third space was showing the ways and creative power of the Hindu Sidoarjo community to shape their social practices in Sidoarjo's dominant space. The conception of "diversity in diversity", is not only translated "different but one thing" where the Ministry of Education and Culture translates differently. "Divide it, but one thing too" was literal translation emphasized in the article of Parisadha Hindu Dharma Indonesia (PHDI) about syncretism.18 A. Formation through Cultural Codes and Social Networks The existence of Hindus spread in several areas, this is inevitable because of social interaction with local residents. Among them were elected to be the head of the RT in their area of residence. One of the moments of social interaction is the walima invitation. Walima or in Sidoarjo can be called kenduren or selametan. Walima is a celebratory ceremony performed by the community, usually commemorating births, a series of wedding ceremonies, and death, and so on in Islam. As experienced by informant Pak Nyoman S., as a Hindu, he often received walima invitations from local residents. The concept of walima or kenduren or slametan is a Javanese religious system. According to Geertz19 Slametan is the Javanese version of what is perhaps the most common religious ceremony in the world, the communal feast. Equal in almost all places, it symbolizes the mystical and social unity of those who participate in it. Handai taulan, neighbors, coworkers, relatives, local spirits, dead ancestors and almost forgotten gods all sit together, bound in certain social groups vowing to help and cooperate. Geertz's findings20 show that the slametan in some Modjokuto communities is one of the abangan groups' media in expressing their religious face in basic and complex variations. This is different from the data found by Beatty21, a slametan is a meal ceremony consisting of offerings, symbolic food, official greetings, and prayers where the slametan ceremony participants see it as an integral part of their lives as integral beings of their lives as social beings and understanding of themselves as Javanese; they see it as a summary of local traditions. Beatty's findings22 show that in the Bayu community through the slametan, people usually gather and agree on the slametan rite, but there is a multivocality of views of the individual slametan participants. Beatty's criticism of Geertz was that the slametan was attended by 3 groups, not only the abangan group. Because in selametan is a forum for shared accommodation, an attitude to accept each other's differences.

18 For comparison see further at https://kebudayaan.kemdikbud.go.id/bpcbbali/bhinneka-tunggal- ika/ [accessed 20 April 2020] 19 Clifford Geertz, supra note 2. 20 Ibid at 7. 21 Andrew Beatty, Variasi Agama di Jawa: Suatu Pendekatan Antropologi (Jakarta: PT Grafindo Persada, 2001). 22 Ibid. 36 | The Third Space Formation of Hindu in Sidoarjo

The involvement of the subject in the social interaction platform through walima also offends the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and the Cak Nun figure. Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and the figure of Cak Nun are cultural discourses that are considered to accept pluralist space. It can be analyzed that he built awareness by looking for a Hindu space with Islam. This can be interpreted as a strategy to build space by creating power awareness (knowledge). It can be assumed that the issue of belief cannot be debated, but can be brought together in the translation of symbols, namely cultural moments and codes through the walima ceremony, which can be understood by the structure of their consciousness. In addition, there are strategic efforts made by Hindus who are involved in self- involvement through social networks in groups at inter-religious forums and other communities in Sidoarjo. Namely the Forum for Religious Harmony (FKUB), the Indonesian Community Sports and Recreation Federation (FORMI), involvement in Gus Durian's activities, Semalam (Ethnic Community in Sidoarjo) and other eventualism. Hindu involvement through a network of Forum for Religious Harmony at the provincial and district / city levels. Furthermore, Hindu involvement through the Indonesian Community Sports and Recreation Forum (FORMI). In specific activities, Hindus display their existence through their culture, namely Balinese culture, specifically through the traditional Balinese art of baleganjur. Baleganjur is a group of lines playing the gamelan. On another occasion, in an event commemorating the Anniversary of Sidoarjo Regency, Hindu youths performed baleganjur on behalf of FORMI. This opportunity really attracted the enthusiasm of the community who watched a series of parades at the event because of the lively sound of and gamelan as well as the ogoh-ogoh carried by Hindu youths in Sidoarjo. Based on the participation of Hindus in the social networks in Sidoarjo, this is a form of group networking between religious communities and other groups. Hindus develop themselves by forming an "intermediate space" by meeting various entities and having dialogue. These group networks are interpreted as a forum for self-exploration in the community and government legitimacy. Various forms of voicing are carried out as confirmation and existence of the identity of Hindu Sidoarjo people. B. Formation in the Military Structure and Educational Institutions Involvement in the formation of the third space for Hindus in Sidoarjo through the police structure in supervising the Tawur Agung Kesanga Ceremony at Pura Margo Wening in Krembung. The involvement of the state apparatus from the police, navy, and muspika can be assumed as an effort to strengthen identity by building relationships between them. Apart from building social relations with the state structure, there is also the involvement of disciplinary forms that can be articulated in the form of supervision and security of the state apparatus in major Hindu festivals in the local environment. This relationship does not only take place over the moment of the ceremony, but in two directions. When the police asked for help to make ogoh-ogoh during the Bhayangkara Day celebration. In the case in Sidoarjo, there is a Sunday school for children and 37 | Journal of Contemporary Sociological Issues

adolescents according to class level receiving Hindu religious teachings. This school is called pasraman. Pasraman or Hindu religious school is held in the temple area. At school they should get religious education lessons and materials. The holding of a Sunday school in addition to the existence of learning in the religious field, as well as providing learning material that is not found in schools due to the lack of Hindu students in the school. The requirement for Hindu religious learning (brought in by Hindu teachers) in schools is if the school has at least 15 Hindu students. If a school does not have Hindu students, it must look at the closest school. For example, SMA 1 (Senior High School 1) has eight Hindu students, by looking at the next / closest school, for example SMA 2 (Senior High School 2) which turns out to be seven. Between the two senior high schools, both must agree at one time to call the teacher to SMA 1 or SMA 2. With the system, Hindu students are joined in one of these schools to get Hindu religious lessons. The problem is that sometimes there are only one or two Hindu students in the school, which makes it impossible to combine classes. The consequence is that they have to find places outside and outside of school to study Hinduism. This is the reason for the existence of Hindu religious learning activities in pasraman. The beginning of the formation of pasraman, a learning situation with the lesehan system in temples. Then it was felt that the number of students was increasing, a comfortable study space was built around the temple. So to get religious values in school, Pasraman teachers have the right to give grades. It is impossible for schools to give questions without a Hindu religious teacher. Finally, the school entrusted teachers in Pasraman to make Hindu religious questions according to the Minimum Completion Criteria (KKM) for each school. Then the teacher at Pasraman gave questions to be worked on in each student's school. The thing that will be analyzed in the field of Hindu educational institutions is the failure of the government to discipline marginalized groups. Educational institutions are limited in quantity due to the number of students and regulations bringing in teachers to schools. This shows how to deal with the dominant religion. Sunday school through pasraman is a unique form of strategy because it is integrated by formal institutions. The point is that pasramanan is both a religious basis as well as an educational basis and is hereby placed with social / cultural relations. On this basis, the government cannot directly monitor the teaching and learning process by establishing a standard curriculum in Pasraman. C. Formation Through Ogoh-ogoh In the context of cultural events, Hindus seem to reinforce their cultural identity through the implementation of the tawur agung kesanga ceremony. The word tawur, nawur means to pay, or return. As a thank you for a year for taking everything in nature. Meanwhile, the word kesanga means the ninth. This means that it falls on the month of Tilem Sasih Kesanga (9th), while Nyepi is entering the 1st year of Saka Sasih Kedasa (10th). In the tawur agung ceremony, there is a mecaru ritual, which is making offerings to bhuta kala. After that, the ritual of pengerupukan, this part is intended to harmonize the natural conditions with the burning of ogoh-ogoh. Its purpose is to burn off the evil 38 | The Third Space Formation of Hindu in Sidoarjo

qualities of butha kala. In the Tawur Agung Kasanga ceremony there is a philosophical concept of Tri Hita Karana. The concept of the Tri Hita Karana philosophy is taken from Hindu teachings and then manifested in cultural activities. Through Tawur Agung Kesanga and ending with burning ogoh-ogoh, it represents a form of affirmation of the Tri Hita Karana philosophy. In the Tawur Agung Kasanga ceremony, the person who voices the concept of Tri Hita Karana is an elite figure. The Hindu elite figure in Sidoarjo has successfully voiced the meaning of the ritual of the Tawur Agung ceremony and a series of other ceremonies through the articulation of Tri Hita Karana's philosophy to the media regarding philosophical discourse in Sidoarjo. Namely, there are Hindus who are carrying out the ceremonial rituals before Nyepi. Questioning about the form of the ceremony, for Hindus integrated into 3 frameworks of Hindu life. The first is tatwa, which means aqidah or philosophy, the second is sila, which means behavior or moral order, the third is ceremony. An analogy of how the life behavior of Hindus through the egg symbol reflects how the patterns of commitment and awareness of each Hindu subject become an integral unit.23 The closing ceremony at the Tawur Agung Kasanga Ceremony is the burning of ogoh-ogoh which was previously paraded at an intersection. The reason the large crossroad is the peak location for the ogoh-ogoh procession is that for Hindus, it is a great location, because it is the point where currents in all directions meet. East, west, north, and south are representations of each god. It is the same as the representation of worship during the mecaru ceremony. Ogoh-ogoh as a symbol of bhuta kala or a symbol of evil things with a large narrative pull. A narrative of how nature is interpreted as space with all its complexity through mapping the binary concepts of great (big) and alit (small); and Sekala (real) and Niskala (virtual). A series of ceremonial ceremonies can be suddenly mystical and can be contextualized in cultural situations. The symbols implied in the ogoh-ogoh or in the ceremonial ritual of Tawur Agung Kesanga are a sign of a form of cultural identity. They interpret the stages in detail. Details can be generalized into a concept of cultural rites and an expression of identity. This cultural event allows a large variety of discourses to spread among the subjects who are present at this ceremony. Foucault said that the subject should not be seen as a conscious and autonomous subject. The subject must be seen as a discourse locus that is spread out and decentralized, and diverse.24 Referring to all of that, the tawur agung kesanga ceremony featured a large discourse that was disseminated, namely the Tri Hita Karana philosophy concept. This concept is brought about by Hindu subjects who are inherent in their historicity and daily rituals. There is a subject who is likened to having the right to voice this Tri Hita Karana philosophical discourse. Namely the elite who has dominant power to voice it. At this

23 Ibid at 323. 24 Madan Sarup, Posstrukturalisme dan Posmodernisme, Sebuah Pengantar Klasik (Yogyakarta: Penerbit Jendela, 2003) at 127–128. 39 | Journal of Contemporary Sociological Issues

moment, the media is very interested in covering a series of ceremonial activities. By linking it to another major discourse, namely Islam, the elite can bring the trauma of historicity and identity narratives to the media. This shows the context brought by Hindu subjects in Sidoarjo to cultural events, namely the affirmation of cultural identity. This cultural event continued in the procession of ogoh-ogoh, cultural identity was emphasized by the large number of masses who participated enthusiastically watching the ogoh procession to the burning of the ogoh-ogoh. In today's accelerated technological era, the masses are competing to capture the moment and document it via cellphone cameras. Fighting for space to get closer to the creepy ogoh-ogoh figures. Behind that, the meaning of ogoh-ogoh which with symbolic and magical work is conveyed towards the meaning of cultural identity. That this is part of the existence of Hindus in Sidoarjo which can be represented. In spatial causality, this temple is located far from the heart of Sidoarjo. For Hindus, through the media of this cultural event, Sidoarjo is not truly singular. But rather complexity that can still be built in its own way through the cultural events they display. In Sidoarjo, in all of these, the question of how the relationship is built in a vague alias appears the habituation for non-Hindu subjects that there is another identity, namely Hindu identity. Ogoh-ogoh is made of materials such as paper, sterofom, rubber, and so on. Ogoh-ogoh in the Javanese and Sanskrit dictionaries is not identified, but according to the Balinese dictionary, ogoh-ogoh means a kind of statue made of bamboo and paper in the form of Buthakala or giant.25 On another occasion, for the first time the Youth of Karang Taruna Hindu Sidoarjo made ogoh-ogoh independently. They combine to make three ogoh-ogoh at once. The process began in early January 2017, involving artists who were imported from Bali. one of the ogoh-ogoh is named Leak NKRI. ogoh-ogoh which is called Leak NKRI is made as scary as possible as a representation of giant butha. For them, the NKRI leak was deliberately made, the symbol of the rulers and leaders who oppress the people is a giant. They consider the bully is the same as that of the giants. Leak NKRI also participated in enlivening the Sidoarjo Regency Anniversary with the theme . At the event, various performances were enlivened, starting from official agencies, communities, and representatives from sub-districts in Sidoarjo. Things to be analyzed here are through the sacred ceremony of the tawur ceremony of Agung Kesanga, the creativity of youth groups in Hindu Sidoarjo to work hard to make ogoh- ogoh Leak NKRI, as well as involvement in the Sidoarjo regency anniversary event which signifies the creation of a 'third space' to the mass base. The point is with the interest of the media and the masses who witness the procession of ogoh-ogoh as a form of voice of identity. Through ogoh-ogoh, they interpreted and created the instruments of consciousness in the power formation. They do not need to be recognized with the assumption that they are not productive or that there is no way of negotiation, but they

25 M S Al Fattah, Tradisi Upacara Ogoh-ogoh (Surabaya: Departemen Antropologi Universitas Airlangga, 2017). 40 | The Third Space Formation of Hindu in Sidoarjo

voice their identity through ideas, strategies, and creative power. Hindus in Sidoarjo are adapting themselves to survive in a changing context. The identity formation flowed along with the unstoppable third spatial motion. The third space of the Bhabha thus makes an important contribution to understanding cultural encounter. Implicit Bhabha argues that cultural identity is not an innate identity that has been given since birth from a vacuum. Cultural identity is not a predestined entity. It cannot be reduced, nor is the characteristic of ahistorical culture that determines cultural convection.26 Thus, cultural codes continue to change, through the third space, break the code and continue to shape the material form of the Hindu Sidoarjo subject. Borrowing the term peanut does not forget the skin that genealogy, ritual practice, and social structure are elements that support the construction of identity.27 In the context of Hindu Identity in Sidoarjo, that identity cannot be ruled out without affirmation from the Hindu subject itself. There is an alternative space that can be entered in that the identity under dominant discourse can voice and articulate its identity in its own way to seek and continue to represent. Thus, the experience of the Hindu subject, individually translates Hindu identity in Sidoarjo narrative as a cultural identity in the spatial city of Sidoarjo.

III. CONCLUSION The historical records in Sidoarjo never mention the existence of Hindus. The discourse appeared is the periodization of Hinduism in the packaging of artifacts without seeing the subjectivity and Hindu identity. Based on the situation, there were boundaries between Hindus as a community that was struggling for its own history and local identity which discourages the Sidoarjo local government's version of historicity. Hindu identity interprets and articulates its own identity which resulted three categories of Sidoarjo Hindus. This category is divided into three parts, namely Hinduism from Sidoarjo, Hinduism from outside Sidoarjo, and Hinduism from Bali. These categories merged and collaborated in the inauguration of the pedanda from Sidoarjo, a form of temple building and a sector platform to connect the bonds to one another by Hindus in Sidoarjo. It indicated the plurality of Hindus in Sidoarjo formed by their cultural spaces.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS None

COMPETING INTERESTS None

REFERENCES

26 Sutrisno & Hendar Putranto, Hermeneutika Pascakolonial Soal Identitas (Yogyakarta: Kanisius, 2008). 27 Minako Sakai, Kacang Tidak Lupa Kulitnya: Identitas Gumay, Islam, dan Merantau di Sumatera Selatan (Jakarta: Yayasan Pustaka Obor Indonesia, 2017). 41 | Journal of Contemporary Sociological Issues

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