MEDIAEVISTIK Internationale Zeitschrift für interdisziplinäre Mittelalterforschung

Herausgegeben von Peter Dinzelbacher

Band 21 • 2 0 0 8

P€T€R LANG Frankfurt am Main • Berlin • Bern • Bruxelles • New York • Oxford • Wien Wandmalerei in der Kirche von Raasted bei Aarhus

Der romanische Zyklus von ,Kalkmalereien‘ in dieser ostjütländi- schen Kirche ist sowohl wegen seiner guten Erhaltung als auch seines frühen Datums (um 1125) bekannt. Die erste Sünde, der Ungehorsam Adams und Evas, ist am nördlichen Triumphbogen dem ersten Mord, dem Kains an Abel, gegenübergestellt. Die Ureltern erkennen, wie ihre Gesten zeigen, bereits ihre Nacktheit, womit, wie häufig, zwei hintereinander liegende Momente verschmolzen werden. Die sichere und ästhetische Linienführung verweist auf ein erfahrenes Atelier; die Farbigkeit ist wie stets in der dänischen Wandmalerei gedämpft: Hellblauer Hintergrund und gelbliches Inkarnat.

(Bild und Text: Peter Dinzelbacher)

Dieser Ausgabe liegt ein Prospekt des Aschendorff Verlages bei. Wir bitten um freundliche Beachtung.

ISSN 2199-806X0934-7453

© Peter Lang GmbH Internationaler Verlag der Wissenschaften Frankfurt am Main 2009 Alle Rechte vorbehalten.

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www.peterlang.de Mediaevistik 21 • 2008 1

Inhalt

Aufsätze A. CLASSEN, Der Gürtel als Objekt und Symbol in der Literatur des Mittel­ alters ______11 P. DINZELBACHER, Der mittelalterliche Kraftgürtel______39 L. IRLENBUSCH-REYNARD, L'européanisation des idéaux humains en Scandinavie au XIIIe siècle______49 D. KAGAY, The Murder of the Abbot: A Homicide and its Wider Impact in Fourteenth-Century Catalonia______87 J. KROESEN, From Mosques to Cathedrals: Converting Sacred Space Dur­ ing the Spanish Reconquest______113

Edition

A. CLASSEN, P. DINZELBACHER, Futilitates Germanicae medii aevi redivivae______13 9

Rezensionen

Gesamtes Mittelalter

Reading the Middle Ages. Sources from Europe, Byzantium, and the Islamic World. Ed. B. ROSENWEIN (A. CLASSEN)______159 G. SCHEIBELREITER, Hg., Höhepunkte des Mittelalters (A. CLASSEN) _ 161 A. CLASSEN ed., Childhood in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance (J. GLOWA)______162 B.-U. HERGEMÖLLER, Die Kindlein spotten meiner schier. Quellen und Reflexionen zu den Alten und zum Vergreisungsprozeß im Mittelalter (A. CLASSEN)______165 A. NEDKVITNE, Mötet med döden i norrön medeltid (T. BIRKMANN)______167 D. WASSENHOVEN, Skandinavier unterwegs in Europa (1000-1250) (T. NYBERG)______169 J. PERCAN, Femina dulce malum. La donna nella letteratura medievale lati- na (E. CESCUTTI)______172 R. MAZO KARRAS, Sexuality in Medieval Europe / Sexualität im Mittelal­ ter (S. VANDERPUTTEN)______175 J. VERDON, L'Amour au Moyen Age (M. RUS)______177 2 Mediaevistik 21 • 2008

C. McCARTHY, Marriage in Medieval England. Law Literature and Practice / Ders., ed., Love, Sex and Marriage in the Middle Ages (P. DINZEL- B ACHER)______179 Arbeit im Mittelalter, hg. von V. POSTEL (A. CASSEN)______180 R. JONES, M. PAGE, Medieval Villages in an English Landscape (C. DE­ LIGNE)______183 Household, Women, and Christianities in Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages. Ed. A. MULDER-BAKKER, J. WOGAN-BROWNE (M. GRAF)____ 187 E. GRANT, Science and Religion, 400 B.C. to A.D. 1550 (F. AMERINI)___ 191 ,A great Effusion of Blood'? Interpreting Medieval Violence. Ed. M. MEYERSON u.a. (P. DINZELB ACHER)______194 K. DE VRIES, A Cumulative Bibliography of Medieval Military History and Technology (P. DINZELB ACHER)______196 H. HECKER (Hrsg.), Krieg in Mittelalter und Renaissance (S. TER BRAAKE)______197 O. WAGENER, H. LASS (Hgg.), ... würfen hin in steine / gröze und niht kleine ... Belagerungen und Belagerungsanlagen im Mittelalter (H.-W. HEINE)______199 J.-D. LEPAGE, The Fortifications of Paris (A. CLASSEN)______201 A. ALDUC-LE BAGOUSSE (Hg.), Inhumations et édifices religieux au Moyen Âge entre Loire et Seine (W. HEINZ)______203 M.-A. WAGNER, Le cheval dans les croyances germaniques (P. DINZEL- BACHER)______207 C. WALCH, Entwurf einer vollständigen Historie der Ketzereien VI-X (P. DINZELBACHER)______210 Prophecy, Apocalypse and the Day of Doom, ed. N. MORGAN (P. DINZEL­ BACHER) ______212 D. HARMENING, Wörterbuch des Aberglaubens (P. DINZELBACHER)__ 214 Communicating with the Spirits. Ed. G. KLANICZAY u.a. (P. KREUTER) _ 215 G. MENSCHING ed., Selbstbewußtsein und Person im Mittelalter (H. KRAML)______218 Progrès, Réaction, Décadence dans L'Occident Médiévale. Ed. E. BAUM­ GARTNER, L. HARF-LANCNER (A. CLASSEN)______222 V. MOBERG, A History of the Swedish People. From Prehistory to the Ren­ aissance (L. VAN WEZEL)______224 Buchkultur im Mittelalter: Schrift - Bild - Kommunikation. Hg. v. M. STOLZ (H. VOGELER)______227 Writing Medieval History, ed. N. PARTNER (D. RANDO)______228 Mediaevistik 21 • 2008 3

R. SCHIEFFER, J. WENTA edd., Die Hofgeschichtsschreibung im mittelal­ terlichen Europa (S. VANDERPUTTEN)______231 E. KOOPER (Hg.), The Medieval Chronicle III (H. REIMANN)______234 W. MARVIN, Hunting Law and Ritual in Medieval English Literature (G. KOHL)______236 H.-D. HEIMANN, P. MONNET (Hg.), Kommunikation mit dem Ich. Signa­ turen der Selbstzeugnisforschung an europäischen Beispielen des 12. bis 16. Jahrhunderts (P. DINZELBACHER)______238 Framing the Family: Narrative and Representation in the Medieval and Early Modem Periods, ed. R. VOADEN, D. WOLFTHAL (A. CLASSEN)______239 The Voyage of St Brendan. Representative Versions of the Legend, ed. W. BARRON, G. BURGESS (P. DINZELBACHER)______240 Lexique Latin-Français. Antiquité et Moyen Age, ed. M. PARISSE (P. DIN­ ZELBACHER) ______241 L. JIROUSKOVÀ, Die Visio Pauli (P. DINZELBACHER)______242 M. GOTTSCHALD, Deutsche Namenkunde (J. JEEP)______244 A.SCHÖNBACH, Studien zur Erzählungsliteratur des Mittelalters I-IV (P. DINZELBACHER)______245 M. DESMOND, Ovid's Art and the Wife of Bath. The Ethics of Erotic Vio­ lence (A. CLASSEN)______246 F. OHLY, Sensus Spiritualis. Studies in Medieval Signifies and the Philology of Culture (A. CLASSEN) ______249 König Artus lebt! Hg. S. ZIMMER (A. CLASSEN)______251 S. ZIMMER, Die keltischen Wurzeln der Artussage (A. CLASSEN)______254 The Fortunes of King Arthur. Ed. N. LAC Y (A. CLASSEN)______256 B._BURRICHTER, Erzählte Labyrinthe und labyrintisches Erzählen. Roma­ nische Literatur des Mittelalters und der Renaissance (A. CLASSEN)______257 A. ARNULF, Architektur- und Kunstbeschreibungen von der Antike bis zum 16. Jahrhundert (P. DINZELBACHER)______259 J. DALARUN (Hg.), Das leuchtende Mittelalter (P. DINZELBACHER)____ 261 Medioevo: immagini e ideologie. Atti... a c. di A. QUINTAVALLE (P. DIN­ ZELBACHER) ______262 R. MELLINKOFF, Averting Demons. The Protective Power of Medieval Visual Motifs and Themes (E. DEN HARTOG)______263 Medieval Mastery. Book Illumination from Charlemagne to Charles the Bold, 800-1475, ed. L. PREEDY (A. CLASSEN)______267 Secular Sacred. 11th - 16th Century. Works from the Boston Public Library and the Museum of Fine Arts, ed. N. NETZER (A. CLASSEN)______268 4 Mediaevistik 21 • 2008

R. LIDDIARD, Castles in Context. Power, Symbolism and Landscape, 1066 to 1500 (H.-W. HEINE)______269 S. LANDSBERG, The Medieval Garden (A. CLASSEN)______273 Mittelalter und Renaissance in honorem Fritz Wagner, hg. A. LOZAR u.a. (A. CLASSEN)______275 F. WAGNER, Philologia sacra cisterciensis (P. DINZELBACHER)______276

Frühmittelalter

M. KNAUT, D. QUAST (Hg.), Die Völkerwanderung (G. CECCHONI)___ 277 From Roman Provinces to Medieval Kingdoms, ed. T. NOBLE (P. DINZEL­ BACHER) ______279 N. CHRISTIE, From Constantine to Charlemagne. An Archaeology of Italy AD 300-800 (P. DINZELBACHER)______282 Charlemagne. Empire and Society, ed. J. STORY (J. FÜHRER)______284 I. HEITMEIER, Das Inntal. Siedlungs- und Raumentwicklung eines Alpenta­ les... von der römischen Okkupation bis in die Zeit Karls des Großen (G. CECCONI)______286 J. LAUD AGE u.a., Die Zeit der Karolinger (A. CLASSEN)______289 A. MOHR, Das Wissen über die Ändern. Zur Darstellung fremder Völker in den fränkischen Quellen der Karolingerzeit (P. DINZELBACHER)______291 Neue Forschungen zum frühen Burgenbau, hg. v. d. Wartburg-Gesellschaft (O. WAGENER)______293 C. PASTERNACK, L. WESTON, eds., Sex and Sexuality in Anglo-Saxon England (O. TRAXEL)______295 M. GOULLET, M. HEINZELMANN ed., La réécriture hagiographique dans TOccident médiéval (S. VANDERPUTTEN)______298 Bonifatius in Mainz. Hg. v. B. NICHTWEISS (M. GRAF)______302 M. GLATTHAAR, Bonifatius und das Sakrileg (C. CHANDLER)______306 B. FILOTAS, Pagan Survivals, Superstitions and Popular Cultures in Early Medieval Pastoral Literature (P. DINZELBACHER)______308 A. SCHALLER, Der Erzengel Michael im frühen Mittelalter (M. GRAF)___ 310 C. BOWLUS, The Battle of Lechfeld and its Aftermath, August 955 (O. MÜNSCH)______315 W. CORSSEN, Über Aussprache, Vokalismus und Betonung der lateinischen Sprache (P. DINZELBACHER)______320 Cassianus, Collationes, ed. M. PETSCHENIG (P. DINZELBACHER)_____ 321 Mediaevistik 21 • 2008 5

Lettere originali del Medioevo latino (VII-XI. sec.) I: Italia, a c. di A. PETRUCCI (R. VOGELER)______321 H. WOLFRAM, ed., Quellen zur Salzburger Frühgeschichte (D. FOOTE)__ 323 Rosvita de Gandersheim, Obras Completas, tr. J. MARTOS, R. MORENO SOLDEVILA (A. CLASSEN)______326 Early Germanic Literature and Culture, ed. B. MURDOCH, M. READ (G. LANGE)______327 R. SCHÜTZEICHEL, Althochdeutsches Wörterbuch (J. JEEP)______328 Name und Gesellschaft im Frühmittelalter, hg. v. D. GEUENICH, I. RUNDE (J. JEEP)______330 Otfrid von Weißenburg. Evangelienbuch. Band I. Ed. W. KLEIBER, R. HEUSER (J. JEEP)______332 Katalog der althochdeutschen und altsächsischen Glossenhandschriften. Be­ arbeitet von R. BERGMANN u.a. (J. JEEP) ______333 W. BRAUNE, Althochdeutsche Grammatik / R. SCHRODT, Althochdeut­ sche Grammatik (J. JEEP)______335 W. BECK, Die Merseburger Zaubersprüche (P. DINZELB ACHER)______337 O. MAZAL, Frühmittelalter (Geschichte der Buchkultur 3) (P. DINZEL- BACHER)______339 C. McCLENDON, The Origins of Medieval Architecture / M. UNTER­ MANN, Architektur im frühen Mittelalter (P. DINZELB ACHER)______341 Frühe Kirchen im östlichen Alpengebiet. Von der Spätantike bis in ottonische Zeit, hg. v. H. SENNHAUSER (D. ZIEMANN)______342 W. CUPPERI (ed.), Senso delle rovine e riuso dell'antico (L. BOSMAN)___ 348 S. OEHRL, Zur Deutung anthropomorpher und theriomorpher Bilddarstel­ lungen auf den spätwikingerzeitlichen Runensteinen Schwedens (B. MUR­ DOCH) ______3 51

Hochmittelalter

J.-L. FRA Y, Villes et bourgs de Lorraine. Réseaux urbains et centralité au moyen âge (O. MÜNSCH)______355 J. FRANCE (Hg.), Medieval Warfare 1000-1300 (O. WAGENER)______357 Kein Krieg ist heilig. Die Kreuzzüge. Hg. v. H.-J. KOTZUR / Saladin und die Kreuzfahrer. Hg. v. A. WIECZOREK (P. DINZELBACHER)______359 S. BORCHERT, Herzog Otto von Northeim (um 1025-1083) (T. HEIK- KILÄ)______361 F. BEDÜRFTIG, Die Staufer (A. CLASSEN)______363 6 Mediaevistik 21 • 2008

K. CUSHING, Reform and the Papacy in the Eleventh Century (J. JOHRENDT)______365 San Bruno di Colonia: un eremita tra Oriente e Occidente, ed. P. DE LEO (P. DINZELBACHER)______367 A. SMITS, Arnold van Tiegem ridder - bisschop (P. DINZELBACHER)___ 367 A. THOMPSON, Cities of God. The Religion of the Italian Communes 1125 - 1325 (I. EBERL)______368 International Mobility in the Military Orders, hg. v. H. NICHOLSON, J. BURGTORF (O. MÜNSCH)______370 K.-P. KIRSTEIN, Die lateinischen Patriarchen von Jerusalem. Von der Er­ oberung der Heiligen Stadt durch die Kreuzfahrer 1099 bis zum Ende der Kreuzfahrerstaaten 1291 (M. MATZKE)______373 Juden, Christen und Muslime. Religionsdialoge im Mittelalter. Hg. von M. LUTZ-BACHMANN, A. FIDORA (A. CLASSEN)______378 A. FIJAL u.a. (Hgg.), Juristen werdent herren üf erden (H. MAIHOLD)____ 380 L. MORTENSEN, The Making of Christian Myths in the Periphery of Latin Christendom (J. LYON) ______3 83 Petrus Alfonsi, Dialogue against the Jews. Trans. I. RESNICK (A. CLAS­ SEN) ______3 84 Die Viten Gottfrieds von Cappenberg, hg. v. G. NIEMEYER u.a. (P. DIN­ ZELBACHER) ______3 85 J.-C. SCHMITT, Die Bekehrung Hermanns des Juden (M. LÄMMERHIRT) _ 387 D. BOQUET, L'ordre de l'affect au Moyen Âge. Autour de l'anthropologie affective d'Aelred de Rievaulx (C. FERNÀNDEZ) ______389 Elisabeth von Schönau, Werke, übers. P. DINZELBACHER (B. LANG)___ 395 C. NEDERMAN, John of Salisbury (A. CLASSEN)______397 Beati Iordanis de Saxonia sermones edidit P.-B. HODEL (P. DINZEL­ BACHER) ______398 An Anthology of Medieval Love Debate Poetry. Trans.and ed. edd. B. ALTMANN, R. PALMER (A. CLASSEN)______398 Conradi de Mvre Fabvlarivs, ed. T. VAN DE LOO (P. DINZELBACHER) _ 399 Maria di Francia, Favole, a c. R. MOROSINI (A. CLASSEN)______400 Wace, Le Roman de Brut. Trans. A. GLOWKA (A. CLASSEN)______402 Robert le Diable. Édition bilingue p. É. GAUCHER (P. DINZELBACHER) _ 402 Motif-Index of German Secular Narratives from the Beginning to 1400 (P. DINZELBACHER)______403 J. BUMKE, Der "Erec" Hartmanns von Aue (B. MURDOCH)______405 Mediaevistik 21 • 2008 7

Erec von Hartmann von Aue. Hg. von A. LEITZMANN u.a. (A. CLASSEN). 407 J. BUMKE, Wolfram von Eschenbach (P. DINZELBACHER)______408 Ulrich von Zatzikhoven, Lanzelet. Hg. von F. KRAGL (A. CLASSEN)____ 409 J. BREUER ed., Ze Lorse bi dem münster. Das Nibelungenlied (Handschrift C) (F. LIFSHITZ)______412 Die 'Nibelungenlied'-Handschrift C Codex Donaueschingen 63 (A. CLAS­ SEN)______415 Die Kleinepik des Strickers. Texte, Gattungstraditionen und Interpretations­ probleme. Hg. v. E. GONZÁLEZ, V. MILLET (A. CLASSEN)______416 Ulrich von Liechtenstein, Das Frauenbuch. Mittelhochdeutsch / Neuhoch­ deutsch. Hg., übersetzt und kommentiert von C. YOUNG (A. CLASSEN)__ 417 Women and Medieval Epic. Gender, Genre, and the Limits of Epic Masculin­ ity. Ed. S. POOR, J. SCHULMAN (A. CLASSEN)______420 H. FISCHER, Ritter, Schiff und Dame. Mauritius von Craün (M. DORNIN- GER)______422 A Concise Dictionary of Old Icelandic. Ed. G. ZOEGA (C. LARRINGTON). 425 Th. ANDERSSON, The Growth of the Medieval Icelandic Sagas (1189- 1280) (B. MURDOCH)______426 M. LARSSON, Minnet av vikingatiden. De isländska kungasagoma och de­ ras värld (C. ABRAM)______430 M. FJALLDAL, Anglo-Saxon England in Icelandic Medieval Texts (D. SÄVBORG)______432 G. BINDING, Als die Kathedralen in den Himmel wuchsen (A. CLASSEN) _ 436 C. FERNÁNDEZ-LADREDA et al., El Arte Románico en Navarra (M. ABEL)______437 M. SCHMELZER, Der mittelalterliche Lettner im deutschsprachigen Raum (P. DINZELBACHER)______439 L. MÜSSET, The Bayeux Tapestry (P. DINZELBACHER)______441 U. DERCKS, Das historisierte Kapitell in der oberitalienischen Kunst des 12. und 13. Jahrhunderts (P. DINZELBACHER)______442 X. DECTOT, Sculptures des Xle - Xlle siécles (I. GARDILL)______443 Medieval Reliquary Shrines and Precious Metalwork, ed. K. ANHEUSER, C. WERNER (R. PFAFF)______445 R. LAUER, Der Schrein der Heiligen Drei Könige (P. DINZELBACHER) _ 447 A. GREBE, N. STAUBACH (Hrsg.), Komik und Sakralität. Aspekte einer ästhetischen Paradoxie in Mittelalter und frühen Neuzeit (D. OLARIU)____ 447 8 Mediaevistik 21 • 2008

Spätmittelalter

K. FIETZE, Im Gefolge Dianas. Frauen und höfische Jagd im Mittelalter (1200-1500) (A. CLASSEN)______451 E. JORDAN, Women, Power, and Religious Patronage in the Middle Ages (A. CLASSEN)______452 R. BARTLETT, The Hanged Man. A Story of Miracle, Memory, and Coloni­ sation in the Middle Ages (P. DINZELBACHER)______454 E. JAGER, Auf Ehre und Tod. Ein ritterlicher Zweikampf um das Leben ei­ ner Frau (S. KRIEB)______455 L. CLARK, ed., The Fifteenth Century V: Of Mice & Men (D. FOOTE)____ 457 North-East England in the Later Middle Ages, ed. by C. LIDDY, R. BRIT- NELL (J. HASELDINE)______460 M. FEHSE, Dortmund um 1400. Hausbesitz, Wohnverhältnisse und Arbeits­ stätten in der spätmittelalterlichen Stadt (A. CLASSEN)______464 Die >Neue Frömmigkeit in Europa im Spätmittelalter. Hg. von M. DER- WICH, M. STAUB (P. SOUKUP)______466 M. GOODICH, Lives and Miracles of the Saints (P. DINZELBACHER)___ 475 N. CACIOLA, Discerning Spirits: Divine and Demonic Possession in the Middle Ages (A. CLASSEN)______476 D. MÜLLER, "Ketzerinnen" - Frauen gehen ihren eigenen Weg. Vom Leben und Sterben der Katharinnen (W. STEINWARDER)______478 P. ALLEN, The Concept of Woman. Vol. II: The Early Humanist Reforma­ tion, 1250-1500 (A. CLASSEN)______479 Joan of Arc: La Pucelle, selected sources, tr. C. TAYLOR (A. CLASSEN)__ 483 J. HEIL, "Gottesfeinde"-"Menschenfeinde”. Die Vorstellung von jüdischer Weltverschwörung (L. PARISOLI)______484 Erziehung, Bildung, Bildungsinstitutionen, hg. R. SUNTRUP u.a. (A. CLAS­ SEN) ______489 H. BIERSCHWALE, J. van LEEUWEN, Wie man eine Stadt regieren soll. Deutsche und niederländische Stadtregimentslehren des Mittelalters (K. UBL)______491 I cantari del Danese. Ed. S. FURLATI (W. AICHINGER)______491 Actes de la 'II Trobada Intemacional d’Estudis sobre Amau de Vilanova. Ed J. PERARNUA (D. KAGAY)______492 P. PIERGENTILI, Dokument von Chinon, 1308 (J. SCHENK)______495 H. STEINFÜHRER, Hg., Die Weimarer Stadtbücher des späten Mittelalters (A. CLASSEN)______496 Mediaevistik 21 ■ 2008 9

Cuentos latinos de la edad media. Introducción, traducción y notas H. BI- ZARRI (B. ROLING)______497 E. SCHLOTHEUBER, Klostereintritt und Bildung... Mit einer Edition des 'Konventstagebuchs' einer Zisterzienserin von Heilig-Kreuz bei Braun­ schweig (1484-1507) (P. DINZELB ACHER)______500 H. KOLLER, Kaiser Friedrich III. / Aeneas Silvius de Piccolomini: Historia Austrialis ed. J. SARNOWSKY (P. DINZELBACHER)______502 D. O'SULLIVAN, Marian Devotion in Thirteenth-Century French Lyric (M. LECCO)______504 Medieval Muslims, Christians, and Jews in Dialogue: The Apparicion mais- tre Jehan de Meun of Honorat Bovet, ed. M. HANLY (A. CLASSEN)_____ 509 T. BAROLINI, H. STOREY (Hgg.), Dante for the New Millennium (B. RO­ LING) ______510 Perspektiv pä Dante II. Rapport ira det Nordiske Dantenetvaerks Seminarium, ed. A. CULLHED (G. LANGE)______514 Le Victorial... par Gutierre Díaz de Gamez, tr. J. GAUTIER DALCHÉ / The Unconquered Knight..., by his Standard-Bearer Gutierre Diaz de Gamez, tr. J. EVANS (P. DINZELBACHER)______515 F. KNAPP, Die Literatur des Spätmittelalters, II. Halbband (P. DINZEL­ BACHER) ______517 Meister Eckhart in Erfurt. Hg. v. A. SPEER, L. WEGENER (R. DARGE)__ 518 H. WENZEL, Höfische Repräsentation (A. CLASSEN)______521 Mai und Beaflor. Herausgegeben, übersetzt, kommentiert von A. CLASSEN (J. JEEP)______522 Rabenschlacht, hg. v. E. LIENERT, D. WOLTER (A. CLASSEN)______524 B. HATHEYER, Das Buch von Akkon. Das Thema Kreuzzug in der 'Steiri­ schen Reimchronik' des Ottokar aus der Gaal (A. CLASSEN)______525 B. WEITEMEIER (Hg.), Visiones Georgii [deutsch] (P. DINZELBACHER) _ 527 D. GADE, Wissen - Glaube - Dichtung. Kosmologie und Astronomie in der meisterlichen Lieddichtung des vierzehnten und fünfzehnten Jahrhunderts (A. CLASSEN)______529 G. SCHOLZ WILLIAMS, A. SCHWARZ, Existentielle Vergeblichkeit. Ver­ träge in der Mélusine, im Eulenspiegel und im Dr. Faustus (A. CLASSEN)_ 531 M. TEMMEN, Das 'Abdinghofer Arzneibuch' (A. CLASSEN)______533 Ein Eberhardsklausener Arzneibuch aus dem 15. Jahrhundert. Hg. v. M. BRÖSCH u.a. (I. RITZMANN)______534 C. KOOPMANN, Aspekte der Mehrgliedrigkeit des Ausdrucks in frühneu­ hochdeutschen poetischen, geistlichen und fachliterarischen Texten (E. HA­ BERKERN) ______537 10 Mediaevistik 21 ■ 2008

A Companion to Middle English Prose. Ed. A. EDWARDS (P. DINZEL­ BACHER) ______541 The Writings of Julian of Norwich, ed. N. WATSON, J. JENKINS (P. DIN­ ZELBACHER) ______542 Three Purgatory Poems. Ed. E. FOSTER / Chaucerian Dream Visions and Complaints. Ed. D. SYMONS (P. DINZELBACHER)______544 Sources and Analogues of the Canterbury Tales II, ed. R. CORREALE, M. HAMEL (P. DINZELBACHER)______545 G. MIESZKOWSKI, Medieval Go-Betweens and Chaucer's Pandarus (A. CLASSEN)______546 J. FORD, John Mirk's Festial (R. EASTING)______548 H. WENZEL u.a., Visualisierungsstrategien in mittelalterlichen Bildern und Texten (A. CLASSEN)______551 J. LOWE, Desiring Truth. The Process of Judgment in Fourteenth-Century Art and Literature (A. CLASSEN)______553 Geschichte der bildenden Kunst in Österreich III: Spätmittelalter und Renais­ sance, hg. v. A. ROSENAUER (P. DINZELBACHER)______555 Städtische Repräsentation. St. Reinoldi und das Rathaus als Schauplätze des Dortmunder Mittelalters, hg. N. BÜTTNER u.a. (A. CLASSEN)______556 R. SCHYMICZEK, Höllenbrut und Himmelswächter. Mittelalterliche Was­ serspeier an Kirchen und Kathedralen (P. DINZELBACHER)______558 G. SCHMIDT, Malerei der Gotik (P. DINZELBACHER)______559 M. SEIDEL, Italian Art of the Middle Ages and the Renaissance (P. DIN­ ZELBACHER) ______561 M. BUCHHOLZ, Anna selbdritt (P. DINZELBACHER)______563 R. KAHSNITZ, Carved Speldnor. Late Gothic Altarpieces in Southern Ger­ many, Austria, and South Tirol (A. CLASSEN)______564 Figures du Musée de l'Oeuvre Notre-Dame, Musées de Strasbourg (M. ABEL)______566 Erotik, aus dem Dreck gezogen. Hg. v. J. WINKELMAN, G. WOLF (P. DINZELBACHER)______569 S. u. L. DITTRICH, Lexikon der Tiersymbole. Tiere als Sinnbilder in der Malerei des 14.-17. Jahrhunderts (W. STEINWARDER)______570 10.3726/83010_87 Mediaevistik 21 • 2008 87

Donald J. Kagay

The Murder of the Abbot: A Homicide and its Wider Impact in Fourteenth-Century Catalonia

A stock image of the relatdionship of the Church in the Middle Ages is that of an ec­ clesiastical chameleon that changed quite radically to match the environment in which it found itself. Medieval churchmen could thus exist as virtual prisoners of the violent world in which they lived as well as members of an organization that lay powers often viewed as an éminence grise.1 When asked to ascertain which view of the Church in the medieval centuries is the "correct” one, modem historians, at least those honest with themselves, must sheepishly confess that both views of the medieval clergy can claim (to varying degrees) the imprimatur of historical truth. Neither view, however, can fully address the multi-faceted significance of an institution that by its very exis­ tence served as a religious, political, and cultural foundation for the "ordering of Christian life" in all the states of Western Europe emerging from the Roman Empire.2 To view the many political and social levels on which the medieval Church func­ tioned and was itself acted upon, this paper will attempt to assess and connect a great number of seemingly-unconnected facts radiating from and rotating around the mur­ der in 1350 of a Benedictine abbot in the hinterland of the great maritime city of Bar­ celona.

/.

The scene of the ghastly murder of 1350 was the Benedictine monastery of Sant Cugat de Vallès across the Collserola Hills above Barcelona near the Llobregat River. This institution was founded in the seventh century on the spot where the Spanish martyr, Cugat, met his death during the great persecutions of Emperor Diocletian

1 For the varied position of the late-medieval Church as mediator to and victim of the society it served, see Michael E. Goodich, Violence and Miracle in the Fourteenth Century: Pri­ vate Grief and Public Salvation (Chicago, 1995), 30-41. 2 R,W. Southern, The Making of the Middle Ages (1953; reprint, New Haven, Conn., 1968), 118-69; Gerd Tellenbach, The Church in Western Europe from the Tenth to the Early Twelfth Century, trans. Timothy Reuter (Cambridge, 1993), 348-53; Adriaan H. Bredero, Christendom and Christianity in the Middle Ages, trans. Reinder Bruinsma (Grand Rapids, Mich., 1987), 8-10. 88 Mediaevistik 21 • 2008

(285-306).3 Though destroyed in 717 and again in 985 by Muslim armies, the monas­ tery survived and, by the twelfth century, was one of the largest land owners in Cata­ lonia with property of all sorts from the Pyrenean foothills to the Mediterranean litoral.4 By the fourteenth century, however, Sant Cugat, replaced in importance by other Benedictine houses such as Poblet5 which had come to serve as a royal mauso­ leum6, was in the midst of a long decline. By 1350, the year of the murder, Sant Cugat housed only forty monks. Among these was the undistinguished leader of the monas­ tery, Abbot Amau Ramon de Biure.7 Investigators of the de Biure case are aided by the fact that the sovereign of the Crown of Aragon, the canny Pere III (1336-1387)8, thought it important enough to launch in one of his parliaments a full-scale inquiry of the bloody deed. From the king's careful and extremely thorough approach to record keeping and royal admini­ stration, we have been afforded a small keyhole (to use the imagery of modem detec­ tive fiction) through which to view the particulars of the "Sant Cugat murder" and to place it in the societal matrix which allowed it to happen. The facts of the case, though bizarre, are not in dispute. In true Sherlockian fashion, we must start with the light-in this case, the murder- and then peer into the darkness of its surroundings to glean some idea of the murder­ ers' identities and of the society that spawned them. The story begins with a parlia­ mentary summons issued by Pere III for his enterprising, but sometimes uncontrolla-

3 Rafael M. Bofill i Fransi, Monestir de Sant Cugat del Vallès (Barcelona, 1994), 13-15; T.N. Bisson, The Medieval Crown of Aragon. A Short History (Oxford, 1996), 7. 4 Jordi Bolos, "El monasterio como institución feudal," in Tiempo del Monasterios: Los monasterios de Cataluña en tomo al año 1000 (Barcelona, 2000), 87-88. 5 Benedictine monastery in the modem Catalan province of Conca de Barberà between Montblanch and L'Espluga de Francoli 6 Agustí Altisent, Historia de Poblet (Abadía de Poblet, 1974), 271-74; F-P Verrié, "La politica artistica de Pere el Cerimonios," in Pere el Cerimoniós i la seva època, ed. Maria Teresa Ferrer i Mallol (Barcelona, 1989), 186-87; J.M. Madurell y Morimon, "Pere el Cerimoniós i les obres públices," Analecta Sacra Tarraconensia 11(1936): 370-93; Law­ rence J. McCrank, "The Cistercians of Poblet as Landlords: Protection, Litigation, and Vio­ lence on the Medieval Catalan Frontier," in Medieval Frontier History in New Catalonia (Aldershot, 1996), study VII, 252-59. 7 Bofill i Fransi, Monestir, 16-17. 8 For character of Pere III, see Refael Tasis i Marca, Pere el Cerimoniós i els seus fills (1957; reprint, Barcelona, 1980), 117-8; Pere III of Catalonia, Chronicle, trans. Mary Hillgarth, 2 vols (Toronto, 1980), 100-2; David A. Cohen, "Secular Pragmatism and Thinking about War in Some Court Writings of Pere III El Cerimoniós," in Crusaders, Condottieri, and Cannon: Medieval Warfare in Societies around the Mediterranean, ed. L.J. Andrew Villa- lon and Donald J. Kagay (Leiden, 2003), 50-51; Donald J. Kagay, "The 'Treasons' of Bemat de Cabrera: Government, Law, and the Individual in the Late-Medieval Crown of Aragon," Mediaevistik 13 (2000): 40-41. For the Crown of Aragon, see Bisson, Medieval Crown, 1- 3; Donald J. Kagay, "The Institutional Blue Print of a Crusader Land: The Case of the Me­ dieval Crown of Aragon," Journal of the Georgia Association of Historians 24 (2003): 26- 27. Mediaevistik 21 • 2008 89 ble realm of Catalonia. Having called his parliament (corts general)9 to meet at Per­ pignan on August 15, 1350, the king found himself impeded by "many different mat­ ters occurring on all sides," and prorogued the assembly until September l.10 Amau Ramon de Biure, who had served as the head of Sant Cugat de Vails community for some years, was one of twenty abbots from across Catalonia called to participate in the meeting.11 With the first stage of credential checking largely completed after two days, Pere convened the initial meeting of the assembly on September 3 "in the palace of the Castle of Perpignan."12 Besides the abbot of Sant Cugat and 169 other dele­ gates, "many [persons]... not [connected with] the aforesaid corts" crowded into the castle's great room to hear the royal praepositio or "opening speech."13 Rather than making an emotional appeal for money to fight his many enemies (which became a standard parliamentary feature during his long reign), Pere humbly promised to "carry out justice" and make retribution for any offense he or his officials might have committed.14 A month later, on October 5, the king finally arrived at the inevitable request for money. He attempted to shock the members with news of yet another rebellion in Sardinia, an island his grandfather, Jaume II (1292-1327), had in­ vaded in 1323-1324, but never managed to control fully. Because this latest uprising had unleashed "the greatest crimes of war" {maxima guerrarum discrimina), Pere burned for revenge, but his treasury was so depleted that it could not fund another military venture. If the clerical, noble, and urban estates of the Perpignan meeting would do their duty by providing the money to safeguard "the honor and good stand­ ing...of the lord king Qionori et statui...Domini Regis), the "utility of the Republic of

9 The Catalan corts general or "general court," like other European parliamentary assemblies, sprang from the concepts of counsel, aid, and representation. The first Catalan assembly to clearly contain these elements was the Celebris curia of Barcelona in 1192. Donald J. Ka- gay, "The Development of the Cortes in the Crown of Aragon, 1064-1327," (Ph.D. diss., Fordham University, 1981), 50-51; Antonio Marongiu, Medieval Parliaments, trans. S.J. Woolf (London, 1968), 65-67; A.R. Myers, Parliaments and Estates in Europe to 1789 (London, 1975), 62-64; E.S. Procter, "The Development of the Catalan Corts in the Thir­ teenth Century," Estudis Universitaris Catalans 22 (1936): 525-28. 10 Colección de los cortes de los antiguos reinos de Aragón y Valencia y del principado de Cataluña [CAVC], ed. Fidel Fita y Colomé and Bienvenido Oliver y Estreller, 27 vols. (Madrid, 1896-1922), 1, pt. 2:337-43. For Perpignan, capital of the Pyrenean region of Roussillion, see Peter Sahlins, Boundaries: The Making of France and Spain in the Pyre­ nees (Berkeley, 1989), 17-18, 43. 11 CAVC, 1, pt. 2:338-39. 12 Ibid., 361. 13 Ibid.; Suzanne F. Cawsey, Kingship and Propaganda: Royal Eloquence and the Crown of Aragon c.1200-1450 (Oxford, 2002), 149. For parliamentary credentials and meeting pro­ cedures in the eastern Spanish cortes, see Kagay, "Development, 389-93; Geronimo de Blancas y Tomas, Moda de proceder en los cortes in Aragón (Zaragoza, 1641), 30-31; José Coroleu y Juglada, Las Cortes Catalanas (Barcelona, 1876), 100-3; Esteban Sarasa Sánchez, Las Cortes de Aragón en la Edad Media (Zaragoza, 1979). 112-6. 14 CAVC, 1, pt. 2:361. quod si per ipsum, aut quovis officiales suos, aliquid contra justiciam factum fuerat in dicto Principatu. 90 Mediaevistik 21 • 2008 his subjects and the defense of the said island" (utilitati rei publice ipsius subditorum et defensioni dicte Insulae), Pere would be able to promote justice, even if only across the blue waters of the Mediterranean.15 During the long periods of inactivity and short bursts of brilliant action that marked every corts, the official record of the assembly took no notice of the abbot of Sant Cugat after his credentials were verified in early September of 1350. Though representing one of Catalonia's oldest monasteries, he was not deemed important or trustworthy enough to serve as a deputy for the ecclesiastical estate and thus was not given the responsibility of negotiating with the baronial and urban representatives in ironing out the details of the Sardinian subsidy. After the king accepted the recom­ mendations of these committees, he prorogued the meeting until after the Christmas holidays.16 De Biure's relative unimportance in the assembly was reflected by the fact that his name did not appear on the signature list validating "each and every one of the acts" read out in the corts on October 22, 1350.17 Despite this condition of official anonymity, the abbot was surely relieved after his three months of boring parliamen­ tary service was completed. Thus in late November, de Biure took his leave of the Perpignan assembly and traveled down the Via Augusta and across the Pyrenees to­ wards his monastery and his bloody demise.18 When the Perpignan assembly re-convened on February 1, 1351, it was convened not by the king, who was winding up an Aragonese cortes in Zaragoza, but by two trusted advisers of the Crown, Jazpert Tregurano and Pedro Rovira. These functionar­ ies presented to the full assembly "the articles of the legal decrees" (capit- ula...Constitucionum) which the members of the parliament had accepted from the king in October. They also had read into the record the "grievances" (gravamina; greutges) that each of the estates had presented to Pere and his responses to them.

15 Ibid., 366-67. For the Aragonese invasion of Sardinia, see David Abulafia, The Western Mediterranean Kingdoms 1200:1500: The Struggle for Dominion (London, 1997), 124-27; Antonio Arribas Palau, La conquista de Cerdeña per Jaime II de Aragon (Barcelona, 1952); Vincente Salavert y Roca, "La isla de Cerdeña y la política internacional de Jaime II de Aragón," Hispania 10 (1950): 211-65; idem, "El problema estratégico del Mediterráneo occidental y la política aragonesa (siglos XIV y XV)," in Congrés de histdria de la corona dAragó, 2 vols. (Palma de Mallorca/Barcelona, 1969-1970), 1:201-22. 16 CAVC, 1, pt. 2:367-69. During Pere’s stay in Perpignan, Venetian envoys negotiated with him a pact against Genoa which would result in an intermittent war that would linger until 1372. [Pere III, 2:451-57 (IV:67; V:l-3); Tasis i Marca, Pere, 1:51-56, 88-91. 17 CAVC, 1, pt 2: 400. 18 For Roman road network, de Biure would have traveled, see C.H.V. Sutherland, The Ro­ mans in Spain, 217 B.C.-A.D. 117 (1939; reprint, Westport, Conn., 1982) 107-8; Leonard A. Curchin, Roman Spain: Conquest and Assimilation (London, 1991), 135; S.J. Keay, Roman Spain (Berkeley, 1988), 61; Theodor Mommsen, The Provinces of the Roman Em­ pire from Caesar to Diocletian, 2 vols. (1909; reprint, Chicago, 1974), 74-75. Mediaevistik 21 • 2008 91

Only then did they turn to the pressing matter of "the most cruel murder inflicted on the person of the abbot of Sant Cugat de Valles."19 The Aragonese sovereign had obviously heard of the shocking murder long before the corts came back into session and turned over the investigation to Tregurano and Rovira who carried out a thorough "inquest" (inquisitio) concerning the event.20 Their findings were brought before the king in a "legal proceeding" (processum) that was then drawn up as a "legal decree" (constitutio). Fearing that extended parliamentary debate on the inquest record might prejudice the other matters the corts was consider­ ing, the members of assembly moved to have the decree concerning the Sant Cugat murder added to the list of other constitutions awaiting Pere's return from Zaragoza for final approval. On March 14, the king came before the Perpignan assembly for its last official session and, "with the agreement, consent, and approval of the c o r ts per­ functorily accepted the thirty-eight points of legislation brought before him.21 The in­ quest record (number 33 on this list) provides the only detailed record of de Biure's death.

II.

At approximately two on Christmas morning of 1350, the monastic community of Sant Cugat was called to Mass with the pealing of bells. In celebration of one of the holiest days of the Christian liturgy, the church of the monastery, a Gothic structure that had been repaired and enlarged at the end of the thirteenth century, was exten­ sively decorated and illuminated by the light of hundreds of candles.22 Into the church, now an island of light, came the abbot, dressed in his rich, white vestments, to celebrate a solemn mass in honor of Jesus's birth. While Amau was alone in "the choir stall of the church" (in coro ipsius Ecclesiae) just about to begin the lesson which he

19 CAVC, 1, pt. 2:370. facto necis nefandissime perpetrate in personam Abbatis Sancti Cu- cuphatis Vallensis. For the development of the grievance process in parliamentary proceed­ ings, see Luis González Antón, Las Cortes de Aragon (Zaragoza, 1978), 133-36; Esteban Sarasa Sánchez, Las cortes de Aragón en la Edad Media (Zaragoza, 1979), 94-98. 20 For Iberian judicial inquisition, see Donald J. Kagay, "Law and Memory: The Many As­ pects of the Legal Inquisition in the Medieval Crown of Aragon," Anuario de Estudios Me­ dievales 34/1 (2004): 51-77; Evelyn S. Procter, "The Judicial Use of 'Pesquisa' in León and Castile, 1157-1369," English Historical Review, supplement 2 (1966); Jerry R. Craddock, "La pesquisa en Castilla: un caso curioso del Libre dels feyts de Jaime I, " AEM 27 (1997): 370-79; José Martínez Gijón, "La prueba judicial en el derecho territorial de Navarra y Aragón durante la baja edad media," Anuario de Historia del Derecho Español [AHDE], 20, 41-42. 21 CAVC, 1, pt. 2: 370-71. 22 C.H. Lawrence, Medieval Monasticism: Forms of Religious Life in Western Europe in the Middle Ages (London, 1984), 98-100; Pierre Lavedan, L'architecture gothique religieuse en Catalogne, Valence et Baléares (Paris, 1935), 58-60; Bofill i Fransi, Monestir, 79-92. 92 Mediaevistik 21 • 2008

would read from the great missal that he held, certain "sons of perdition" (perdicionis filii), who had planned their actions with some care, entered the choir stall with drawn swords and wearing "false beards" (cum barbis ficticiis). Rushing towards de Biure brandishing their weapons, the determined group of six assailants severely wounded the abbot with blows to the head. Vainly hoping that his attackers would respect the sanctity of the altar, the stunned churchman fled up its steps. Grabbing a large crucifix from the altar and clasping it to his breast for both physical and divine protection, he turned to confront his pursuers. Still carrying their blood-smeared swords, the attack­ ers chased him on to the high altar with no sign of reverence for the many relics it harbored.23 Even though a larger cross fastened to the altar was seen to miraculously turn as if to register its horror, the attackers paid no heed. Instead, they rained blows on the steadily-weakening abbot, the crucifix he held, and the altar itself. Heavily bleeding, but now desperate for "human succor" Qiumanum suffragium), de Biure ran back to the choir stall where a number of his terrified subordinates had taken refuge. Finding no protection with his monks, the abbot again turned to confront his pursuers, but met his death instead. Driven by a kind of blood lust, the six men unleashed a fi­ nal brutal attack "with swords and lances," literally hacking the churchman to pieces.24

III.

With these facts before the king and coris-which both considered "horrible,... inhu­ mane,unprecedented..., unusual..., and a crime the likes of which none had ever heard o f1'^-something clearly had to be done. Even with this spur to action, Pere, a thor­ oughly cautious man, felt impelled to underpin any act of official revenge with both religious and civil precedent. Within the inquest record itself, the king confessed how news of the horrific events at Sant Cugat affected him, he was, in fact, filled "with such great wonder, anxiety of spirit, sorrow, and disturbance of the heart" that he feared the very "acuteness (aciem) of [his] mind" might be overthrown.26 Even with the assertion readily accepted by all his subjects that such a savage attack on a

23 For the impressive list of relics housed at Sant Cugat, see Arxiu de la corona d’Aragó [ACA], Cancillería real, R. 1154, f. 397; Cartulario de "Sant Cugat" de Valles [CSCV], ed. José Rius Serra, 3 vols. (Barcelona, 1947), 3:459-463 (doc. 1345); Joseph Más, Les reliquies del monastir de Sant Cugat de Valles (Barcelona, 1908); idem, Notes historiques del bisbat de Barcelona, 13 vols. (Barcelona, 1906-1921), 6:158 (doc. 1182). 24 CAVC, 1, pt. 2:386-87; J.N. Hillgarth, The Spanish Kingdoms, 1250-1516, 2 vols. (Cam­ bridge, 1978-1980), 2:115. 25 CAVC, 1, pt. 2:387. orribile,...inhumanum, novum... insolitum...nusquam similite crimen fuit auditum. 26 Ibid. quale et quante admirationi...animi anxietate et dolore et cordis turbaciones aciem mentis. Mediaevistik 21 • 2008 93 churchman was tantamount to blasphemy against God,27 the king was careful to level before "God and all of the heavenly Court" (Deo et toti Curie supemorum) eight gen­ eral and specific charges against the malefactors.28 According to Pere, then, the "sons of the Devil" (diaboli filii) who butchered the abbot committed the following offenses before God and man: (1) spilling blood within the house of the Lord, (2) dishonoring the divine office celebrated for the joy­ ful feast of Christmas, (3) silencing a minister before he could carry out the sacrosanct ritual of the Mass, (4) showing disrespect to the Blessed Virgin Mary, (5) bringing "serious... war and discord" (gravem...guerram et discordiam) into the peaceful pre­ cincts of a church, (6) heaping shame on the relics contained in the monastery church, including those of Cugat himself, (7) violating the peace and truce laws, and (8) committing lesè majesté against both God and his legally-constituted ruler of Catalo­ nia.29 Pere concludes his jeremiad with a moving summary of the "horrible crime": From this... most shameful act, the very home and habitation of the...abbot was iniquitously attacked and assaulted; the sacrosanct church of God was violated with the violence of weapons; the ministers of the church were terrified; the divine office was disturbed, the greatest altar of the church and the Cross of God were inhumanely despised and struck, and this was cruelly perpetrated on a minister of God and head of the said monastic community.30 Taking great pains to assure himself that his officials actions concerning the mur­ der mirrored the will of God, the king then moved to reinforce with precedent his role as civil lawgiver and judge in a case involving a cleric. Adamant that the malefactors would not escape punishment on some juridical technicality, he denied to every pre­ vious "legal decree, custom, or usage" of Catalonia the legal applicability to any fu­ ture royal punishment meted out on the murderers. Because of the "inhumanity of the crime," Pere insisted he be allowed to use the "plenitude of royal power" (Regie pleni- tudine potestastis) to see that de Biure was fully avenged.31 The king took this dan­ gerous, but not unprecedented action because it seemed fully in line with the duty of "protection" (tuitio) claimed by the count of Barcelona from the mid-eleventh century onward.32 Even when Catalonia was married to Aragon in the twelfth century, the

27 Ibid., 386. 28 Ibid., 393. 29 Ibid., 388-89. 30 Ibid., 389. Ex nephandissimo actu, domus seu habitacio propria dicti Abbatis fuit cum ar- mis agressa nequiter et invasa, sacrosancta Dei Ecclesia fuit armorum violencia, fuerunt eciam ecclesiae ministri perter[r]iti, et divina officia perturbata, altare eciam maius Eccle- siae et sancta Crux Dei neclegta inhumaniter et percussa, Et de ministro Dei et capite dicti conventus nequiter perpetrata. 31 Ibid., 392. For the various theories of ruling power in Catalonia, see The Usatges of Barce­ lona: The Fundamental Law of Catalonia, trans. Donald J. Kagay (Philadelphia, 1994),34- 35. 32 Donald J. Kagay, "Violence Management in Twelfth-Century Catalonia and Aragon," Mar- ginated Groups in Spanish and Portuguese History, ed. William D. Phillips and Carla Rahn 94 Mediaevistik 21 • 2008 single ruler of these very different realms thought it appropriate to safeguard the in­ habitants and property of religious institutions in both realms from the "audacity of evil men."33 Thus, any person who dared "to capture, attack, illegally carry off, inflict damage, evil, injury, violence, or offense" against members of clerical communities or to con­ fiscate or attach the goods of such institutions would answer directly to the king.34 This "shield of royal defense" (regie deffensionis clipeo) became especially prevalent during the long decades of war with Castile in the mid-fourteenth century when Pere spent considerable energy and money in fortifying some of his most important monas­ teries.35 In the case of Poblet, one of the most important monastic centers in his realms, Pere claimed that the great expense was warranted to block the intentions of "the evil men who roam the earth" and so the relics and jewels which are wondrous may not be removed by our enemies nor shall the interred corpses of our forbears be dug up, moved, or looted.36 Establishing his right and duty to prosecute the homicide, Pere then advanced to render such "pure and rigid justice" (mera et regida justicia) that none of his succes­ sors "by subtle cunning or silence concerning the truth" would be able to avoid pun­ ishing such sacrilegious crimes.37 The speed with which the inquest identified the six murderers reflected Pere's burning desire to close the Sant Cugat case as quickly as possible. How this astounding piece of detective work was accomplished is unclear. The list itself, however, does provide some clues as to the murderers' identity.38 All of the ac­ cused were residents of Barcelona or other nearby small towns and had at least tenta-

Phillips (Minneapolis, 1989), 14; Karen Kennelly, C.S.J., "Catalan Peace and Truce As­ semblies," Studies in Medieval Culture 5 (1975): 41-52. For general reaction of the Crown of Aragon to such claims of full royal prerogative, see Donald J. Kagay, "Rule and Mis-rule in Medieval Iberia," Journal of the Georgia Association of Historians 21 (2000): 49-51; idem, "Structures of Baronial Dissent and Revolt under James I (1213-76)," Mediaevistik 1 (1988): 65-66. 33 Augustin Ubieto Arteta, " Documentos para el estudio de la historia aragonesa de los siglos XIII y XIV: Monestario de Santa Clara de Huesca," Estudios de Edad Media de la Corona de Aragón 8 (1967): 646-47 (doc 83); McCrank, "Cistercians as Landlords," 259-60. 34 Ubieto Arteta, "Documentos," 697; CSCV, 2:486-87, 495 (does. 1371, 1377). 35 Ubieto Arteta, "Documentos," 696, 700 (doc. 126). For fortification of monasteries, see Al- tisent, Historia, 298-301; Donald J. Kagay, "A Shattered Circle: Eastern Spanish Fortifica­ tions and their Repair during the 'Calamitous Fourteenth Century'," Journal of Medieval Military History. 2 (2004): 126. 36 ACA, Cancillería real, R. 1349, f. 3v; Ricardo del Arco, Sepulchros de la casa real de Ara­ gon (Madrid, 1945), 292; Altisent, Historia,299. per enemichs nostres...no puxen esser tretes les reliquies e joyes qui y son meraveyloses ne los corssos de nostres predecessores all soterráis no puxen esser dessoterrats, transportats ne barrejats. 37 CAVC, 1, pt. 2:390. per subdolosam astuciam...aut ex veritatis tacitumitate. 38 Ibid., 392. Malefactors named: Berenguer de Saltells, Bemat Rosseta de Sabadell, Ramon Vinader (vintner) of Barcelona, Antichus Frególa, Pero Leto, and a person known only as "Mr. Black" (En Negre). Mediaevistik 21 • 2008 95 tive connections to the region's craft or merchant communities. The most ominous- sounding of the lot was a character known only as En Negre or "Mr. Black." The ring­ leader was clearly a middling citizen of the Catalan capital named Berenguer de Sal- tells who apparently had no personal grudge against the abbot, but instead fumed against the feudal and domestic importance his monastery exercised in the Catalan world.39 In a story not dissimilar to that of Martin Guerre,40 de Saltells was driven to his crime by a series of intersecting coincidences. After years away from home (pos­ sibly fighting as a mercenary or in foreign incarceration), the prodigal returned to Barcelona only to find that his elderly father, thinking that his only son and heir was dead, had changed his will in favor of Sant Cugat.41 The prodigal, then, had clearly been dispossessed by the house of God. With the criminals in his sights, the king then moved to pull the trigger in judicial terms against them. He ordered a public crier to read out the names of the miscreants within the busiest sections of Barcelona. This royal proclamation gave the criminals thirty days from the announcement to turn themselves into the vicar of Barcelona or to any other properly-constituted royal official. The king pledged that any of the criminals who did so would be tried "according to law and justice," even though their guilt would obviously lead them to the gallows. Those who did not take advantage of the office of legitimate execution would be put beyond the pale of the peace and truce of God. From the letter of the law, this meant that the complete loss of one's judicial identity and the forfeiture of all his goods to the Crown. Any who helped such pariahs would be considered accomplices to the murder and would receive the same punish­ ment as the murderers. To seal his vow to avenge the blood of the abbot, Pere took a solemn oath on a crucifix and the four Gospels.42 Ever mindful of the issue of the lim­ its of royal power,43 Pere assured his Catalan subjects that no matter how ardent be­ came his desire to avenge the abbot's murder, this drive would never constitute an ex­ tension of royal power nor a lessening of individual privilege.44

39 For underclass of Barcelona urban society, see Josefa Mutgé Vives, La ciudad de Barce­ lona durante el reinado de Alfonso el Benigno, (1327-1336) (Barcelona, 1987), 170-74; Trevor Dean, Crime in Medieval Europe, 1200-1550 (New York, 2001), 61-69. 40 For the Martin Guerre's official military service in 1557 and the return of his "double," Ar- naud du Tilh, see Natalie Zemon Davis, The Return of Martin Guerre (Cambridge, Mass, 1983), 24-41. 41 Gran enciclopedia catalana, 18 vols. (Barcelona, 1969-1993), 3:569 42 CAVC, l,pt. 2:392-94. 43 These issues had caused Pere to take the dangerous step of waging war on the Aragonese and Valencian Unión which he defeated at Epila (July 21, 1348). Pere III, 2:436-38 (IV:48- 50); Epistolari de Pere 111, ed. Ramon Gubem, 2 vols. (Barcelona, 1955), 1:100-1 (doc. 10); Manuel Dualde Serrano, "Tres episodios de la lucha entre 'Pere el del Punyalet' y la Unión aragonesa, relatados por el monarca a su tío Pedro, conde de Ribagorza," Estudios de la edad media de Aragón 2(1946): 351-52. 44 CAVC, 1, pt. 2:393. 96 Mediaevistik 21 • 2008

IV.

What conclusions can we possibly draw from this gruesome and bizarre Christmas scene? The first focus of investigation must assuredly rest on the sole font of evidence concerning the murder-the inquest record. Does this report have the ring of truth about it or is it a topos drawn from the voluminous writings concerning the most fa­ mous medieval murder victim, Thomas Becket, who met his end on December 29, 1170? Even a superficial comparison of the two homicides, however, points to their considerable differences. Becket knew his assailants and the reasons for their attack. He made no real effort to avoid them and, as a matter of fact, engaged in a lengthy, if heated exchange with them before they carried out their bloody acts. De Biure, on the other hand, was completely surprised by his masked attackers, from whom he tried mightily to escape. Becket awaited the blows from his assailants like "a sacrificial lamb of God" while de Biure ran from his pursuers and was thus struck at several sites within the monastery church between the choir stall and the high altar. The principal difference between the two murders rested with the fame of the victims. Within two years of his death, the archbishop of Canterbury, whose relics had caused innumer­ able cures, was canonized and his see was transformed into one of the great pilgrim­ age sites of Europe. While the abbot of Sant Cugat’s blood-covered vestments have been preserved more as historical oddities than relics, he has largely been forgotten except in the monastic community he presided over.45 By and large, then, the two ac­ counts contain very few similarities and, in fact, the inquest record of de Biure's mur­ der is much closer in style to a royal report recounting the violent ambush and grisly homicide of another Catalan prelate-Archbishop Ramón de Vilademuls in 1194 46 With some confidence that the inquest conducted by Pere’s two officials represents a fairly accurate version of the events that took place within the church of Sant Cugat on Christmas morning of 1350, we may attempt to interrogate this police report itself in regard to the identities and motives of the murderers. First of all, what class of enemies was an abbot likely to have? Even though Amau Ramon was of noble line­ age, there is no evidence that he or his family were involved in the intermittent baro­

45 William of Canterbuty, "Vita S. Thomae," in Materials for the History of Thomas Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury, ed. James Craigie Robertson, 7 vols. (London, 1875), 1:130-35; Herbert of Boseham, "Vita S. Thomae," in Materials, 2:491-509; "The Murder of Thomas Becker," in The Medieval Reader, ed. Norman F. Cantor (New York, 1994), 184-89; Bar- low, Thomas Becket, 244-65. 46 Donald J. Kagay, "The Clash of Royal and Papal Law: The Resolution of Lay Murder of High Clergy in the Twelfth-Century Crown of Aragon," in Medieval Iberia: Essays on the History and Literature of Medieval Spain, ed. Donald J. Kagay and Joseph T. Snow (New York, 1997), 66-67. Mediaevistik 21 • 2008 97 nial wars that held northern Catalonia in their grip in the later Middle Ages.47 Instead, it seems logical that the enmities which ultimately led to de Biure's death had sprung from his position as both abbot and important secular landlord. He controlled more than one monastic community and had a large array of lay vassals over which he ex­ ercised traditional economic and judicial power.48 While de Saltells bore deep-rooted anger against the monastery of Sant Cugat itself for his precipitate loss of property and the dramatic decline in status it brought with it, he bore little personal animus against de Biure, save for the fact that he was the leader of the Sant Cugat commu­ nity. It is unlikely that de Saltells's accomplices harbored any grievance at all against the abbot or his monastery; they participated in the bloodbath for clan solidarity or, more likely, for money. There is no evidence that other disgruntled laymen, clerics or their clansmen were involved in a widespread, active conspiracy that used de Saltells as a convenient cat's-paw. This does not mean, however, that persons harboring grievances similar to those that led de Saltells to murder were not overjoyed by what happed in the monastic church on that Christmas morning.49 Moving from the abbot’s blood-splattered body, we must turn to the identity and origins of his murderers. To determine guilt of the attackers, Pere and his parliament, following the guidelines of Roman, Visigothic, and customary, Catalan law, would have to determine the intention of the perpetrators of the murder.50 The hour of the murder, the fairly isolated location across the Collserola Hills from the Catalan capi­ tal, and the origins of the murderers from both Barcelona and small villages surround­ ing it argues against a crime committed on the spur of the moment. The premeditated nature of the attack on the abbot is also reflected from the simple fact that the attack­ ers attempted to conceal their identities with false beards.51 The donning of such a disguise points clearly to a cool and detached plan of attack, one in which the con­ spirators fully intended to slip into the monastery church, carry out their foul deed, and exit without being recognized. The king and members of the corts were so struck

47 Donald J. Kagay, "Structures of Baronial Dissent and Revolt under James I (1213-76)," Mediaevistik 1 (1988): 70-71; Santiago Sobrequés, Els Barons de Catalunya (1957; reprint, Barcelona, 1980), 129-32. 48 CSCV, 2:8, 83, 107, 205 (docs. 806, 891, 920, 1035); Stephen P. Bensch, Barcelona and its Rulers, 1096-1291 (Cambridge, 1995), 96, 124. 49 For violent interchanges between Catalan clerical and laymen, see McCrank, "Cistercians," 278-83; Bolos, "Monasterio," 82-84. 50 Leges Visigothorum, ed. Karl Zeumer, Monumenta Germaniae Histórica, Legum, 1 (Hano­ ver, 1902), 270-72 (VI, 5:2-6); The Digest of Justinian, trans. Alan Watson et al., 2 vols. (Philadelphia, 1985), 2:bk. 48, chap. 8; Antonio Aunós Pérez, El derecho catalán en el siglo XIII (Barcelona, 1926), 133-34. 51 For the church's ambivalent attitude to the wearing of beards and other disguises, see Gábor Klaniczay, The Use of Supernatural Power: The Transformation of Popular Religion in Medieval and Early-Modern Europe, trans. Sarah Singerman and Karen Margolis (Oxford, 1990), 53-60. 98 Mediaevistik 21 • 2008 by the criminal implications of such disguises that they issued an edict outlawing them. The law stated that: So that everyone should be prevented the opportunity of inflicting slaughter or wounds..., we ordain that no one should wear a false beard or display one publicly or secretly inside or outside the home. And whoever violates this, whether a knight, a gentleman, townsman, or resident of an privileged village, shall be condemned by ac­ cusation alone to an exile of ten years with no hope of pardon. And if he were a com­ moner and violates this, he shall submit to judicial battle. But if he (no matter who he is or what his rank is) should commit a crime while wearing such a beard, he shall suffer the penalty for treason. Adding that no one should dare to manufacture a false beard, and if he does so, he will be punished by the loss of a hand with, no hope of pardon.52 If the disguised murderers were able to carry out their bloody work and leave the monastery without having their faces seen by Sant Cugat's terrified community, how were they so quickly indicted before a royal tribunal? The murder, after all, took place on Christmas, 1350 and the six murderers were identified long before they were de­ nounced in February, 1351. Two possibilities suggest themselves. Either the sacrile­ gious nature of the crime so touched the society of the Catalan capital and its environs that the guilty parties could find no refuge there from the relentless pursuit of royal justice or the municipal government of Barcelona provided scapegoats so the investi­ gation could be brought to a superficially-successful completion. No matter which of these possible scenarios were true, however, the ruling establishment at Barcelona seemed extremely unhappy at the Crown's rapid action in closing the de Biure case. When the Perpignan corts convened again after the first of the year, the representa­ tives of the Barcelona city council expressed the capital's concern in two grievances which reminded the king that royal officials could not conduct inquests in Barcelona territory without the presence of two "city councilmen" (Prohomens) and that "no one shall be condemned without having a defense."53 These complaints did not refer di­

52 CAVC, 1, pt. 2: 397(art 40). Ut occasione perpetrandi strages seu vulnera ovietur..., ordi- namus quod nullus barbam seu fictarn portet, seu diferat, infra et extra domum, publice seu oculte, Et qui contra fecerit, si miles vel homo de paratico aut Cives vel homo ville honora- tus fuerit, ad exilium decennii ex sola delacione, absque spe venie condempnetur; et si homo pedis fuerit, pugnam amitat. Sin autem barbam ipsam deferens, malum fecerit qui- cunque et cuiuscumque condicionis fueirt, prodicionis pena plectatur. Adiecto, quod nullus barbam falsam seu fictam audeat fabricare; et si contrarium fecerit, pena amissionis pugne, sine spe venie, puniatur. For attacking from ambush (aguait), see Usatges, trans. Kagay , 66, 97 (arts. 7, 124); Eulalia Rodón Binué, El lenguaje técnico del feudalismo en el seglo XI en Cataluña: Contribución al este de latín medieval (Barcelona, 1957), 14-16. For customary and Roman forms of treason in Catalonia, see Donald J. Kagay, '"Treasons'," 52- 53; idem, "The Treason of Center and Periphery: The Uncertain Contest of Government and Individual in the Medieval Crown of Aragon," Mediterranean Studies 12 (2003): 19- 21. 53 CAVC, 1, pt. 2:434-35 (arts. 80-81). negun no deia esser condemnat que no (h)aia deffen- sions. Mediaevistik 21 • 2008 99 rectly to the abbot's murderers, but reflected the king's haste in cutting through the red tape of municipal privilege and custom "when crimes were...notorious."54 For the timebeing, at least, no Catalan crime seemed as infamous as the Sant Cugat murder. While the case of Amau Ramón de Biure was unprecedented in Catalan parlia­ mentary annals, it had a much shorter shelf life with the official outlook of Pere Ill's government.55 In the desperate opening months of his decade-long war with the Cas­ tilian king, Pedro I (1350-1366/69), the Aragonese king utilized every possible means to station troops on his embattled frontiers. He even pledged to protect the persons and property of those "accused of certain transgressions, crimes, or offenses" who would volunteer for military service for their full term of enlistment. This "safe con­ duct" (guidamentum, guiatge), however, did not apply to all of Pere's subjects in legal jeopardy.56 The "traitor, informer, heretic, sodomite, counterfeiter, highwayman or those guilty of the crime of lesè majesté or of the murder of the abbot" were excluded from this royal protection.57 Whether or not this was Pere's lip service to his promise at the Perpignan assembly to mete out just punishment for de Biure's death, the press­ ing nature of the crime seemed to fade during the decade of shock and counter-shock the Castilian war brought in its wake. Thus by the last years of the conflict, the list of criminals beyond the pale of royal protection normally did not include the murderers of the abbot.58 Since there is no record of their conviction by the king in the decade- and-a-half after the crime, it seems likely that Pere, distracted by crucial matters of national survival, had lost interest in inflicting the promised punishments on the vil­ lagers, traders, and members of Barcelona's middle class and underworld accused of de Biure's murder.

54 Ibid., 435 (art. 81). quia crimina erant...notoria 55 Ibid., 398; ACA, Cancillería real, R. 557, f. 125; DS, 399-402. On the very day that all of the constitutions were ratified by the Perpignan assembly, March 14, 1351, Pere, before the full membership of the corts arrayed in the "chapter house of the monastery of the Francis­ cans" (in capitulo monasterii fratrum Mino rum), designated five "solemn ambassadors and nuncios" (ambaxadores et nuncii solemnes) to Pope Clement VI (1342-1357). The subject of this delegation had nothing to do with de Biure's murder, but rather registered Pere Ill's disgust with the great number of foreign clerics Clement had appointed to Catalan sees left vacant by the Black Death. Ironically, the abbot of Sant Cugat, though Catalan, was one of these Clementine appointees. 56 For the several forms of guiatge in the medieval Crown of Aragon, see Rodón Binué, Len­ guaje, 132-33; Robert I. Bums, S J., "The Guidamentum Safe-Conduct in Medieval Arago- Catalonia: A Mini-Institution for Muslims, Christians, and Jews," Medieval Encounters 1 (1995): 51-113. 57 ACA, Cancillería real, R. 1379, f. 41v; R. 1283, ff. 202v-203. 58 ACA, Cancillería real, R. 1387, ff. 59v-60. See the Appendix for a safe conduct of 1367 which does refer to the Sant Cugat homicide. 100 Mediaevistik 21 • 2008

V.

Like any natural disaster that operates within its own physical parameters while hav­ ing at the same time manifold repercussions on the human societies it contacts, the crime of 1350 exposed institutional, economic, psychological, and even religious fault zones that underlaid Catalan society of the later Middle Ages and were beginning to warp under the societal pressures of the era. Ironically, Catalonia's traditional order was only just passing into the realm of theory in this same period. The great four- teenth-century theorist, Francesc Eiximenis, defined such a political commonwealth as "a community of people settled under the same law, lordships, and customs."59 Forces beyond the ken of such academic assessments, however, were breaking down the stable operation of this ''commonwealth"(casa publica) even as these political definitions were being formulated. The schema of three orders, which had grown out- of-date in the thirteenth century with the emergence of a glittering urban civilization in much of western Europe, had melded by the fourteenth century into a realm of de­ cline in which many of the earlier societal elements were destroyed or subverted.60 "Violence," according to John Bellamy, was part of the pattern of life in the later middle ages and men did not shed tears over it easily... The very harshness of life seems to have bred a certain callousness which regarded bloodletting as commonplace and even as a form of jest."61 Both rulers and subjects had to grapple with the reality of a society steadily being pulled apart by mysticism and continual war-or as Huizinga characterized it "by the fear of hell and naive joy,... cruelty and tenderness...always running to extremes."62 Across Europe, the transition from the thirteenth to the fourteenth century brought with it climactic changes and crop failures associated with what has recently been called the "Little Ice Age" that severely impacted the Continent's steadily-increasing population.63 Dynastic rivalries between France and England spilled into lengthening

59 Francesc Eiximenis, La Societat catalana al segle XIV, ed. Jill Webster (Barcelona, 1967), 12: alguna comunitat de gents ajustades e vivents una mateixa llei, e senyoria, e costumes. 60 Georges Duby, The Three Orders: Feudal Society Imagined, trans. Arthur Goldhammer (Chicago, 1980), 354-56. 61 John Bellamy, Crime and Public Order in England in the Later Middle Ages (London, 1973), 65-66. 62 Johan Huizinga, The Waning of the Middle Ages, trans. F. Hopman (1937; reprint, Garden City, N.Y., 1956), 27. 63 Brian Fagan, The Little Ice Age: How Climate Made History 1300-1850 (New York, 2000), 23-44; William Chester Jordan, The Great Famine: Northern Europe in the Early Four­ teenth Century (Princeton, N.J., 1996), 7-23; John Aberth, From the Brink of the Apoca­ lypse: Confronting Famine, War, Plague, and Death in the Later Middle Ages (New York, 2001), 13-37. Mediaevistik 21 • 2008 101 episodes of war that destabilized much of France, Italy, the Low Countries, and Spain.64 Societal unrest came in the train of war and famine.65 In large cities like Barcelona (with a population of 48,000 in the mid-fourteenth century), the frustrations of a great underclass, driven to violence by hunger and dis­ ease, was always close to the boiling point. The effect of wildly-fluctuating bread prices coupled with steadily-escalating royal taxation spurred civil unrest with fright­ ening speed.66 Charismatic working-class leaders such as Bemat d'Oller in 1285 could take advantage of national emergencies to exercise brief dominance over the Catalan capital before being executed for "their many crimes against royal majesty."67 During the Castilian war of the mid-fourteenth century, similar forces caused "sons of the Devil" (filii Belial) to throw Barcelona society into disarray until the Catalan capital's "benign, prosperous, and peaceful state" {benigno, sedulo, et pacifico statu) was forcibly re-established by royal troops.68 A far greater threat for the Crown's control of its cities and towns (shared by au­ thorities across the Continent) was the emergence of neighborhood gangs who fought increasingly-bloody pitched battles over urban "turf."69 In the 1350 assembly itself, the pressing nature of this evil was made clear to the king by representatives of Man-

64 For the best treatment of the widest aspects of the Hundred Years War, see Anne Curry, The Hundred Years War (New York, 2003), 105-29. 65 John Lamer, "Order and Disorder in Romagna, 1450-1500," in Violence and Civil Strife, 10-11; Michel Mollat, The Poor in the Middle Ages: An Essay on Social History, trans. Ar­ thur Goldhammer (New Haven, Conn., 1980), 158-62, 172-73, 320-23; C.T. Allmand, "The War and the Non-Combatants," The Hundred Year's War, ed. Kenneth Fowler (London, 1971), 167-68. 66 For physical disasters and social unrest in later medieval Spain, see E. Moliná y Brasés, "Noticiari catalá dels segles XIV y XV," Butlleti del Ateneu Barcelonés 2 (1916): 211-2; Angus MacKay, "Climate and Popular Unrest in Late Medieval Castile," in Society, Econ­ omy, and Religion in Late Medieval Castile (London, 1987), study XI, 367-68; Felipe Fernández Armesto, Barcelona: A Thousand Years of the City's Past (Oxford, 1992), 26- 27. For population of medieval Barcelona, see Paul M Hohenberg and Lynn Hollen Lees, The Making of Urban Europe 1000-1994 (1985; reprint, Cambridge, Mass., 1995), 58-59; Josiah Cox Russell, Medieval Cities and their Cities (Newton Abbot, 1972), 166-75. 67 Jeronimo Zurita y Castro, Anales de la Corona de Aragón, ed. Angel Canellas López, 9 vols. (Zaragoza, 1967-1985), 2:199-200 (IV:lv); Carme Batlle i Gallart, "Aportacions a la Historia d’una revolta popular: Barcelona 1285," Estudis d'Historia Medieval 2 (1970): 21- 29. 68 ACA, Cancillería real, R. 1380, ff. 49r-v. 69 Fernandez-Armesto, Thousand Years, 27; The Register Notule Communium 14 of the Dio­ cese of Barcelona, ed. J.N. Hillgarth and Giulio Silano (Toronto, 1988), 87-90, 108 (docs. 195-96, 253). For urban unrest in late-medieval Europ, see David Nicholas, "Crime and Punishment in Fourteenth-Century Ghent," Revue beige de philologie de d'histoire 48 (1970): 288-344; Barbara A. Hanawalt, "Violent Death in Fourteenth- and Fifteenth- Century England," Comparative Studies in Society and History 18 (1974): 197-220; Martin Becker, "Changing Pattern of Violence and Justice: Fourteenth- and Fifteenth-Century Florence," Comparative Studies in Society and History 20 (1976): 281-96. 102 Mediaevistik 21 • 2008 resa, a town to the northwest of Barcelona on the headwaters of the Llobregat River. Because of the "weakness and fault" (flachea e colpa) of the royal officials who were afraid to do their duty, "gangs and factions" {bandos e contrasts) controlled "the pla­ zas, other places, and streets of the said city." Individuals and whole neighborhoods fought with each other "day and night...with different weapons," inflicting "deaths and wounds" {morts e nafres) on each other and on innocent bystanders. Though Pere promised to send a veritable army of officials to Manresa to carry out inquests, mete our punishments, and terrorize the entire population into peace, the king did not pos­ sess enough men to routinely patrol all of the Catalan cities and towns.70 The rhythms of such municipal unrest and the royal legal structures set up to deal with it were incontrovertibly changed in the summer of 1348 when Barcelona and much of Spanish Levante was struck by the gran mortalidad or Black Death.71 With a third of its population removed in just a few months, royal and urban governments throughout Castile and the Crown of Aragon, having lost a huge portion of its tax revenues and personnel, could not carry out judicial, fiscal, and military activities at pre-plague levels.72 Fashion, that inviolate banner of privilege, could no longer defend class division as townsmen routinely dressed like lords. Neither did tradition maintain its hold on work as surviving artisans and laborers demanded-and got-unheard of wages.73 Understandably with the decimation of town councils and royal bureaucrats, the amount of violent and non-violent crime increased in Iberian urban sites of all sizes. In this epoch of social anarchy, the frustration of the underclass was matched only by its daring; royal and urban government consequently found this new force a difficult one to suppress.74 The usual targets for such violent outbursts were clerical and Jew­

70 CAVC, 1, pt. 2:440 (art. 96). plages com en altres lochs e carrers; de die e de nits, se com­ baten ab armes diverses. 71 Philip Ziegler, The Black Death (New York, 1969), 113-5; Amada López de Meneses, Documentos acerca de la peste negra en los dominios de la Corona de Aragón (Zaragoza, 1956), 39, 47, 54-55, 103-4, 113-4, 134-35 (does. 47, 56, 63, 114, 124, 148). 72 MacKay, "Climate," 370; Michael W. Dols, "The Comparative Communal Responses to the Black Death in Muslim and Christian Societies," Viator 5 (1974): 272-80; Nicolas Ca- brillana, "La crisis del siglo xiv en Castilla: La Peste Negra en el Obispado de Palencia," Hispania 28 (1968): 256-57. 73 Mollat, Poor, 197; López de Meneses, Documentos, 357-61 (doc.78); Samuel K. Cohn, h.,The Cult of Rembrance and the Black Death: Six Renaissance Cities in Central Italy (Baltimore, 1992), 162-68; David Herlihy, The Black Death and the Transformation of the West, ed. Samuel K. Cohn, Jr. (Cambridge, Mass. 1997), 39-57; The Black Death, ed. and trans. Rosemary Horrox (Manchester, 1994), 287-91, 311-12, 340-42 (docs. 98, 111, 121). 74 López de Meneses, Documentos, 243-44, 248-49, 375-76, 428-31 (docs. 57, 62, 140, 152); Documenta selecta mutuas civitatis Arago-Cathalaunicae et ecclesiae relationes ilustrantia [DS], ed. Johannes Vincke (Barcelona, 1936), 42-43 (doc. 79); George Huppert, After the Black Death: A Social History of Early Modem Europe (Bloomington, Ind., 1998), 38-40, 106-11. Mediaevistik 21 • 2008 103 ish communities, institutions hated and feared for their real and imagined wealth.75 In this milieu of death as a personified social actor who brought down both rich and poor, upper-class and lower-class, the murder of the abbot took place.

VI.

As the plague had its way with the maritime districts of Catalonia in 1348 and 1349, ecclesiastics in both canon and cloisters suffered as greatly as did their lay charges. Only with the societal aftershocks of the pandemic did the fragility of clerical institu­ tions in eastern Spain became clear. Superstition and individual religious fervor held sway. With the report of miracles in all quarters of Catalonia, it seemed that God had taken matters into his own hands, rendering churchmen obsolete in the process.76 Added to this individualization of religious sentiment came a blatant anti­ clericalism which is still part and parcel of the Spanish psyche.77 Though the clergy themselves had suffered from the effects of the plague, the Church came through the crisis with its financial health intact since the short term loss of revenues was more than compensated for by the deathbed legacies of the pious and the fearful.78 In reality, however, ecclesiastical wealth in Catalonia and throughout the Iberian Peninsula had a long provenance stretching back to the great reconquest of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Civil rulers, who almost overnight doubled their realms, favored regular and monastic clergy with great swaths of land as well as most of the Islamic religious sites now brought under Christian control.79 Archbishops and bishops, abbots and prioresses headed institutions that often dominated their eco­

75 Yitzhak Baer, Historia de los Judíos en la España Cristiana, 2 vols. (1945; reprint, Madrid, 1981), 1:324-27; López de Meneses, Documentos, 402-4 (docs. 123-24). 76 Hillgarth, Spanish Kingdoms, 2:114-5; López de Meneses, Documentos, 423 (doc. 146); Stanley G. Payne, Spanish Catholicism: An Historical Overview (Madison, Wise., 1984), 26-29. Gabriele de Mussis, "History of the Plague, 1348, 1350" in The Black Death: The Great Mortality of 1348-1350, ed. John Aberth (Boston, 2005), 98-100, 132-37 (docs. 23, 33); David Herlihy, The Black Death and the Transformation of the West (Cambridge, Mass., 1997), 80-81. 77 Payne, Spanish Catholicism, 124-26, 132-33, 153-57, 204; Joan Connelly Ullman, The Tragic Week: A Study of Anticlericalism in Spain 1875-1912 (Cambridge, Mass., 1968); José M. Sánchez, Anticlericalism: A Brief History (Notre Dame, Ind., 1972), 123-41. 78 Barbara E. Tuchman, A Distant Mirror: The Calamatious Fourteenth Century (New York, 1978), 122. 79 Derek W. Lomax, The Reconquest of Spain (London, 1978), 96-98; Rober I. Bums, S.J., The Crusader Kingdom of Valencia: Reconstruction of a Thirteenth-Century Frontier, 2 vols., (Cambridge, Mass., 1967), 1:10-12, 17-22; idem, "The Parish as a Frontier in Thir- teenth-Century Valencia," Speculum 37 (1962): 244-51; Míkel de Epalza, "Islamic Social Structures in Muslim and Christian Valencia," in Iberia and the Mediterranean World of the Middle Ages, ed. P. Chevedden, D. Kagay, P. Padilla, and LJ. Simon, 2 vols. (Leiden, 1996), 189-90. 104 Mediaevistik 21 • 2008 nomic and feudal surroundings. Even smaller clerical functionaries, such as the Bar­ celona canon, Pere Albert, could amass a sizeable fortune in serving both the Church and the state.80 With one foot in the secular world as both feudal lord and local entre­ preneur, Catalan clerical institutions spent a good deal of time in establishing a sound legal basis for their property and in defending this right of possession in court.81 In this struggle to maintain their position in a lay world, clerical landlords, such as the abbots of Sant Martí de Canigo82 and Valdebona who registered grievances at the Perpignan corts, were forced to stand firm against the steady royal usurpation of their landed position, despite their "good charters and long possession [of their holdings]" (bones cartes e longa possessio)P From this important landed status, such clerical in­ stitutions cast a dark shadow over the secular neighborhood they served. They stood as feudal lords and normally kept their vassals in line not by excommunication, but through the judicious application of the " Usatges, Customs and the Constitutions of Catalonia."84 As a last resort, clerical authorities such as Ozenda, prioress of Hospi­ taller convent of Sigena85 in 1219, had few compunctions in dealing with particularly troublesome vassals "by holding.... [them] captive for a long time."86 With dominance of Catalan, clerical institutions assured in the territory that surrounded them, the ha­ tred and jealously they evinced among Catalan laymen (de Saltells, for one) is readily understandable. The perceived wealth of the Catalan church was matched by the dissolute behavior of some of its clergy. While many churches stood vacant in the countryside, a great number of ecclesiastics flocked to Barcelona and other large Catalan towns where the lives they led could hardly be classified as Christlike, except for the fact that they showed a marked penchant for association with harlots.87 From the lavish clothes they

80 The Customs of Catalonia between Lords and Vassals by the Barcelona Canon, Pere Al­ bert: A Practical Guide to Castle Feudalism in Medieval Spain, trans. Donald J. Kagay (Tempe, Ariz., 2002), xxxiii-iv; ACA, Cancillería real, R. 9, f. 48; Arxiu diocesá de Barce­ lona, fons de Santa Anna, carpeta 2, no. 215; DJ, 3:297-98 (doc.841). 81 One of the bitterest of these legal disputes pitted the archbishops of Toledo and Tarragona in a judicial struggle for Valencia between 1239 and 1245. Robert I. Bums, S.J., "Canon Law and the Reconquista: Convergence and Symbiosis in the kingdom of Valencia under Jaume the Conqueror (1213-1276)," Fifth International Congress of Medieval Canon Law (Vatican City, 1980), 398-402. 82 Benedictine monastery on the French side of the Pyrenees in the old Catalan county of Conflent near the modem village of Castell de Vemets. 83 CAVC, 1, pt. 2:414-5,417-8 (arts. 36,42-44). 84 Ibid., 413 (art. 33). Usatges Usos e Constitucions de Catalunya. 85 Hospitaller convent on the Cinca River between Monzón and Zaragoza. 86 Documentos de Sigena, ed. Agustín Ubieto Arteta, 2 vols. (Valencia, 1972), 1:141-42 (doc. 91). captum tenuimus multus temporis 87 ACA, Cancillería real, R. 762, f. 117; DS, 485-86; Amada López de Meneses, "Florilegio documental de reinado de Pedro IV de Araón," Cuadernos de Historia de España 25-26 (1962): 358-59, 364-65; Anna Montgomery Campbell, The Black Death and Men of Learn­ ing (New York, 1931), 140; Bieryl Smalley, "Church and State: 1300-1377: Theory and Mediaevistik 21 • 2008 105 sported and their absolute refusal to wear such marks of clerical status as the tonsure, it was often difficult to distinguish them from laymen.88 In addition to the protection provided by canon law, clerical status also gave malefactors from the ecclesiastical estate a number of powerful weapons to wield. In 1313, for example, when one criminal was apprehended for assault and battery, he immediately claimed religious status and excommunicated the arresting officer, putting the entire site of his crime, the Valencian village of Alcira, under interdict.89 Though higher clergy of Catalonia and Aragon proclaimed "a full cessation of the di­ vine office" on several occasions during the Castilian war of the mid-fourteenth cen­ tury, this was normally in reaction to illegal usurpations or arrests carried out by Pere's officials.90 One clergyman, Bishop Jaume of Tortosa, however, took advantage of the fluid situation to extort monetary fines from the wealthier laymen of his bish­ opric in lieu of proclaiming sentences of excommunication against them.91 With the protection afforded by the Crown, peace and truce, and canon law,92 some clerics, like those living on Sant Cugat's outlying land in 1345, "respected nei­ ther God nor men, ...and [were] not afraid to frequently commit many grave, difficult, and enormous crimes in contempt of the clergy."93 The litany of violence practiced by fourteenth-century Catalan clergy was ever bit as bloody as that of the region's laity and seems tinged with even more cruelty. A very few exempla horrenda will suffice. In the early 1340s clerical gangs "engaged in a career of thuggery" at Vilafrancha de Penedes and routinely terrorized townsmen in both Barcelona and Gerona by ran­ domly firing crossbows into urban crowds.94 If debts real or imagined remained un­ paid to such violent men of God, they might react as did a Daroca cleric who in 1304 exercised his right as a creditor by hoisting the offending layman up in a saddle with a lasso around his neck.95 When charged with such crimes by royal officials, clerical malefactors throughout the fourteenth century occasionally reacted by laying in wait

Fact," Europe in the Late Middle Ages, ed. J.R. Hale, J.R.L. Highfield, B. Smalley (Evans­ ton, 111., 1965), 20-21. For the most notorious example of clerical prostitution in contempo- raty Spain, see Peter Linehan, The Ladies of Zamora (University Park, Penn., 1997), 159- 74. 88 Hillgarth, Spanish Kingdoms, 1:94-96, 2:99; Mutge Vives, Ciudad de Barcelona, 132; Al- lamand, "War," 172. 89 ACA, Cancillería real, R. 251, f. 97v; DS, 139-40 (doc. 208). 90 ACA, Cancillería real, R. 1206, f. 48v; DS, 466 (doc. 615). In 1365 after Pedro I had con­ quered Murviedro, Pere accused the priests who remained in the Valencian urban site with having entered into "the service of the king of Castile" and laboring "to defend the village against me." The Aragonese sovereign thus instructed the bishop of Valencia to remove benefices from these "traitorous priests." 91 ACA, Cancillería real, R. 1206, f. 127; DS, 462 (doc. 609). 92 Ibid., 57,447 (docs. 101, 588). 93 Notule, 25, 245 (no. 14). plures excessus graves et aliquando difficiles et enormes, Deum non verendo nec homines in cleri opproprium frequenter committere nonformident. 94 Ibid., 46 (doc. 74); Femández-Armesto, Barcelona, 27. 95 ACA, Cancillería real, R. 239, f. 141; DS, 56-57 (doc. 101). 106 Mediaevistik 21 • 2008 and attacking the king's officer.96 Such acts were committed by clerics of both noble and non-noble ancestry, but in the years after the plague urban preachers, such as the Barcelona Carmelite, Bemat Puig, exhorted the poor to declare war on the rich, whether clergy or laymen.97 While Pere III was occasionally called on to punish the violent actions of his Cata­ lan clergy and, in desperate straits, asked his churchmen and their vassals to serve in his host, his principal aim was to protect his clergy who were still, by and large, "men of peace" who were often the victims of the violent world in which they lived.98 Since the churchmen were still considered "defenseless" (inermis) before the royal law which had drawn such definitions completely from the peace and truce,99 it was thus up to the king and his officials to issue and enforce safe conducts for all clergy, even those accused of perpetrating violent acts.100 Protection by any civil power became increasingly difficult for a church filled with "the proudest men in the world, puffed up, pompous, and sumptuous in luxuries."101 As the ecclesiastical hierarchy was split with the Babylonian Captivity and the beginnings of Great Schism, men were never certain which church to call their own.102 The deprivations of the plague and the Hundred Years War brought clerical dig­ nity to an even lower level. Across Europe, papal agents as well as local churchmen were all subjected to increased violence from the surrounding lay populace.103 Though the pope routinely condemned such actions, excommunication and interdict were the only weapons in his arsenal since he possessed "no militia, no police, no

96 ACA, Cancillería real, R. 239, ff. 149v, 226v; R. 241, f. 28 ; DS, 102, 107, 123-24 (docs. 159, 165, 187); Notule, 41, 65, 250-51 (docs. 28, 58). 97 Mollat, Poor, 184-85. 98 ACA, Cancillería real, R. 226, f. 22; R. 241, f. 199; R. 245, f. 239; R. 308, ff. 164, 168; R. 332, f. 75v; R. 333, f. 155v; DS, 48-49, 58, 62-63, 149, 241-42, 252, 509-10 (docs. 89, 103, 111,222, 340, 350, 663). 99 CSCV, 2:110-3 (doc. 464); 3: 28-29 (doc. 896); Thomas N. Bisson, "Feudalism in Twelfth Century Catalonia," in Structures féodales et féodalisme dans l'occident Méditer­ ranéen XIe et XIIe siècles (Paris, 1986), 174-77; Sister Karen Kennelly, C.S.J., "Catalan Peace and Truce Assemblies," Studies in Medieval Culture 5 (1975): 44-45; Mutge Vives, Ciudad de Barcelona, 171; Kagay "Violence," 112-3. 100 Mutge Vives, Ciudad de Barcelona, 169-70; Notule, 50 (doc. 85); Luis Suarez Fernández, Castilla, El Cisma y la crisis conciliar (1378-1440) (Madrid, 1960), 322-23; Bums, "Guidaticum," 95 (doc. 11). 101 Tuchman, Distant Mirror, 123. 102 Joseph F. O'Callaghan, "Pedro López de Ayala's Reflections on the State of the Four­ teenth-Century Church," in Medieval Iberia, 229-41. A line of Ayala expresses this con­ cern in regard to the identity of a suitable pontiff: "Whether he's French or Hungarian/ Spanish or German/ English or Lombard/ Scot or Catalan, May the one they give us be Christian." 103 Tuchman, Distant Mirror, 122; Robert S. Gottfried, Bury St. Edmunds and the Urban Crisis, 1290-1539 (Princeton, N.J., 1982), 217-22; Barbara A. Hanawalt, Crime and Con­ flict in English Communities, 1300-1348 (Cambridge, Mass., 1979), 87; Allmand, "War," 172-77; Smalley, "Church and State," 21. Mediaevistik 21 • 2008 107 paraphernalia [for bringing wrongdoers to justice]."104 In Catalonia, a number of the great monasteries besides Sant Cugat were violated during the fourteenth century. In 1328, a rowdy band of nobles, "moved by a diabolical spirit," broke into Sant Pau de Camp.105 and terrorized the monks. In 1375, Sant Maria de Ripoll106 sustained a simi­ lar attack, suffering considerable damage as a result.107 Cathedral and even mendicant clergy were not immune to such assaults and, with a growing distrust between the municipal authorities and the town clergy, a dependable authority base for the pun­ ishment of such agencies were extremely hard to find.108 This failure in royal and papal tuicio deepened during the decade of the Castilian war when Pere III seemed to be fighting for his very survival. Despite his preoccupa­ tion with war, the king was repeatedly drawn back to local affairs by the clerical complaints of all his peninsular realms about the cruel malfeasance of royal officials. After years of viewing the clergy as sources of supplies and ready cash for the war ef­ fort, Pere's servitors responded to increasing "tax weariness" among the men of God by threatening and imprisoning "priests, tonsured clergy, and those bound by ecclesi­ astical judicial authority."109 Though he desperately needed their financial help, the king, at least officially, could not allow his government to bring about "great reduc­ tion of and damage to ecclesiastical liberty."110 In spite of this royal concern (which was surely viewed by many as disingenuous), the over-reaction of the king's men re­ flected the plight of many churchmen who could no longer rely on the Crown estab­ lishment for protection. Though not often subjected as were their Aragonese and Va- lencian counterparts to the constant threat of Castilian attack or the wild-eyed accusa­ tions of treason made by Pere himself,111 Catalan clergy of the same period found even their own parishioners a dangerous lot to deal with. The repeated royal calls for the suppression of rural banditry and of longstanding feuds belied the loss of royal control in many areas.112 Churchmen of the eastern realm who had little to fear from

104 Walter Ullmann, "The Medieval Papal Court as an International Tribunal," Virginia Journal of International Law 11 (1971): 363. 105 A Benedictine monastery within the city limits of present-day Barcelona below the Sarriá neighborhood. 106 Benedictine monastery in the modem Catalan province of Ripollés near the town of Ri­ poll on the right bank of the Ter River. 107 CAVC, 3:309; Mutge Vives, Ciudad de Barcelona, 170; Hillgarth, Spanish Kingdoms, 1:101. 108 CAVC, 3:308; Notule, 23-27 (doc. 9); Hillgarth, Spanish Kingdoms, 1:99, 124. 109 ACA, Cancillería real, R. 722, f. 34; DS, 463-64 (doc. 612). presbíteros et clericos tonsu- ratos et coniugatos de foro ecclesiasticos. 110 ACA, Cancillería real, R. 722, f. 34; DS, 464. magnum detrimentum et lesionem libertatis ecclesiastice. 111 ACA, Cancillería real, R. 704, f. 98v; R. 1159, ff. 157, 196v; DS, 442-44, 446 (docs. 582- 83, 587). 112 Ramon Muntaner, The Chronicle ofMuntaner, trans. Lady Henrietta Goodenough, 2 vols. (London, 1920), 2:431 (chap. 178); ACA, Cancillería real, R. 1379, ff. 123r-v; R. 1184, f. 108 Mediaevistik 21 • 2008 the depredations of war complained bitterly of their own neighbors who daily har­ assed them "with multiple lawsuits, disputes, dangers, and discord." 113 On the ex­ posed frontier, that "region of warfare and peril,"114 many a churchman added impov­ erishment to the list of evils they were forced to endure as revenues dried up from rich agricultural lands and villages which were bad depopulated due to the great wars which had been carried out and continued here for twelve years "between the kings and kingdoms of Aragon, Castile, and Navarre with great numbers of men from France...Britain, and many other nations who overran these lands."115 Both Pere and his Catalan clergy agreed how unprecedented and dangerous this turn of events had become. They even concurred about what had caused it: the delete­ rious effect wrought by the depopulation of towns, villages, and wide swaths of coun­ tryside first by the Black Death and then by a decade-long border war with Castile. Besides the physical damage they brought about, these complex events, in some ways, presaged a world-tumed-upside-down, one in which the murder of the Abbot was considered, if not openly acceptable, at least secretly understandable.

VII.

A simple act of murder. What is to be drawn from it? In an era of everyday violence, what difference does one murder make, more or less? Perhaps very little in the his­ torical landscape we have traversed; indeed within a century, Catalan clergy came un­ der a much darker cloud of civil unrest during the remenga wars as peasant violence swept across Old Catalonia.116 In modem terms, however, the grisly murder of Amau Ramon de Biure and other similar cases may serve as historiographical course correc­ tions of sorts. Thus, though medieval clergy have been rightly portrayed as "heavies" in David Nirenberg's Communities of Violence,111 and R.I. Moore's Formation of a

1; Documents historichs Catalans de segle XIV: Collecicó de cartas familiars correspon­ dents also regnats de Pere del Penyalet y Johan (Barcelona, 1889), 19-20. 113 DS, 466-67 (doc. 616). lites, dissentiones, pericula, et scandala multiplicia. 114 Robert I. Bums, S.J., "The Significance of the Frontier in the Middle Ages," in Medieval Frontier Societies, ed. Robert Bartlett and Angus MacKay (Oxford, 1996), 322. 115 Maria Desamparados Cabanes Pecourt, "Cartas de población en el dominio verolense," Aragón en la Edad Media 6 (1984): 115 (doc. 7); María Luisa Ledesma Rubio, Cartas de población del reino de Aragón en los soglos medievales (Zaragoza, 1991), 310 (doc. 244). Las grandes guerras que son sequidas et continuadas de XII any os aqui entre los reyes y regnos de Aragon e de Castiella e de Navarra por grandes gentes de Fran­ cia...Bretania et de otras muytas nationes que aquellas concurrieron. 116 Jaime Vicens Vives, Historia de los remensas (en el siglo XV) (Barcelona, 1978), 49-72. 117 David Nirenberg, Communities of Violence: Persecution of Minorities in the Middle Ages (Princeton, N.J., 1996), 193-95, 207-14, 228-30. Mediaevistik 21 • 2008 109

Persecuting Society9m they must also be seen as weak victims of what Thomas Bis­ son has called "arbitrary lordship."119 Which picture is the truly definitive one-that of the clergy as over-mighty feudal landowners and violent guarantors of Catholic orthodoxy or unarmed members of an estate which was exceedingly vulnerable to the increasingly lawless era in which they lived? As is so often the case in the medieval scene in which jurisdictional strength overlaps social powerlessness, both images may claim validity. Both images, how­ ever, surely point to an institution as varied as the medieval societies it served and, in many ways, defined.

Appendix

Safe conduct (guidamentum) for citizens of the city of Tarragona and the village of Villseca from being charged with any crimes while on military service. This blanket protection did not apply to such heinous crimes as treason, heresy, sodomy, counter­ feiting, or involvement "in the death of the Abbot of Sant Cugat de Valles."

April 22, 1367. ACA, Cancillería real, R. 1387, f. 135v

//=end of line in original manuscript /=scribal division <>=broken text []=editorial completion of abbreviated words

Nos Petrus etc. Resp[ec]tu s[er]vitii quod vos fid[e]les nostri Johanes de turribus/ // Petrus de Barberano domicell[u]s/ Petrus gabaterii/ et Guill[el]mus borges/ Cives Civitatis// T[er]racon[a]e/ ac Petr[u]s et ffrancisc[u]s Colomer oriundi loci de villasicca cum equis et// armis nob[is] impependeretis i[n] p[ar]tibus Aragon[ae] de p[re]senti guidamus tenore huius[mod]i atque// assec[ur]am[u]s vos et quemlib[e]t v[est]rum de q[ui]buslibet excessibus et c[ri]minibus inculpatos//dumm[odo] no[n] sitis p[ro]ditor[e]s aut bausator[e]s heretici aut sodomit[a]e nec falsator[e]s// moneto[a]e/ nec comis[er]itis c[ri]men lese magestatis nec sitis fugitivi armataru[m]// n[ost]rarum/ n[e]c int[er]fueritis morti abbatis s[anc]ti Cucuphatis Vall[e]n[sis]. Ita que durante// hoc p[re]senti guidatico n[ost]ro quod durare volu[mu]s et tene[re] dum resideritis i[n] s[er]vicio// ipso/ ecia[m] p[er] unu[m] an[n]um/ ex quo licenciati discess[er]itis ab eodem poss[er]itis// incedere morari et

118 R. I. Moore, The Formation of a Persecuting Society: Power and Deviance in Western Europe, 950-1250 (Oxford, 1987), 7-8, 23-27,144-46. 119 Thomas N. Bisson, Tormented Voices: Power, Crisis, and Humanity in Rural Catalonia 1140-1200 (Cambridge, Mass., 1998), 104-8, 145. 110 Mediaevistik 21 • 2008 e[ss]e p[er] om[n]es et sing[u]las Civitat[e]s villas t[er]ras et loca n[ost]ri//domini et ab eis exire/ ac ad eas seu ea redire salve p[a]rit[er] et sec[ur]e. Mandant[e]s// per p[re]sente Gubematori n[ost]ro gen[er]ali et ei[u]s vicesg[er]entib[u]s vicariisque Civitatis// T[er]racon[a]e et Campi et aliis univ[er]sis et sing[u]lis officialibus n[ost]ris et d[ic]torum officialiu[m]// locatene[n]tibus p[re]sentibus et fut[ur]is q[ua]te[nus] guidaticu[m] n[ost]rum p[re]sens teneant firmit[er]// et obs[er]vent et faciant p[ro]ut continet[ur] s[upe]ri[u]s obs[er]vari et non cont[ra]veniat[ur] n[e]c alique[m]// seu aliqu[o]s contravenire permit[t]ant aliqua ra[ci]one. P[er] iamd[ic]tum v[er]o guidaticu[m] no[n]// intendi[mu]s neq[ue] volu[mu]s q[ue] bonor[um] v[est]ror[um] a[n]notacio si qua est i[n] aliquo ledi// valeat aut an[n]i t[em]p[u]s ullate[nu]s int[er]rup[t]i. Q[ui]nimo ip[s]a remane[re] volum[u]s in eor[um]//robore v[ir]ibus et efectu[m]. Q[uo]q[ue] vos dura[n]te guidatico ip[s]o sup[er] c[ri]mine v[e]l bonis// non possitis in judicio p[ro]cedere v[e]l vos judicial[ite]r aut al[iter] defendere ullomodo// que processus quivis judicialis et ext[ra]judicialis cont[ra] vos du[m]taxat durante//hui[us]m[odi] guidatico suspendatfur] excepta bonor[um] an[n]otator[um] confiscacione et eor[um]// exequcione q[ue] post annum possit licite fi[eri] p[re]senti guidatico no[n] obstante. In// cui[u]s rei testimoniu[m] hanc fi[eri]et n[ost]ro sigillo jussimus corri[gi] Datum C[a]esaraug[u]t[a]e// xxii die ap[ri]lis an[n]o a nat[ivitat]e d[omi]ni M[illesim]o CCCIX septi[m]o We Pere... In respect to the service which you, our faithful Joan de Turres, Pere de Barberano, esquire, Pere Çabeter, and Guillem Borges, citizens of Tarragona, as well as Pere and Francesç Colomer of the related site of Villseca have rendered to us with horses and weapons in the regions of Aragon, we, by the tenor of the present letter of this type, safeguard and secure you and any of your men from being charged with any offenses or crimes whatsoever, provided you are not a traitor, informer, heretic, sodomite, or counterfeiter, have not committed lèse majesté, are not a smuggler of our weapons, and were not involved in the death of the Abbot of Sant Cugat de Valles. Thus to strengthen this present safe-conduct of ours, we wish it to endure and stay in effect while you remain in this service and for a year after we have permitted you to leave this same service so that you may enter, linger and remain in each and every one of our cities, villages, and places of Our Lord and in leaving these and in returning to one or many of these, they shall equally remain safe and secure. Commanding by the present letter to our Governor General and his agents, to the vicars of the city of Tar­ ragona ands its Plain and to each and every one of our officials and their current and future lieutenants that they should firmly maintain and observe and have observed our present safe conduct as it is contained above nor should they contravene it nor permit any person or persons to do so for any reason. Indeed by the aforesaid safe conduct, we neither intend nor wish that any citation against your goods (if there should be one) can be applied in any way nor can the term of one year be violated in any respect since we wish it to remain in full strength, force, and effect. Also while the safe con­ duct is in effect, you may not take judicial proceedings before a judge or otherwise defend yourself in any way and while this safe conduct is in effect, any judicial and Mediaevistik 21 • 2008 111 extra-judicial proceedings whatsoever against you should be suspended except for the confiscation of the cited goods and the execution of this order which can justifiably be done after a year, irregardless of the present safe conduct. In testimony of this matter, we have ordered this letter be made and validated by our seal. Issued at Zaragoza on the 22nd day of April in the year of the birth of Our Lord, 1367.

Dr. Donald J. Kagay Department of History, Political Sciences, and Public Administration Albany State University Albany, GA 31705 USA