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2019 S. Constantinou and M. Meyer
INDEX A Agatha, saint, 151n10, 152n19 Abduction of Europa, 192, 193, 198, Agora, 299, 300 206, 208, 210, 211, 233n15. See Akropolites, George: Historia, 111, also Zeus 131n6 Achilles, 201, 206, 215, 216, 221, Alexandria, 37, 114, 145, 148 229, 238n84 Alexios I Komnenos, 85, 291, 293, Achilles Tatius: Leucippe and 295, 297–301, 314n73 Clitophon, 184n18, 184n22, Allegory, 19, 191, 221, 241n117 187n49, 217, 239n90, 243n148 Ambrose of Milan, 120, 136n42 Adam, 121, 191, 229, 230, 248, 250, Anastasia the Younger, saint, 6 264n14. See also Eve Andronikos I Komnenos, 170, 185n32 Adonis, 207, 221, 226–228, 241n124, Andronikos, saint, 16, 36–47, 50, 57, 243n153 58, 289 Adoption, 103, 104 Anemas, Michael, 299, 301 Adrianos, saint, 16, 36, 38, 47–58, Anger (orgē), 3, 4, 7, 9, 13, 81, 82, 59n5 87, 111–113, 115, 116, 119, Affect, 3, 6, 8, 9, 11, 25n32, 95, 102. 120, 123–130, 131n10, 138n61, See also Emotion; Mood; Pathos 138n66, 139n71, 165, 167, Affection (affectionate love; agapē; 184n28, 246, 258, 260, 287, 297 philia;storgē), 8, 11, 36, 37, 40, Animals 49, 52, 54, 57, 159–162, 164, horse, 193, 221, 225–228 165, 170, 175, 176, 285, 286. hound, 194, 221 See also Love lion/lioness, 193, 206, 218, 221, Agapetos: Ekthesis, 112, 125, 131n8, 225, 236n59 138n62, 138n64, 308n16 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2019 317 S. Constantinou and M. Meyer (eds.), Emotions and Gender in Byzantine Culture, New Approaches to Byzantine History and Culture, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-96038-8 318 INDEX seahorse (hippocamp), 192, 211, B 214, 215, 240n114 Bacchanal revelry, 214 stag, 194, 221 ‘Barbarism’ in art, 246, 254, 257, 258, Anna Komnene: Alexiad, 4, 16, 20, 260, 261, 263n8 22n12, 58, 66, 67, 80–88, 288, Basil I, 111, 269n44 291–305 Basil II, 141, 142, 312n46 Antioch, 37, 46, 114, 122, 230 Basileus, 115, 127. -
Introduction
Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-86543-2 - Economy and Society in the Age of Justinian Peter Sarris Excerpt More information Introduction In the year 565, in the imperial capital of Constantinople, the Emperor Justinian died, bringing to a close a reign that had lasted some forty-eight years. In death, as in life, Justinian left a deep impression on those around him. The Latin court poet Corippus declared that ‘the awesome death of the man showed by clear signs that he had conquered the world. He alone, amidst universal lamentations, seemed to rejoice in his pious coun- tenance.’1 The memory of Justinian was to loom large in the minds of subsequent generations of emperors, just as the physical monuments built in Constantinople during his reign were long to dominate the medieval city.2 The emperor had reformed the civil law of the empire, overhauled its administrative structures, and restored imperial rule to Africa, Italy, and part of Spain; he had engaged in long drawn-out warfare with the prestige enemy of Sasanian Persia and attempted to restore peace to the increasingly fissile imperial Church. In short, through his military exertions, Justinian had done much to restore the Roman Empire to a position of military and ideological dominance in the lands bordering the central and western Mediterranean, whilst at home he had sought to bolster the legal, admin- istrative, and religious authority of the imperial office.3 This attempted restoration of imperial fortunes had been accompanied by a concerted effort to propagandise on behalf of the emperor and his policies. -
BYZANTINE CAMEOS and the AESTHETICS of the ICON By
BYZANTINE CAMEOS AND THE AESTHETICS OF THE ICON by James A. Magruder, III A dissertation submitted to Johns Hopkins University in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Baltimore, Maryland March 2014 © 2014 James A. Magruder, III All rights reserved Abstract Byzantine icons have attracted artists and art historians to what they saw as the flat style of large painted panels. They tend to understand this flatness as a repudiation of the Classical priority to represent Nature and an affirmation of otherworldly spirituality. However, many extant sacred portraits from the Byzantine period were executed in relief in precious materials, such as gemstones, ivory or gold. Byzantine writers describe contemporary icons as lifelike, sometimes even coming to life with divine power. The question is what Byzantine Christians hoped to represent by crafting small icons in precious materials, specifically cameos. The dissertation catalogs and analyzes Byzantine cameos from the end of Iconoclasm (843) until the fall of Constantinople (1453). They have not received comprehensive treatment before, but since they represent saints in iconic poses, they provide a good corpus of icons comparable to icons in other media. Their durability and the difficulty of reworking them also makes them a particularly faithful record of Byzantine priorities regarding the icon as a genre. In addition, the dissertation surveys theological texts that comment on or illustrate stone to understand what role the materiality of Byzantine cameos played in choosing stone relief for icons. Finally, it examines Byzantine epigrams written about or for icons to define the terms that shaped icon production. -
Jordanes and the Invention of Roman-Gothic History Dissertation
Empire of Hope and Tragedy: Jordanes and the Invention of Roman-Gothic History Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Brian Swain Graduate Program in History The Ohio State University 2014 Dissertation Committee: Timothy Gregory, Co-advisor Anthony Kaldellis Kristina Sessa, Co-advisor Copyright by Brian Swain 2014 Abstract This dissertation explores the intersection of political and ethnic conflict during the emperor Justinian’s wars of reconquest through the figure and texts of Jordanes, the earliest barbarian voice to survive antiquity. Jordanes was ethnically Gothic - and yet he also claimed a Roman identity. Writing from Constantinople in 551, he penned two Latin histories on the Gothic and Roman pasts respectively. Crucially, Jordanes wrote while Goths and Romans clashed in the imperial war to reclaim the Italian homeland that had been under Gothic rule since 493. That a Roman Goth wrote about Goths while Rome was at war with Goths is significant and has no analogue in the ancient record. I argue that it was precisely this conflict which prompted Jordanes’ historical inquiry. Jordanes, though, has long been considered a mere copyist, and seldom treated as an historian with ideas of his own. And the few scholars who have treated Jordanes as an original author have dampened the significance of his Gothicness by arguing that barbarian ethnicities were evanescent and subsumed by the gravity of a Roman political identity. They hold that Jordanes was simply a Roman who can tell us only about Roman things, and supported the Roman emperor in his war against the Goths. -
Ofenge~6) a U
RICE UNIVERSITY "Kin with Kin and Kind with Kind Confound": Pity, Justice, and Family Killing in Early Modern Dramas Depicting Islam by Joy Pasini A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE Doctor of Philosophy ~--- Meredith Skura, Libbie Shearn Moody Professor ofEnge~6) a u avid Cook, Associate Professor, Religious Studies Houston, Texas DECEMBER 2011 Abstract "Kin with Kin and Kind with Kind Confound": Pity, Justice, and Family Killing in Early Modem Dramas Depicting Islam By Joy Pasini This dissertation examines the early modem representation of the Ottoman sultan as merciless murderer of his own family in dramas depicting Islam that are also revenge tragedies or history plays set in empires. This representation arose in part from historical events: the civil wars that erupted periodically from the reign of Sultan Murad I (1362-1389) to that of Sultan Mehmed III (1595-1603) in which the sultan killed family members who were rivals to the throne. Drawing on these events, theological and historical texts by John Foxe, Samuel Purchas, and Richard Knolles offered a distorted image of the Ottoman sultan as devoid of pity for anyone, but most importantly family, an image which seeped into early modem drama. Early modem English playwrights repeatedly staged scenes in the dramas that depict Islam in which one member of a family implores another for pity and to remain alive. However, family killing became diffuse and was not the sole province of the Ottoman sultan or other Muslim character: the Spanish, Romans, and the Scythians also kill their kin. Additionally, they kill members of their own religious, ethnic, and national groups as family killing expands to encompass a more general self destruction, self sacrifice, and self consumption. -
The Beginning of Byzantine Chronography: John Malalas
CHAPTER FOURTEEN THE BEGINNING OF BYZANTINE CHRONOGRAPHY: JOHN MALALAS Elizabeth Jeffreys The chronicle of John Malalas, written in the course of the sixth century, is the earliest extant example of a Byzantine world chron- icle.1 This is a genre which, combining secular and biblical history, presents a Christian account of world history from creation to the author’s own day. Malalas’ chronicle was influential; it was quoted and excerpted very soon after it reached its final form and mater- ial derived from it shaped the Byzantine perception of the past throughout the Byzantine millennium. However, though the chron- icle was treated as a serious work by the author’s contemporaries and immediate successors, scholars in the West from the Renaissance onwards have regarded it with contempt since it conspicuously fails to conform to classical norms of language, style and presentation. Only in recent years has there developed an awareness that this text might represent something more than ignorant and semi-literate bab- blings. Much, however, still remains uncertain about the purposes and nature of the work, which may be clarified now that a new edi- tion of the Greek text has appeared. The Chronicle: Contents and Purpose Malalas’ chronicle survives in many extracts and translations. In its main witness, the eleventh or twelfth-century Oxford manuscript Baroccianus 182,2 the chronicle is presented in eighteen books, which 1 Frequent reference will be made in this chapter to papers which were pro- duced in conjunction with the 1986 English translation (cf. Bibliography): E. Jeffreys, ed., with B. Croke and R. -
© in This Web Service Cambridge University Press
Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-43093-7 - Byzantium in the Iconoclast Era c. 680–850: A History Leslie Brubaker and John Haldon Index More information Index Given the centrality of these concepts to the present work, the terms ‘iconoclasm, iconoclast’ etc., and ‘iconophile’ are not indexed. Monuments are normally listed under location. ‘Abbas, son of al-Ma’mun 409 Anatolikon 28, 70–1, 74, 159, 292, 294, 358, ‘Abd al-Malik, caliph 778 362, 364, 386, 410, 549, 553, 554, 586, ‘Abd ar-Rahman II, caliph 411 613, 633, 634, 691, 697, 704, 759 Abu Qurra, Theodore 188, 233, 234, 246 Anchialos 288, 290 acheiropoieta 35–6, 38, 55, 56, 774, 782 Andrew of Crete 20, 70, 80, 85, 90, 151, 643 Adamnan 58, 141, 781 Angelidi, Christine 216 Adata 410 angels, images of 776 adiectio sterilium 718, 720 Ankara 255, 289, 409, 540, 549, 552, 553, 561 Adoptionism 283, 309 Anna, patrikia 313, 424, 446 Adrianople 361, 362 Anna, daughter of Theodora and Theophilos Aetios, protospatharios 288, 292, 294, 637 433 Agathias 13, 54, 478, 776, 777 Annales Bertiniani 516 Agatho, pope 20 Anne, wife of Leo III 144 Agathos, monastery of 316, 424 Anthony, bishop of Syllaion 369, 390, 391, Agauroi, monastery of 397 392 Aghlabids 405, 411 Anthony the Younger, Life 735 Aistulf, king 169 Anthousa of Mantineon, monastery of 216, Akathistos, Synaxarion 93 240 Akroinon 76, 546, 553 anthypatos 593, 671, 673, 682, 712–13, 716, Alakilise, Church of the Archangel Gabriel 742, 764, 769–70 416 Antidion, monastery 425 Alcuin 281 Antioch (Pisidia) 75 Alexander, Paul 373, 375 Antoninus of -
The Serbian Paradox: the Cost of Integration Into the European Union
The Serbian Paradox: The Cost of Integration into the European Union Preston Huennekens Thesis submitted to the faculty of the Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts In Political Science Yannis A. Stivachtis, Chair Besnik Pula Glenn R. Bugh April 17, 2018 Blacksburg, VA Keywords: Serbia, European Union, historical memory, nationalism, Balkan politics The Serbian Paradox: The Cost of Integration into the European Union Preston Huennekens Abstract This project addresses the Republic of Serbia’s current accession negotiations with the European Union, and asks how the country’s long and often turbulent history affects that dialogue. Using Filip Ejdus’ concept of historical memory and Benedict Anderson’s “imagined community” theory of nationalism, this paper discusses how Serbia has reached a critical moment in its history by pursuing European integration. This contradicts their historical pull towards their longtime ally Russia. What role does historical memory play in these negotiations, and is integration truly possible? Additionally, how is Serbia’s powerful president, Aleksandar Vucic, using the Europeanization process to strengthen his hand domestically? Abstract (General Audience) This thesis addresses the Republic of Serbia’s current accession negotiations with the European Union, and asks how the country’s long and often turbulent history affects that dialogue. I argue that Serbia is at a crossroads in its history: on one hand, it wishes to join the European Union, but on the other is continually pulled to the east with their historical ally, Russia. I argue that President Aleksandar Vucic is using the EU negotiations to enhance his own power and that if the EU admits Serbia into the body they will be trading regional stability for Serbian democracy. -
Suleiman the Magnificent, Ruler of the Ottoman Empire in the 16Th Century, Conquered Many Lands and Allowed Diverse Cultures to Exist Within His Empire
Read document 1, for further understanding read document 2 as well. Modified and excerpted from www.timewarptrio.com Suleiman the Magnificent, ruler of the Ottoman Empire in the 16th century, conquered many lands and allowed diverse cultures to exist within his empire. Comparing and contrasting his accomplishments with those of Alexander the Great or other famous conquerors can give students a new perspective on world history. Historical Background At its height, the Ottoman Empire’s lands stretched as far as Yemen to the south, Hungary to the west, Persia to the east, and Russia to the north. This large empire was ruled by a single family that produced an unbroken line of sultans (rulers) from the 1300s until the early 1900s. Under Suleiman—a sultan renowned for his sense of justice, his dedication to his people, his skills as a warrior, his understanding of Islam, and his artistic achievements—the Ottoman Empire experienced a golden age from 1520 to 1566. Europeans called Suleiman “the Magnificent,” but the Ottomans called Suleiman Kanuni, or “The Lawgiver,” because he established Ottoman law codes in order to create a unified system of justice, with Suleiman as the supreme authority The Ottoman Empire was known for its ruthless pursuit of new land, its great prosperity, its support for the arts and architecture, and the education of its citizens. Suleiman could afford all of these things because of the wealth he acquired through trade and taxation. During his reign, the sultan’s chief architect, Mimar Sinan, built over 300 structures throughout the empire. Sinan’s greatest architectural achievement was Suleiman’s Mosque (called Suleymaniye in Turkish and Arabic)—a rectangular prayer hall covered by an eighty-six-foot-wide dome—that remains Istanbul’s largest mosque. -
Byzantium and Bulgaria, 775-831
Byzantium and Bulgaria, 775–831 East Central and Eastern Europe in the Middle Ages, 450–1450 General Editor Florin Curta VOLUME 16 The titles published in this series are listed at brill.nl/ecee Byzantium and Bulgaria, 775–831 By Panos Sophoulis LEIDEN • BOSTON 2012 Cover illustration: Scylitzes Matritensis fol. 11r. With kind permission of the Bulgarian Historical Heritage Foundation, Plovdiv, Bulgaria. Brill has made all reasonable efforts to trace all rights holders to any copyrighted material used in this work. In cases where these efforts have not been successful the publisher welcomes communications from copyright holders, so that the appropriate acknowledgements can be made in future editions, and to settle other permission matters. This book is printed on acid-free paper. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Sophoulis, Pananos, 1974– Byzantium and Bulgaria, 775–831 / by Panos Sophoulis. p. cm. — (East Central and Eastern Europe in the Middle Ages, 450–1450, ISSN 1872-8103 ; v. 16.) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-90-04-20695-3 (hardback : alk. paper) 1. Byzantine Empire—Relations—Bulgaria. 2. Bulgaria—Relations—Byzantine Empire. 3. Byzantine Empire—Foreign relations—527–1081. 4. Bulgaria—History—To 1393. I. Title. DF547.B9S67 2011 327.495049909’021—dc23 2011029157 ISSN 1872-8103 ISBN 978 90 04 20695 3 Copyright 2012 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Global Oriental, Hotei Publishing, IDC Publishers, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers and VSP. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. -
Creation of the Founding Myth of Kosovo Albanians
Vedran Obućina: A War of Myths suvremene TEME, (2011.) god. 4., br. 1. CONTEMPORARY issues, (2011) Vol. 4, No. 1 UDK: 323.1(497.115)”200”=111 Prethodno priopćenje Primljeno: 21.9. 2011. A War of Myths: Creation of the Founding Myth of Kosovo Albanians VEDRAN OBUĆINA Politea: Association for Promotion of Social Sciences and New Media, Zagreb A distinctive Albanian character is present in the shaping of Kosovo’s statehood. The official politics of history and identity diminish the importance of other ethnic communities and focuses on Albanian mythology, represented by mixture of contemporary and historical personalities, events, places and memories. Integrative and European-leaning from outside, Kosovo is more and more particular and Albanian from inside, leaving many doubts and uncertainties about the intercultural future of Europe’s newest state. Keywords: Kosovo, Albanians, founding myth, memory, identity politics 1. Introduction in this paper it will be regarded only as an op- posite to the new myths of the Albanian side. Kosovo mythology might be perceived as The other one, the Albanian one, is the basis one of the indirect causes for bloodshed sur- for Kosovar nation-building. These mythologies rounding the wars, conflicts and atrocities made proclaimed themselves as saviors of the na- in this newly independent state. Kosovo might tion and civilization. In a poor attempt to follow also be regarded as the place where the vio- Samuel Huntington’s version of the clash of lent dissolution of Yugoslavia began. The 1981 civilizations, Serbs and Albanians unconsciously student unrest in Prishtina, the province’s capi- followed the ideas of Fernand Braudel, Oswald tal, showed the fragility of post-Tito Yugosla- Spengler and Arnold Toynbee in arguing that via, as an omen for future years (Ker-Lindsay, states were significantly influenced by their civili- 2009; Ramet, 2000; Udovički, 2000). -
Mighty Guests of the Throne Note on Transliteration
Sultan Ahmed III’s calligraphy of the Basmala: “In the Name of God, the All-Merciful, the All-Compassionate” The Ottoman Sultans Mighty Guests of the Throne Note on Transliteration In this work, words in Ottoman Turkish, including the Turkish names of people and their written works, as well as place-names within the boundaries of present-day Turkey, have been transcribed according to official Turkish orthography. Accordingly, c is read as j, ç is ch, and ş is sh. The ğ is silent, but it lengthens the preceding vowel. I is pronounced like the “o” in “atom,” and ö is the same as the German letter in Köln or the French “eu” as in “peu.” Finally, ü is the same as the German letter in Düsseldorf or the French “u” in “lune.” The anglicized forms, however, are used for some well-known Turkish words, such as Turcoman, Seljuk, vizier, sheikh, and pasha as well as place-names, such as Anatolia, Gallipoli, and Rumelia. The Ottoman Sultans Mighty Guests of the Throne SALİH GÜLEN Translated by EMRAH ŞAHİN Copyright © 2010 by Blue Dome Press Originally published in Turkish as Tahtın Kudretli Misafirleri: Osmanlı Padişahları 13 12 11 10 1 2 3 4 All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording or by any information storage and retrieval system without permission in writing from the Publisher. Published by Blue Dome Press 535 Fifth Avenue, 6th Fl New York, NY, 10017 www.bluedomepress.com Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Available ISBN 978-1-935295-04-4 Front cover: An 1867 painting of the Ottoman sultans from Osman Gazi to Sultan Abdülaziz by Stanislaw Chlebowski Front flap: Rosewater flask, encrusted with precious stones Title page: Ottoman Coat of Arms Back flap: Sultan Mehmed IV’s edict on the land grants that were deeded to the mosque erected by the Mother Sultan in Bahçekapı, Istanbul (Bottom: 16th century Ottoman parade helmet, encrusted with gems).