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Political Networks by Andreas Fahrmeir Political Networks by Andreas Fahrmeir International political networks became increasingly significant in Europe from the late-18th century onward. The parliamentarization of the system of government in an increasing number of countries provided the basis for this development, as it created direct competition between proponents of different basic political positions. The trend was also driven by media innovations such as the easier and quicker dissemination of news through printed newspapers, faster communication as a result of improved roads, new postal routes and, subsequently, railways and telegraphy, as well as the loosening of censorship restrictions in some countries. The structure of political networks reflected shifts in political debates and in power relationships, which in turn contributed to the restructuring of these networks. While cross-border political networks proved to be mutable and fragile, they became a projection surface for suspicions about secret structures. TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. Prerequisites 2. The French Revolution 3. Conservative convictions 4. Liberal ideas 5. Socialist programmes 6. Forms of communication and organization 7. Borders 8. Conclusion 9. Appendix 1. Literature 2. Notes Indices Citation Prerequisites The increasing distribution of books, newspapers and pamphlets, which in the 18th century increasingly devoted their attention to the discussion of fundamental political questions – such as the structures of an ideal constitution – was the main prerequisite for the formation of political networks.1 Censorship, which varied between the different European countries, partially hindered this development, but did not prevent it. In particular, a number of large and expensive works, which were believed not to pose a risk of wider political mobilization, became international bestsellers of the time. This was particularly likely if they were written in Latin or French, and were thus accessible to an international readership. A prime example is the Encyclopédie ou Dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers (➔ Media Link #ab)published by Jean le Rond d'Alembert (1717–1783) (➔ Media Link #ac) and Denis Diderot (1713–1784) (➔ Media Link #ad) between 1751 and 1780.2 This created a Europe-wide context for discussion, which enabled individuals to align themselves politically with or against positions connected with specific publications or authors. This identification with a political direction in turn became the basis for correspondence networks that emerged between authors and readers. Already in the 18th century, the expansion of the postal system and the gradual improvement of roads and canals began to reduce the delivery time of letters. ▲1 However, such networks formed in a restricted public sphere were only rarely able to achieve real political effectiveness. Firstly, due to their social composition and their limited size they did not aim to bring about political change through mass protests. The option of exercising influence as a political party was also largely precluded by the fact that parliaments or assemblies of the estates with real decision-making powers only existed in a small number of jurisdictions, such as Great Britain, Württemberg, Poland and Sweden. It was thus primarily government ministers, high-ranking officials or members of courts who could make political interventions based on discussions in publications and correspondence networks of ideal forms of government or forms of government that had proved their worth elsewhere. During the course of the 18th century, it became increasingly common in many monarchies in Europe to attract experts from across Europe for specific areas of politics, economics, the military or fundamental political questions. The perception of the qualifications of these individuals was often based on their publications and the opinion of these held by the public. Prominent examples of this were the presence of Voltaire (1694–1778) (➔ Media Link #ae) at the court of Friedrich II of Prussia (1712–1786) (➔ Media Link #af)3 between 1750 and 1753, Diderot's visit to the court of Catherine II of Russia (1729–1796) (➔ Media Link #ag) in 1773– 1774, and the adoption during the Polish constitutional reform of 1791 of positions that Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712–1778) (➔ Media Link #ah) had formulated on the Polish constitution in 1771/72 and which had been published in 1782.4 In more technical areas, there are the examples of the Scotsman John Law (1671–1729) (➔ Media Link #ai) and the Swiss Jacques Necker (1732–1804) (➔ Media Link #aj), who served as finance ministers of France. ▲2 A fundamental discussion of political systems had thus already commenced before the outbreak of the French Revolution (➔ Media Link #ak). In this discussion, relatively clear positions had already begun to emerge, which clearly differed with regard to views on monarchy as the dominant form of rule, evaluations of parliamentary assemblies, views on the effectiveness of bureaucratic organization, respect for an order based on estates, perspectives on church structures, and attitudes towards the poorer classes of society. Authors (mostly male, but also some female) who either personally travelled a lot or whose works were read and discussed beyond their native countries played a central role in this discussion. However, their ability to influence politics in a practical way was primarily dependent on the favour of individual monarchs, which could be granted for a period of time but could also be quickly withdrawn. Networks between people were based on largely anonymous communication through print media, and on the direct exchange of information through correspondence that was private to a greater or lesser extent.5 ▲3 The French Revolution With the start of the French Revolution, the formation of Europe-wide political networks entered a new phase. Firstly, the central role of France and French authors in previous European debates6 meant that changes in France were particularly keenly observed. Secondly, the course of the French Revolution caused considerable population movements (➔ Media Link #al), particularly among people who were politically engaged or politically exposed, who either travelled to the centre of the revolutionary changes or fled from the Revolution and often set about forming counter-revolutionary political networks in exile.7 Thirdly, the wars that followed the Revolution (➔ Media Link #an), during which revolutionary and Napoleonic France continuously expanded its territory in continental Europe up to 1812 (➔ Media Link #ao), resulted in elements of the revolutionary policies being implemented or becoming a concrete challenge to the existing order in large parts of Europe.8 As a result, pre-existing intellectual connections were supplemented by similar experiences of revolution and reform in many parts of Europe. ▲4 Attitudes towards programmatic texts – such as the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen (➔ Media Link #ap),9 the Marseillaise (➔ Media Link #aq)10 by Claude Joseph Rouget de Lisle (1760–1836) (➔ Media Link #ar) or the various French constitutions decreed from 1791 onward, on the one hand, and, on the other hand, analyses skeptical of the Revolution such as Edmund Burke's (1730–1797) (➔ Media Link #as) Reflections on the Revolution in France (1789) (➔ Media Link #at),11 Francois Rene de Chateaubriand's (1768–1848) (➔ Media Link #au) Génie du christianisme12 and Joseph de Maistre's (1753–1821) (➔ Media Link #av) Essai sur le principe générateur des constitutions politiques13 – played an important role in the identification of ideological commonalities and differences. After the Congress of Vienna, the content of political programmes was readjusted. "Parties" underwent consolidation or greater differentiation. It was typical of political discussion after 1789, and particularly after 1793/1794, that positive or critical references to the different phases of the Revolution played a large role in the definition of political standpoints. This made it possible, in spite of the spectrum of constitutional arrangements in Europe that ranged from republics to parliamentary monarchies to absolutist monarchies, for European political networks to form and to identify common positions. ▲5 Conservative convictions The power positions of various networks changed over the course of the decades. While after 1789 conservative networks were in many cases on the back foot, their position became stronger after 1815 and particularly in the 1820s. Core conservative convictions included the central role of the monarchy as part of the only legitimate and divinely ordained order, the importance of the church and religion for social cohesion, and the indispensability of stable social hierarchies. The conservative position implied the veneration of King Louis XVI (1754–1793) (➔ Media Link #aw) – who had been executed during the French Revolution – as a "martyr" (➔ Media Link #ax),14 attempts to resurrect traditions such as the "royal touch" during the coronation of a French king (laying on of hands to cure illnesses) during the coronation of Charles X (1757–1836) (➔ Media Link #ay) in 1825.15 the rejection of reforms such as a written constitution, parliamentary assemblies, and the codification (➔ Media Link #az) of citizens' rights outside of the estates. The political aim was sometimes to retain a traditional structure that had not been affected by the Revolution, at other times it was to restore a traditional order to the way it had been before 1789, thereby erasing the changes
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