The Beginning of the French Revolution
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Quick Study Guide
WH07_te_ch06_rev_MOD_s.fm Page 240 Monday, March 5, 2007 5:10WH07MOD_se_CH06_rev_s.fm PM Page 240 Friday, January 26, 2007 12:12 PM Quick Study Guide CHAPTER Progress Monitoring Online 6 6 For: Self-test with vocabulary practice 6 Web Code: nba-1851 Quick Study Guide ■ Have students use the Quick Study ■ What Inspired the French Revolution? ■ Causes and Effects of the French Guide to prepare for this chapter’s Revolution test. Students may wish to refer to • Social: Enlightenment ideas such as equality and justice the following pages as they review: • Political: Ideas from the American Revolution • Economic: Inequalities among classes; unrest due to Cause and Effect extravagant monarchy Long-Term Causes Immediate Causes What Inspired the French Revolution? • Corrupt and inconsistent • Huge government debt Section 1, pp. 210–213 leadership • Poor harvests and rising ■ Reforms of the National Assembly • Prosperous members of price of bread Third Estate resent • Failure of Louis XVI to Causes and Effects of the French Revolution Political privileges of First and accept financial reforms Second Estates. Section 1, pp. 210–215; Section 2, • Proclaimed all male citizens equal before the law. • Formation of National • Spread of Enlightenment • Limited the power of the monarchy. Assembly pp. 217–222; Section 3, pp. 223–227; ideas Section 4, pp. 230–238 • Established the Legislative Assembly to make laws. • Storming of Bastille • Granted all tax-paying male citizens the right to elect members of the Legislative Assembly. Reforms of the National Assembly The French Revolution Section 2, pp. 217–220 Social and Economic • Abolished special privileges of the nobility. Immediate Effects Long-Term Effects • Announced an end to feudalism. -
Hannah Black Ruin/Rien
Hannah Black Ruin/Rien Ruin/Rien links together a cluster of events associated with the French Revolution in the late 18th century and the concept of the autonomous artwork. On the day of the storming of the Bastille, King Louis XVI wrote a single word in his diary: “rien” (nothing). This has been interpreted as a sign of the aristocracy’s disconnect from the activities of the proletariat. But it is more likely to have been simply a reference to the day’s hunt, in which the king killed nothing. The word “RIEN” appears here as a six-foot painting based on Ed Ruscha’s famous painting Oof. Ruscha was part of a movement of artists who played at the boundary of two ideas: that art draws its power from a kind of semantic emptiness, and that this emptiness itself characterizes everyday urban life. During the storming of the Bastille, a protestor found and rescued a manuscript tucked into the walls of a prison cell. This was the work of a recent inhabitant, the Marquis de Sade, who had been moved from the Bastille just 10 days previously. Bastille playfully reconstructs this anecdote in brick and paper, blocking out part of the outside world and evoking both the autonomy of minimalist sculpture and the prison cell. De Sade was a scion of the aristocracy but was sprung from his class position by his perverse sexual desires. A facing work, The Ruler, repurposes the cover of a famous heterosexual dating manual offering “capture”, gesturing to how, just as much as some desires can dislodge us from social norms, others can fuse us more closely to them. -
Inviolability Controversy in the Trial of Louis XVI Ronald L
Journal of the Arkansas Academy of Science Volume 20 Article 19 1966 Inviolability Controversy in the Trial of Louis XVI Ronald L. Hayworth University of Arkansas, Fayetteville Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarworks.uark.edu/jaas Part of the European History Commons Recommended Citation Hayworth, Ronald L. (1966) "Inviolability Controversy in the Trial of Louis XVI," Journal of the Arkansas Academy of Science: Vol. 20 , Article 19. Available at: http://scholarworks.uark.edu/jaas/vol20/iss1/19 This article is available for use under the Creative Commons license: Attribution-NoDerivatives 4.0 International (CC BY-ND 4.0). Users are able to read, download, copy, print, distribute, search, link to the full texts of these articles, or use them for any other lawful purpose, without asking prior permission from the publisher or the author. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@UARK. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of the Arkansas Academy of Science by an authorized editor of ScholarWorks@UARK. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. Journal of the Arkansas Academy of Science, Vol. 20 [1966], Art. 19 111 Arkansas Academy of Science Proceedings, Vol. 20, 1966 THE INVIOLABILITYCONTROVERSY IN THE TRIAL OF LOUIS XVI Ronald L. Hay worth Arkansas College The attempt at constitutional monarchy during the French Revolu- tion ended abruptly on August 10, 1792, with the dethronement of Louis XVI in what has been termed the Second French Revolution. 1 One major problem that the new National Convention faced when it convened in mid-September was the determination of the fate of the ci-devant roi. -
One and Indivisible? Federation, Federalism, and Colonialism in the Early French and Haitian Revolutions
One and Indivisible? Federation, Federalism, and Colonialism in the Early French and Haitian Revolutions MANUEL COVO abstract Histories of the French Revolution usually locate the origins of the “one and indivisible Republic” in a strictly metropolitan context. In contrast, this article argues that the French Revolution’s debates surrounding federation, federalism, and the (re)foundation of the French nation-state were interwoven with colonial and transimperial matters. Between 1776 and 1792 federalism in a French imperial context went from an element of an academic conversation among bureaucrats and economists to a matter of violent struggle in Saint- Domingue that generated new agendas in the metropole. Going beyond the binary language of union and secession, the article examines the contest over federation and federalism in Saint-Domingue between free people of color and white planters who, taking inspiration from both metropolitan and non-French experiences with federalism, sought to alter the col- ony’s relationship with the metropole while also maintaining the institution of slavery. Revo- lutionaries on both sides of the Atlantic, unsure which direction to take and without the ben- efit of hindsight, used the language of federalism to pursue rival interests despite a seemingly common vocabulary. This entangled history of conflicts, compromises, and misunderstand- ings blurred ideological delineations but decisively shaped the genesis of the French imperial republic. keywords French Revolution, Haitian Revolution, federalism, French -
50 H-France Forum, V
H-France Forum Volume 4 Page 50 ______________________________________________________________________________ H-France Forum, Volume 4, Issue 2 (Spring 2009), No. 5 Michael Sonenscher, Sans-Culottes: An Eighteenth-Century Emblem in the French Revolution. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2008. x + 493 pp. $45.00 U.S. (cl). ISBN 978- 0691124988. Response Essay by Michael Sonenscher, King’s College Cambridge, to the review essays of his book by John Hardman, Thomas E. Kaiser, Charles Walton and Johnson Kent Wright. Perhaps the easiest way to begin a reply to this array of thought-provoking comments is to start with the two factual questions raised by John Hardman. The first concerns the comte d’Angiviller, while the second concerns Charles-Alexandre de Calonne. Answering them is a good way into the questions set out by Thomas E. Kaiser and Charles Walton about the relationship of the sans-culottes to Robespierre, Saint-Just and the Jacobin leadership in 1793 and 1794 and, more broadly, about the similarities and differences in their respective moral values, economic priorities and political visions. Answering their questions is, in turn, a helpful entry point to the questions about eighteenth-century versions of ancient moral and political thought and about the politics of the ancient constitution raised by Johnson Kent Wright. John Hardman asked whether I had any evidence that the comte d’Angiviller was, as I put it, “a strong advocate of a patriotic coup against the nation’s creditors in 1787 and 1788” (p. 378). I made the claim on the basis of a remark by d’Angiviller in the autobiographical fragment entitled Episodes de ma vie that was published posthumously in 1906. -
THE COMPLICATIONS of RESISTING REVOLUTION Michael Chrzanowski [email protected]
University of Massachusetts nU dergraduate History Journal Volume 3 Article 1 2019 ENEMIES OR SAVIORS: THE COMPLICATIONS OF RESISTING REVOLUTION Michael Chrzanowski [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/umuhj Part of the European History Commons Recommended Citation Chrzanowski, Michael (2019) "ENEMIES OR SAVIORS: THE COMPLICATIONS OF RESISTING REVOLUTION," University of Massachusetts nU dergraduate History Journal: Vol. 3 , Article 1. DOI: https://doi.org/10.7275/nxx6-v711 Available at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/umuhj/vol3/iss1/1 This Primary Source-Based Article is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in University of Massachusetts ndeU rgraduate History Journal by an authorized editor of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. SUMMER 2019 UNDERGRADUATEChrzanowski: ENEMIES HISTORY OR SAVIORS JOURNAL 1 ENEMIES OR SAVIORS: THE COMPLICATIONS EOFNEMIES RESISTING OR REVOLUTION SAVIORS: THE COMPLICATIONS OF RESISTING REVOLUTION MICHAEL CHRZANOWSKI MICHAEL CHRZANOWSKI Published by ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst, 2019 1 SUMMER 2019 UniversityUNDERGRADUATE of Massachusetts Undergraduate HISTORY History Journal, JOURNAL Vol. 3 [2019], Art. 1 2 ABSTRACT Domestic opposition to the government in Paris was a constant throughout the French Revolution. Although the revolutionary government repressed each instance of unrest, the various opposition movements’ motivations and goals provide a lens through which we can re-evaluate the values of liberty, equality, and justice that revolutionaries articulated. One domestic opposition movement, the Federalist Revolt of 1793, had major significance for the course of the Revolution. The Federalist Revolt raised questions about fundamental aspects of the Revolution itself: who were the sovereign people? Who claimed to represent the people? Was violence integral to claiming sovereignty? I explore a number of aspects of the Federalist Revolt. -
Timeline (PDF)
Timeline of the French Revolution 1789 1793 May 5 Estates General convened in Versailles Jan. 21 Execution of Louis XVI (and later, Marie Jun. 17 National Assembly Antoinette on Oct. 16) Jun. 20 Tennis Court Oath Feb. 1 France declares war on British and Dutch (and Jul. 11 Necker dismissed on Spain on Mar. 7) Jul. 13 Bourgeois militias in Paris Mar. 11 Counterrevolution starts in Vendée Jul. 14 Storming of the Bastille in Paris (official start of Apr. 6 Committee of Public Safety formed the French Revolution) Jun. 1-2 Mountain purges Girondins Jul. 16 Necker recalled Jul. 13 Marat assassinated Jul. 20 Great Fear begins in the countryside Jul. 27 Maximilien Robespierre joins CPS Aug. 4 Abolition of feudalism Aug. 10 Festival of Unity and Indivisibility Aug. 26 Declaration of Rights of Man and the Citizen Sept. 5 Terror the order of the day Oct. 5 Adoption of Revolutionary calendar 1791 1794 Jun. 20-21 Flight to Varennes Aug. 27 Declaration of Pillnitz Jun. 8 Festival of the Supreme Being Jul. 27 9 Thermidor: fall of Robespierre 1792 1795 Apr. 20 France declares war on Austria (and provokes Prussian declaration on Jun. 13) Apr. 5/Jul. 22 Treaties of Basel (Prussia and Spain resp.) Sept. 2-6 September massacres in Paris Oct. 5 Vendémiare uprising: “whiff of grapeshot” Sept. 20 Battle of Valmy Oct. 26 Directory established Sept. 21 Convention formally abolishes monarchy Sept. 22 Beginning of Year I (First Republic) 1797 Oct. 17 Treaty of Campoformio Nov. 21 Berlin Decree 1798 1807 Jul. 21 Battle of the Pyramids Aug. -
The French Revolution, Napoleon, and Congress of Vienna (1770
FCPS World II SOL Standards: WHII 6e, 8a and 8b The French Revolution, Napoleon, and Congress of Vienna (1770-1850 C.E.) You Mean the Revolution Was More than a Bunch of Heads Being Chopped Off? Causes and Events of the French Revolution By the late 1700s, France was on the edge of revolution. The French people were inspired by both the American Revolution and the Enlightenment ideas. The country was struggling due to debt, famine, and inequality. The lower class, known as the third estate, was being taxed unfairly and felt they deserved equal say in the government. On July 14, 1789, a group of angry peasants looking for weapons began the French Revolution by Storming the Bastille, an old prison. The third estate went on to take over the government and made major changes to France. Their goal was to get rid of the old system of monarchy and nobles and establish democracy. Revolutionaries, under the leadership of Maximilien Robespierre, arrested and executed King Louis XVI and Queen Marie Antoinette. This began a time known as the Reign of Terror during which those who opposed the Revolution were executed with the guillotine. Over 15,000 people died during the Reign of Terror. While the Revolution did not achieve all of its goals of liberty and equality for all, it did succeed in encouraging secularism, nationalism and democracy. The Third Estate carrying the king, nobles and Catholic Church on its back Napoleon’s Rise and Fall Source: http://www.mrallsophistory.com/revision/the-origins-of-the-french-revolution.html The French people grew tired of the revolution’s violence. -
Innovation After the French Revolution, Or, Innovation Transformed: from Word to Concept
Innovation after the French Revolution, or, Innovation Transformed: From Word to Concept Benoît Godin 385 rue Sherbrooke Est Montreal, Quebec Canada H2X 1E3 [email protected] Project on the Intellectual History of Innovation Working Paper No. 14 2013 Previous Papers in the Series: 1. B. Godin, Innovation: The History of a Category. 2. B. Godin, In the Shadow of Schumpeter: W. Rupert Maclaurin and the Study of Technological Innovation. 3. B. Godin, The Linear Model of Innovation (II): Maurice Holland and the Research Cycle. 4. B. Godin, National Innovation System (II): Industrialists and the Origins of an Idea. 5. B. Godin, Innovation without the Word: William F. Ogburn’s Contribution to Technological Innovation Studies. 6. B. Godin, ‘Meddle Not with Them that Are Given to Change’: Innovation as Evil. 7. B. Godin, Innovation Studies: the Invention of a Specialty (Part I). 8. B. Godin, Innovation Studies: the Invention of a Specialty (Part II). 9. B. Godin, καινοτομία: An Old Word for a New World, or the De-Contestation of a Political and Contested Concept. 10. B. Godin, Republicanism and Innovation in Seventeenth Century England. 11. B. Godin, Social Innovation: Utopias of Innovation from c.1830 to the Present. 12. B. Godin and P. Lucier, Innovation and Conceptual Innovation in Ancient Greece. 13. B. Godin and J. Lane, ‘Pushes and Pulls’: The Hi(S)tory of the Demand-Pull Model of Innovation. Project on the Intellectual History of Innovation 385 rue Sherbrooke Est, Montreal, Quebec H2X 1E3 Telephone: (514) 499-4074 Facsimile: (514) 499-4065 www.csiic.ca Abstract For centuries, innovation has been a pejorative concept, and there has been no study of what innovation is. -
Chapter 6: the French Revolution and Napoleon
Chapter 6: The French Revolution and Napoleon Unit 2: Enlightenment and Revolution (1700-1850) Section 1: On the Eve of Revolution Chapter 6: The French Revolution and Napoleon (1789-1815) French Revolution Section 1: Terms and People ancien régime – the government in pre-revolution France estate – social class bourgeoisie – the middle class deficit spending – when a government spends more money than it takes in Louis XVI – king of France from 1774 to 1792; executed in 1793 Jacques Necker – a financial advisor to Louis XVI Estates-General – the legislative body consisting of representatives of the three estates cahier – notebook used during the French Revolution to record grievances Tennis Court Oath – an oath taken by the members of the National Assembly to meet wherever the circumstances might require until they had created a constitution Bastille – fortress in Paris used as a prison; French Revolution began when Parisians stormed it in 1789 Cause #1: Enlightenment Ideas New ideas about power and authority began to spread among the Third Estate. People began to question the structure of society using words such as equality, liberty, and democracy. The success of the American revolution inspired many people to begin to discuss the radical views of Rousseau and Voltaire. Cause #2: Economic Crisis There was Deficit spending (govt. spent more than it took in) The Seven Years War = Strained the Treasury The government borrowed more $$$$ The upper class resisted any taxes Bad weather created a food shortage Bread prices doubled -
The Fall of the Bastille: the Voice and Power of Paris
Parkland College A with Honors Projects Honors Program 2014 The alF l of the Bastille: The oiceV and Power of Paris Harold Lowery Parkland College Recommended Citation Lowery, Harold, "The alF l of the Bastille: The oV ice and Power of Paris" (2014). A with Honors Projects. 119. http://spark.parkland.edu/ah/119 Open access to this Article is brought to you by Parkland College's institutional repository, SPARK: Scholarship at Parkland. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Fall of the Bastille: The Voice and Power of Paris Harold Lowery History 102: Western Civilization II May 13th, 2014 The Fall of the Bastille: The Voice and Power of Paris When the research began into the fall of the Bastille on July 14, 1789, which has been called the beginning of the French Revolution that led to the fall of Louis XVI, the events that culminated in the storming of the Bastille was the combination of massive failures in agriculture, the use of military force in Paris, and the nobility’s efforts to undermine the commoners. The goal of this paper is to show the lengths humanity will go to bring about change and explain how the combinations of these events led to the storming of the Bastille. Prior to the fall of the Bastille, life within France was not one of commonality, "For all the patriots' talk about 'the nation,' there was little in the social and economic life of that nation that bound it together. Life experience was quite limited."[1] The statement shows the immensity of the events of July 14, which unified classes of people who had little in common before. -
The Innocence of Jacques-Pierre Brissot
This is a repository copy of The innocence of Jacques-Pierre Brissot. White Rose Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/1194/ Article: Burrows, S. (2003) The innocence of Jacques-Pierre Brissot. The Historical Journal, 46 (4). pp. 843-871. ISSN 0018-246X https://doi.org/10.1017/S0018246X03003327 Reuse See Attached Takedown If you consider content in White Rose Research Online to be in breach of UK law, please notify us by emailing [email protected] including the URL of the record and the reason for the withdrawal request. [email protected] https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/ The Historical Journal, 46, 4 (2003), pp. 843–871 f 2003 Cambridge University Press DOI: 10.1017/S0018246X03003327 Printed in the United Kingdom THE INNOCENCE OF JACQUES-PIERRE BRISSOT* SIMON BURROWS University of Leeds ABSTRACT. Even during his lifetime, the French revolutionary Girondin leader Jacques-Pierre Brissot de Warville’s reputation was tarnished by allegations that, before 1789, he was a swindler, police spy, and political pornographer. These charges resurfaced in 1968 in a celebrated article by Robert Darnton, which found miscellaneous, fragmentary evidence to support them, above all in the papers of the pre-revolutionary police chief, Lenoir. Although Darnton’s view has been challenged by several historians, no critic has supplied any substantive new evidence, and hence the Brissot debate remains mired in assertions and counter- assertions. This article finally offers such evidence, drawing both on Darnton’s main source, the Lenoir papers, and on sources unavailable to him in 1968, notably records of Brissot’s Lice´e de Londres and his embastillement, now on deposit in the Archives Nationales.