French Revolution And The Trial Of Marie Antoinette Background Guide Table of Contents

Letter from the Chair Letter from the Crisis Director Committee Logistics Introduction to the Committee Introduction to Topic One History of the Problem Past Actions Taken Current Events Questions to Consider Resources to Use Introduction to Topic Two History of the Problem Past Actions Taken Current Events Questions to Consider Resources to Use Bibliography

Staff of the Committee

Chair: Peyton Coel Vice Chair: Owen McNamara Crisis Director: Hans Walker Assistant Crisis Director: Sydney Steger

Coordinating Crisis Director: Julia Mullert

Under Secretary General Elena Bernstein

Taylor Cowser, Secretary General Neha Iyer, Director General

Letter from the Chair

Hello Delegates!

I am so thrilled to welcome you all to BosMUN XIX. For our returning delegates, welcome back! For our new delegates, we are so excited to have you here and hope you have an amazing time at the conference. My name is Peyton Coel and I am so honored to be serving as your Chair for this incredible French Revolution committee. I’m a freshman at Boston University double majoring in History and International Relations. I’m from the frigid Champlain Valley in Vermont, so the winters here in Boston are no trouble at all for me.

When I’m not rambling on about fascinating events in history or scouring the news for important updates, you can find me playing club water polo or swimming laps in the lovely FitRec pool, exploring the streets of Boston (Copley is my favorite place to go), and painting beautiful landscapes with the help of Bob Ross. I also really love to travel, and my favorite places I’ve been to are Spain and Costa Rica. Another fun fact about me: I only participated in one Model UN conference in high school, but I had such a great experience that I knew I wanted to do it in college and be involved in International Affairs for the rest of my life.

I had the privilege of serving as a crisis staffer for the Pax Britannica committee at BarMUN XII, but because I am a freshman, this is my first time participating in BosMUN. It’s been such an awesome experience putting this committee together, and I can’t wait to see it come to life. The French Revolution has always been one of my favorite periods of history, and Marie Antoinette is a very interesting and complex person. I trust that you all will make the best decision for France’s future. Vive la France!

Best,

Peyton Coel

Letter from the Cris Director

Greetings Delegates,

To start off I would personally like to welcome you to BOSMUN XIX and I look forward to being you Crisis Director for French Revolution and the Trial of Marie Antoinette. My name is Hans Walker and I am a Junior at Boston University majoring in Mechanical Engineering, with a minor in Physics and Computer Engineering. I started my MUN career Junior year of high school at SMUNC, and have enjoyed the activity ever since. In addition to attending conferences, I have also staffed 5 conferences here at BU, 3 at the high school level, and two at the collegiate level. I am also involved in Civic Teachers and Students for the UN, BUIAA’s two service oriented branches. For a little more about myself I grew up in Silicon Valley and graduated from Woodside Priory school. In addition to my MUN related activities, I also am involved in Wandering Minds, a theatre organization, and SHPE, BUs Hispanic Engineering society. Of course despite my best attempts to avoid it you will generally find me studying in one of BUs many study halls, for whatever project or midterm I have the next day. Currently in committee France stands at a crossroads with no precedence for what happens. For the first time in history a European monarchy stretching back a millennium is no longer in power, and this has left a vacuum that nobody knows how to deal with. As delegates it will be your job to decide what to do with the royal family, and the fate of France. Will you decide to institute moderate reforms to slowly correct the inequality in France, or will you instead to go down an increasing spiral of radicalization and anarchy? On a final note I would like to thank the BOSMUN secretariat immensely for the huge amount of work they have put in getting the conference running. The amount of dedication they’ve had over the past year has been amazing, and I hope that you all enjoy this conference immensely. Thank you, Hans Walker Crisis Director

Committee Logistics

Documents

Our committee will be using Directives for this conference. Directives, unlike resolutions made in regular, General Assembly MUN committees, are shorter, passed more often, and require the committee to take a specific action. A Directive will need signatures from one-third of the committee, and half +1 delegates in favor of it to pass. In addition, we will be using Press Releases, Communiques, and Crisis Notes. Press Releases are used to inform the committee of an occurrence that one or more of the delegates believe to be important. Press Releases may be addressed to the Legislative Assembly, Committee of Public Safety, any period-appropriate news source, the Dais, or it can just be a general Press Release directed towards the committee. Communiques are used to contact organizations and/or institutions outside the realm of the committee with the intention of somehow getting them involved. Communiques can be written by one or multiple delegates. The crisis room will be in charge of handling these documents. Lastly, Crisis Notes, will be used to take individual action within the committee and further one’s character’s arc. The crisis room will also be in charge of handling these documents. In order to write an effective Personal Directive, the author must stay true to their character and their resources, and be very specific about wants and needs.

Debate and Expectations

This committee will be operating in a moderated caucus. The topic, procedures, and alternative caucuses will be determined by the delegates. Voting for such things will be determined by a simple majority, while more significant matters will be determined by a calculated majority. The voting process is equal for everyone; each delegate gets one vote. The chair will determine all dilatory matters, and is free to use their judgement if they feel debate has come to a standstill. In this committee, respect is a very important matter. We ask that you respect the other delegates, staff, and facility. We are all here to work hard and have a great time!

Committee Logistics

Crisis Room

In a specialized committee, the Crisis Room plays a very important role. They are in charge of handling and responding to all documents written in committee, as well as delivering crisis updates throughout the conference. When writing a document that is to be reviewed in the Crisis Room, it is important to stay in character, address the note creatively, and specify whom it is coming from. The Crisis Room is a very stressful environment, as they are reading and responding to documents written by all delegates in the committee. We ask that delegates withhold any notes that could be unproductive and unnecessary. Please respect that the Crisis Staff has a lot on their plate, and they may not be able to respond right away. They are an extremely important part of this conference and we could not do this without them!

Trial

Part of this committee will run in a trial format in which Marie Antoinette is the accused. First, delegates must determine the charges against Antoinette and the format of the rest of the trial through submitting directives. Next, delegates will determine the witnesses in the trial. There will be ten witnesses allowed in the trial, with a maximum of three from outside the committee. Witnesses will be determined by submitting directives, with a maximum of three pre-written questions for the outside witnesses. When witnesses are called up, they must give an opening statement and are allowed to answer three questions asked by delegates. Witnesses inside the committee will be called up first, followed by outside witnesses. The committee will then move into determining if Antoinette is guilty using regular parliamentary procedure and eventually moving into voting procedure. Finally, Antoinette’s punishment will be determined by directives.

Committee Logistics

Awards

In this committee, delegates are encouraged to share their ideas, stimulate debate, and create solutions to the issues that are being explored. Those who show participation and promise in doing so may qualify for awards. Contenders for awards typically excel in speaking, writing, and participating in debate, and also use the Crisis Room appropriately and to their advantage. Awards are ultimately determined by the Chair, though the opinions of the Vice Chair, Crisis Director, Assistant Crisis Director, and Crisis Staffers are heavily considered. Delegates are required to show up to all committee sessions and write position papers to qualify. As stated before, respect is very important in our committee, and will also play a role in determining awards.

Introduction to the Committee

Welcome to Paris, France! The royal family- Louis XVI, Marie Antoinette, the royal children, and a few royal staff were spotted attempting to flee to Varennes, near the Austrian Netherlands, where Louis believed they still had sympathizers who would protect them. Dressed as a governess, her children, and a valet, the royal family got as far as Sainte-Menehould before being recognized by a postmaster, who rode on to Varennes to alert the town authorities. Upon arrival, the King was identified by an elder who was formerly employed at Versailles, and the family was escorted back to Paris.

After this affair, France is in a state of unrest. The people feel betrayed by their king and are calling for the replacement of the monarchy with a republic. The country is at war with Austria. The Legislative Assembly and the opposing counter-revolutionaries are in charge of determining whether or not the royal family is guilty and what must be done with them. They also must determine where the government needs to from there.

The committee is made up of pro-revolutionaries, members of the Girondins and the Jacobins, and counter-revolutionaries in order to get representation from all of the parties involved in the French Revolution.

The dates of each committee session will be determined and confirmed by the Crisis Room before each session, and they will come up with appropriate updates to reflect the chaos and demand of being involved in the French government at the time, and where the committee has decided to take this issue. The committee will be taking place between the years of 1791 and 1793. There will be new challenges being presented often, so the committee members must be ready to embrace and face whatever comes their way. It is up to you all to determine what to do with the royal family and how you would like to shape the government.

Introduction to Topic One- What Should be Done About the Royal Family, Specifically Marie Antoinette? When at the forefront of a Revolution, it is important to decide what to do with the family that is already in power. The Bourbon monarchy has held the throne of France since the 16th century, and this reign could all come to an end here. After the failure of the Flight to Varennes, it is up to the Legislative Assembly to determine what should be done with them. It must be determined whether or not they are innocent for wanting to escape the position that the revolutionaries put them in, or if they are guilty for betraying their country and people. If they deserve a punishment, the severity of it must be debated. There is much to be done about the royal family, and it’s in the hands of the committee to determine their fates.

History of the Problem

Beginnings

Marie Antoinette was born November 2nd, 1755 in Vienna, Austria as Maria Antonia Josepha Johanna. She lived a very carefree childhood, studying subject matters like religious and moral principles.1 After the Seven Years’ War, the alliance between Antonia's home country of Austria and France was incredibly weak. Antonia's mother, Empress Maria Theresa of Austria, decided to marry her off to the heir to the French throne, Louis XVI. A tutor was sent to Austria to instruct Antonia on how to be the future queen of France, though she did not pay much attention to these lessons.2 Finally, in 1770, at fourteen years old, Antonia was sent to France to be married.

Louis XVI was born August 23rd, 1754 in Versailles, France as Louis-Auguste. He was an excellent student and mastered multiple subjects and languages, though he was painfully shy. He was strong and healthy, and enjoyed activities like hunting and locksmithing.3 Louis’ parents, Louis, Dauphin of France and Marie-Josephe of Saxony, did not pay much attention to him and rather focused their attention on his older brother, Louis duc de Bourgogne. However, all three passed away within a few years of each other, leaving Louis-Auguste as the heir to the throne. He was not well-prepared to take the throne, and did not have the personality and decisiveness to be king.4

Louis-Auguste and Marie Antonia were promised to each other in 1768. On May 16th, 1770, Louis and Antonia were formally married. Louis was just fifteen, and Antonia was just fourteen.5 When they were married, she took the French name “Antoinette.” In 1774, upon the death of his grandfather, Louis XV, Louis-Auguste became Louis XVI, the King of France at just twenty years old.6 Unconfident and indecisive, Louis was not prepared for the trials and tribulations of being a monarch. Because of this, his reign led to the downfall of his country’s government.

1 Biography.com Editors, “Marie Antoinette Biography”, Biography, accessed November 22, 2019, https://www.biography.com/royalty/marie-antoinette 2Biography.com Editors, “Marie Antoinette Biography” 3Biography.com Editors, “Louis XVI Biography”, Biography, accessed November 23, 2019, https://www.biography.com/royalty/louis-xvi 4Biography.com Editors, “Louis XVI Biography” 5Biography.com Editors, “The Human Side of Louis XVI and Marie Antoinette”, Biography, accessed November 24, 2019, https://www.biography.com/news/king-louis-xvi-and-marie-antoinette-execution-anniversary 6Biography.com Editors, “Louis XVI Biography”

History of the Problem

Palace Life and Controversy

Louis XVI and Marie Antoinette were very different from each other. The pair was relatively friendly, but very awkward towards the beginning of their marriage. Antoinette was far more sociable and had a stronger personality than Louis. Louis was timid and feared being taken advantage of, so he kept his distance from his queen for the first few years of their marriage.7

Louis XVI’s lack of interaction with his wife led to a lot of backlash and controversy. The purpose of royal marriage at the time was to produce heirs, and the royal couple did not do so for the first seven years. Louis did not have any interest or drive in conceiving heirs, and Antoinette, who did have an interest, grew increasingly frustrated along with the rest of the palace. The couple was finally able to have children after a visit and multiple talks from Antoinette’s brother.8 Antoinette gave birth to four children: Marie Therese, Louis-Joseph, Louis-Charles, and Sophie.

Marie Antoinette created a reputation for herself around the palace, which quickly spread to all of France. Initially charmed by her personality, the people of France eventually began to loathe her. Antoinette was painted to be very materialistic and earned the nickname “Madame Déficit” for her alleged spending habits. While the rest of France was starving and poor, she seemed to be able to buy whatever she wanted, whenever she wanted it. She was constantly ridiculed for buying new shoes and dresses, when in reality, the French royalty had been doing so for years.9 The monetary affair that was the tipping point of Antoinette’s reputation was the diamond necklace scandal. A woman who claimed to be a descendant of the former French royal family, Jeanne de Valois-Saint-Rémy, wrote letters in Antoinette’s name to the jeweler that had designed an incredibly expensive necklace for the late Louis XV’s mistress, Madame du Barry, expressing interest in it even in the midst of financial crisis in France. Valois-Saint-Rémy sent a woman disguised as Antoinette to the cardinal one night, asking him to buy the necklace.

7Biography.com Editors, “Louis XVI Biography” 8Biography.com Editors, “The Human Side of Louis XVI and Marie Antoinette” 9Becky Little, “5 Thing You Might Not Know About Marie Antoinette”, National Geographic, accessed November 25, 2019, https://www.nationalgeographic.com/news/2016/10/marie-antoinette-facts-france-death-queen-anniv ersary/#close

History of the Problem

He agreed to pay for it in installments, but never received the pieces of the necklace because Valois-Saint-Rémy and her husband had swindled off the diamonds in London. When the scandal was uncovered and the French people found out, they never forgave Antoinette even though she was innocent and had no knowledge of the actions occurring.10

Marie Antoinette was also known for being quite frivolous in her affairs with men who were not her husband. Her relationship with Swedish diplomat Count Axel von Fersen was well-known around the palace, and it was even suspected that her third child, Louis-Charles, was von Fersen’s child conceived while Louis XVI was dealing with the American Revolution.

Misconceptions

The royal family was seen as quite selfish by the French people. While it is true that they did have significantly more money and material goods than the rest of France, this was normal for a royal family. The couple constantly picked up medical bills for anybody who was accidentally hurt by them, including a winegrower who was struck by Marie Antoinette’s carriage and a group of people who were injured by a stampede at their wedding.11 They were also known to give a lot to charity, Antoinette in particular. She showed support for single mothers, the elderly, widows, the blind, and the impoverished by donating money and food, as well as building shelters for some of them. The family even sold their royal cutlery and ate cheaper grain to support those who couldn’t afford much. Though the family gave a lot, many of the French people ignored such actions because they believed the bad outweighed the good.12

“Let them eat cake” is the phrase that Marie Antoinette is most famous for, although she most likely never even said it. To say something so inconsiderate would have been uncharacteristic of a queen at the time. Antoinette truly cared about the people of France, but did not have the skills or resources to give them exactly what they wanted from the royal family.

10Una McIlvenna, “How a Scandal Over a Diamond Necklace Cost Marie Antoinette Her Head”, History, accessed November 25, 2019, https://www.history.com/news/marie-antoinette-diamond-necklace-affair-french-revolution 11Biography.com Editors, “The Human Side of Louis XVI and Marie Antoinette” 12Biography.com Editors, “The Human Side of Louis XVI and Marie Antoinette”

History of the Problem

The Revolution

The French Revolution’s roots began to form when France took a key role in assisting America in the American Revolutionary War. A lot of the country’s money went into this endeavor, and between the revolutionary spending and the careless spending of Louis XVI and his predecessor, France was bankrupt. The growing seasons weren’t that much better- drought and cattle disease plagued France and bread prices were extremely high.13 Taxes were also very high, so the poor began to revolt against the regime that they found responsible for all of these problems. Things escalated further when Louis and his controller general came up with a tax plan in which the wealthy would no longer be exempt.14 Soon, almost the entire country was angry with the royal family.

Louis called a meeting of the Estates General in May of 1789, in which things did not go his way. The Third Estate declared itself the National Assembly, and though Louis resisted recognizing them at first, he was eventually forced to as more people began to resist his power.15 On July 14th, 1789, many French citizens stormed the Bastille prison to rebel against the King. On October 5th and 6th, 1789, a group of mostly women marched to Versailles and relocated the royal family back to Paris.

Louis was easily swayed by those around him, a trait that was not at all fit for a king. He initially accepted bad advice from his advisors and Marie Antoinette about how to deal with the angry French citizens: by simply showing an interest in and promising the French people reforms, but never following through with them.16 He also made the fatal error of ignoring good advice. Later in the Revolution, when his advisors recommended he renounce his throne, Louis disregarded their counsel. Instead, he fled for pro-monarchy Varennes with his family in tow.17 When caught by French citizens who recognized them, they were brought back to Paris and Louis was no longer recognized as the monarch of France, as he was thought to have committed an act of treason against his country by attempting to flee.

13History.com Editors, “French Revolution”, History, Accessed November 25, 2019, https://www.history.com/topics/france/french-revolution#section_1 14History.com Editors, “French Revolution” 15Biography.com Editors, “Louis XVI Biography” 16Biography.com Editors, “Louis XVI Biography” 17Biography.com Editors, “Louis XVI Biography”

Past Actions Taken

The Great Fear

The Great Fear was a grouping of events that marked the beginning of the French Revolution. Many of these actions were directed towards the king or actions that had been put into place by his royal predecessors.

The Great Fear began with the storming of the Bastille. Earlier in the year, the Third Estate had established itself as the National Assembly and claimed to have power in which the King was initially forced to accept. However, a rumor had gotten around that the King and the other two Estates were looking to overthrow this new government body.18 In reaction to this, the Third Estate sent troops to Paris and captured the Bastille prison, which showed the King and other royals/privileged that they were to be taken seriously.

Shortly after the storming of the Bastille, an series of uprisings began in the countryside. These uprisings were a reaction countering the heavy taxes imposed on French peasants and other poor groups. They were tired of the feudal system in which they were crumbling under, and they decided to attack their landlords to show that they were serious.19 In addition to landlords, many of the taxes paid by the peasants and other members of the Third Estate went directly to the king. The First and Second Estates were generally exempt from these taxes, so it was mostly the Third Estate paying such royal taxes to the king.20 This angered them, as they felt they were being treated unfairly by their government.

The Women’s March on Versailles

On October 1st, 1789, a large feast was held at Versailles in which the royal family and all of their guests were treated to mountains of delicious food and wine. Upon hearing of this feast, the common people of France were outraged.21 They could not believe that the royal family was hosting a large banquet with food to feed all of France while they were suffering. It was at this point when they decided to take their own measures.

18The Editors of Encyclopedia Britannica, “Great Fear”, Britannica.com, Accessed November 27, 2019, https://www.britannica.com/event/Great-Fear 19Bruce Kauffmann, “The Great Fear”, HistoryLessons.net, Accessed November 30, 2019, https://historylessons.net/the-great-fear 20Bruce Kauffmann, “The Great Fear” 21The Editors of Château De Versailles, “Departure of the King, 1789”, ChateauVersailles.fr, Accessed November 27, 2019, http://en.chateauversailles.fr/discover/history/key-dates/departure-king-1789

Past Actions Taken

The news of the lavish banquet, along with the high taxes and steep food prices, angered many, especially in Paris. On October 5th, 1789, a crowd of primarily women began to gather and march towards the city hall, demanding bread. More people joined, some radical, and began to call for arms as well. Upon arrival, arms and food were obtained, but it wasn’t enough. The masses also wanted the royal family to return to Paris and truly govern the people again.22

The crowd that had gathered at the city hall began to March to Versailles. Upon arrival, not all of them stayed, but many stormed the Palace to try to find Marie Antoinette’s room. The hatred of Antoinette had grown tremendously since the beginning of the French Revolution, since she was known to oppose reforms. When the Louis XVI, convinced by his advisors, announced his support for the National Legislative Assembly’s reforms, the crowd did not trust that Antoinette would go along with it.23 Their pursuit of the queen was an attempt to stop her from doing so.

The masses were eventually calmed, and the royal family appeared before them to be taken back to Paris. The crowd, after hearing of the Louis XVI’s acceptance of the reforms, treated him with great respect. Marie Antoinette was also treated with some respect, though there was a general fear that some people in the crowd wanted to kill her.24 The crowd and the royal family marched back to Paris, where Louis, Antoinette, and the rest of their family were moved into Tuileries Palace, where the people could feel like they were being properly governed. The march came to its conclusion on October 7th, 1789.

The Women’s March of Versailles was a turning point of the French Revolution. Because the crowd was successful in the removal of the royal family from Versailles and the relocation to Paris, they believed that the royal family, particularly Louis XVI, didn’t have total authority over them.25 Their success at Versailles motivated them to take greater measures in the later stages of the Revolution.

22Jone Johnson Lewis, “A History of the Women's March on Versailles”, ThoughtCo.com, Accessed November 30, 2019, https://www.thoughtco.com/womens-march-on-versailles-3529107 23Jone Johnson Lewis, “A History of the Women's March on Versailles” 24Jone Johnson Lewis, “A History of the Women's March on Versailles” 25Jone Johnson Lewis, “A History of the Women's March on Versailles”

Current Events

Flight to Varennes

After spending a little under two years in the Tuileries Palace, the royal family began to feel trapped. The country was changing rapidly and there was nothing they could do to stop the wave of reforms created by the National Legislative Assembly, or the members of the Third Estate that now had power. Louis XVI believed that he still had support in Varennes, which was near the Austrian Netherlands, and its surrounding areas. If the family could escape there, they could be under the protection of those loyal to them.

Axel von Fersen, Marie Antoinette’s lover, was the main organizer of the plan to flee to Varennes. Antoinette was to dress as a governess, her own governess as a Russian aristocrat, and all of her children as little girls. Louis dressed as a valet. Fersen suggested they travel in separate carriages, but Antoinette wanted them to travel together.26

The family made it to Sainte-Menehould when the news of their flight from Paris broke out. Upon arrival, both Louis and Antoinette were recognized by the town’s postmaster. After identifying the royal family, the postmaster went ahead to Varennes to warn the townspeople. When the royals arrived at midnight, a former Versailles employee was brought out to identify the king and queen. When he kneeled before Louis dressed as a valet, everyone knew that this was, in fact, the royal family.27 The family was sent back to Paris the next day, where they faced more backlash than they had ever before.

After this incident, the royal family lost almost all support from the French citizens. They lost all their credibility and were no longer recognized as the family in power.

Franco-Austrian Relations

France and Austria had strained relations following the Seven Years’ War, so the marriage between Louis XVI and Marie Antoinette bettered the relationship significantly. By the time the French Revolution came around, like Louis XVI, the leader

26 Richard Cavendish, “Louis XVI’s Flight from Paris”, HistoryToday.com, Accessed November 30, 2019, https://www.historytoday.com/archive/months-past/louis-xvis-flight-paris 27Richard Cavendish, “Louis XVI’s Flight from Paris”

Current Events of the Austrian Empire, Leopold II, approved of some of the reforms that the French people were calling for. Austria itself had gone through a series of reforms prior to the reign of Leopold having to do with industrialization of the country and calls for a more liberal and representative government.28 However, as the Revolution raged on and the royal family tried to flee to Varennes, the Austrian Empire began to realize that the family was a victim of the French Revolution rather than prospering from it, particularly after the Flight to Varennes. Upon this realization, the Austrian Empire began to show support for the king and queen of France instead. Leopold issued the Declaration of Pillnitz, which addressed the Revolution as a negative thing and offered support for the royal family.29 After all, Antoinette hailed from Austria and the last thing they wanted to do was upset the royal family by not backing them up when they needed such aid the most. When the new French government found out about this Declaration, they were extremely angry. They felt betrayed by their country’s leaders, and this led to the ultimate downfall and the delegitimization of Louis as the rightful ruler of France. This was the start of conflict between the new French government and the royalty-backed Austrian Empire.

Evidence of Austrian fraternization was also found when an angry mob stormed Tuileries Palace in August of 1792. The mob figured out that the Austrians played a role in the Flight to Varennes, as they were set to receive the royal family upon arrival and take care of them away from the grasp of the French Revolution. The royal family was arrested and convicted of treason.30

28The Editors of Encyclopedia Britannica, “Austria”, Britannica.com, Accessed December 1, 2019, https://www.britannica.com/place/Austria/Conflicts-with-revolutionary-France-1790-1805 29The Editors of Encyclopedia Britannica, “Austria” 30Richard Cavendish, “Louis XVI’s Flight from Paris”

Questions to Consider

The questions listed below are meant to be considered and dealt with by the end of the conference. The committee must make answering these questions as part of the end goal. In this case, the committee must debate and decide what to do with the royal family, specifically Marie Antoinette, who did not have the power, but was generally associated with Louis XVI and his actions.

1. Should Marie Antoinette be spared or should she be killed due to her association with the royal family? 2. Is it more important to consider the royal family’s, especially Antoinette’s, intentions for the French people or the outcome of her actions? 3. Would offing the royal family have a great impact, or not so much? 4. What are some effective ways of dealing with the royal family besides execution? 5. Will there be international outcry if the royal family, specifically Antoinette, is killed?

Resources to Use

1. Biography.com: A website that has in-depth biographies about many of the

important figures and their actions in the French Revolution including Marie Antoinette and Louis XVI.

2. History.com: A website that has articles ranging from biographies to specific events in the French Revolution. 3. Château De Versailles: The official website of the Palace of Versailles that talks about the Palace’s relevance to the French Revolution, but also includes information about specific people and events. 4. National Geographic: A source that has articles and videos all about the figures and events of the French Revolution. 5. HistoryToday.com: A website that has articles about the French Revolution from various different perspectives.

Introduction to Topic Two

The French Revolution occurred primarily because the French citizens were extremely dissatisfied with the government that was in place at the time. The government, a monarchy, seemed to only take from its people and give nothing in return. Taxes began to climb higher, food supply went down, and the citizens could do almost nothing about it, so they decided to start a revolution. The people decided to create a brand new government in the midst of the French Revolution. It is up to the committee to design the foundations of the brand new French government. The style of government, levels of citizen participation, and positions of power must all be determined. Remember, the government must be strong and favorable, or else there may be another movement to overthrow it.

History of the Problem

France Prior to the Revolution

Before the Revolution, France was a country made up of several different regions with very different people and customs. Each area had different geographical features and therefore different purposes. The Catholic Church, however, was a commonality between regions, as it found its place in each one.31

France followed the feudal system, which was considered out of date in many other European countries. 80% of the nation lived in the countryside. The peasants living in the countryside used many of the agricultural methods that were popular when the feudal system was more widespread around Europe, but these methods were very ineffective for the time and may have contributed to the decline in food and rise in price that contributed to the chaos of the French Revolution.32 The other 20% of the nation lived in one of the few large cities, and most worked as artisans or were in guilds. These people would often travel from city to city looking for work.33 Cities situated closer to the Atlantic Ocean and Mediterranean Sea had successful trade ports. The quality of life in the more urban areas was not that much better than life in the countryside.

Pre-Revolutionary Government

When Louis’ grandfather, Louis XV, passed away, Louis became the King of France on May 10th, 1774. The government he took over at the time was an absolute monarchy with three estates. The First Estate was the clergy. They were owed religious taxes by French commoners and were also tax exempt. The clergy was all Catholic, as that was the dominant religion of France at the time.34 The Second Estate was the nobility. The body was made up of people born into nobility or those who had obtained nobility status by being appointed to certain government professions. The members of the second estate did not have to work and also had special tax exemptions. They held some of the most important government positions, most notably the king’s ministers. Many of the nobility were incredibly wealthy as a result of holding high positions,

31Robert Wilde, “Pre-Revolutionary France”, ThoughtCo.com, Accessed December 22, 2019, https://www.thoughtco.com/french-revolution-pre-revolutionary-france-1221877 32Robert Wilde, “Pre-Revolutionary France” 33Robert Wilde, “Pre-Revolutionary France” 34Robert Wilde, “Pre-Revolutionary France”

History of the Problem though some nobility were not much wealthier than the typical French peasant. The main determining factor of nobility was lineage and feudal dues.35 The Third Estate was made up of everyone else in France: the lower class and the middle class, or bourgeoisie.36 The Third Estate accounted for 99% of the population, which was mostly peasants and other commoners. The poor were generally stuck in their living situations for life, but the bourgeoisie had the opportunity to make money and live a pleasant life. The bourgeoisie could also purchase positions under the king, which allowed them to obtain nobility status.37 Though the Third Estate was obviously larger than the other two Estates, it had the least amount of power and influence. The higher one’s status, the more power they had. Because of this Estates system, there were a lot of feelings of social inequality. The Third Estate felt they were looked down upon, and wanted more representation.

Taxes

The members of the Third Estate were heavily taxed prior to the French Revolution while the First and Second Estates were typically not taxed. To make matters worse for France’s poorest, the bourgeoisie was not taxed as heavily as the rest of the Third Estate. Taxes were already sky-high for the poorer members of the Third Estate, and after France’s participation in the American Revolutionary War, taxes grew even higher and more impossible to pay. In 1789, France experienced great bankruptcy. When the royalty attempted to collect taxes, the nobility refused to pay and the lower-class couldn’t bear the burden.38 Louis XVI realized that the nation was heading towards disaster, and so he decided to act.

Summoning of the Estates-General

On May 4th, 1789, Louis XVI called a meeting of the Estates-General to discuss the financial and agricultural crises in France and try to find solutions for both. It was the first meeting of the Estates-General since 1614. The meeting included representatives from each Estate. Though the Third Estate had the most members in attendance and in

35Robert Wilde, “Pre-Revolutionary France” 36Robert Wilde, “Pre-Revolutionary France” 37Robert Wilde, “Pre-Revolutionary France” 38 The Editors of PBS, “The French Revolution”, PBS.org, Accessed December 24, 2019, https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/features/adams-french-revolution/

History of the Problem general, they had the same representation as the lesser-populated but more powerful First and Second Estates.39 Each Estate was given only one vote, which seemed disproportionate to many of the members of the Third Estate.

The meeting turned out to be a massive failure. The Third Estate was outraged by the system of voting that had existed in the Estates-General for so long. They wanted a system in which each representative within the Estate could have a vote. The Third Estate knew they were going to be outnumbered by the other two Estates, who typically shared views and voted similarly. The First and Second Estate also had their concerns about the voting process, and believed that the Third Estate could overrule them if each representative was given a vote, which had never happened before.40 Because of the voting conflict, the meeting proved to be unproductive and ended with nothing getting done. Tired of having virtually no representation in the government, the Third Estate broke away from the Estates-General and took matters into their own hands.

The National Assembly

The Third Estate rallied support for a more representative government and voting system, but Louis XVI denied their request. The Third Estate became the National Assembly in June of 1789. After the failure to convene the Estates-General voting debate, many of the members of the Third Estate left the meeting and gathered at some tennis courts where they took the Tennis Court Oath, pledging the National Assembly and not to give up until they got the government they wanted.41 The Oath read:

“The National Assembly, considering that it has been summoned to establish the constitution of the kingdom, to effect the regeneration of public order, and to maintain the true principles of monarchy; that nothing can prevent it from continuing its deliberations in whatever place it may be forced to establish itself; and, finally, that wheresoever its members are assembled, there is the National Assembly… It decrees that all members of this Assembly shall immediately take a solemn oath not to separate,

39History Crunch Writers, “Estates General of 1789 in the French Revolution”, HistoryCrunch.com, Accessed December 24, 2019, https://www.historycrunch.com/estates-general-of-1789.html#/ 40History Crunch Writers, “Estates General of 1789 in the French Revolution” 41History Crunch Writers, “National Assembly of the French Revolution”, HistoryCrunch.com, Accessed December 24, 2019, https://www.historycrunch.com/national-assembly-of-the-french-revolution.html#/

History of the Problem and to reassemble wherever circumstances require, until the constitution of the kingdom is established and consolidated upon firm foundations; and that, the said oath taken, all members and each one individually shall ratify this steadfast resolution by signature.”42

As the Revolution continued to take shape and gain ground, more and more members of the Third Estate joined the National Assembly, along with members of the First and Second Estates that shared some similar viewpoints, such as poorer priests and nobles.43

Storming of the Bastille

The storming of the Bastille is considered to be the event that marked the official start of the French Revolution. After the creation of the National Assembly, the ideas of the common people began to mobilize and reach people all over France, especially in Paris. Many French citizens began to champion for a more representative, less autocratic government, and so when Louis XVI sent troops into Paris, the people were outraged.44 They decided to seize the weapons residing in the Hôtel des Invalides, but needed gunpowder, so they turned their eyes on the Bastille, which stored much of it.45

After the quickly-formed mob found their way into the Bastille, they set the prisoners free and took the prison governor and some of his men captive.46 These acts lit a fire under the French, and they wanted reforms. When Louis XVI and the other royals heard the news, they knew a revolution was on the rise and that the government was no longer safe.

42Alpha History Authors, “The Tennis Court Oath”, AlphaHistory.com, Accessed December 24, 2019, https://alphahistory.com/frenchrevolution/tennis-court-oath/ 43History Crunch Writers, “National Assembly of the French Revolution” 44Mircea Platon, “The Storming of the Bastille”, OSU.edu, Accessed December 24, 2019, http://origins.osu.edu/milestones/july-2014-storming-bastille 45Mircea Platon, “The Storming of the Bastille” 46Mircea Platon, “The Storming of the Bastille”

Past Actions Taken

Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen

In August of 1789, just a few weeks after the storming of the Bastille, the National Assembly, now the National Constituent Assembly, adopted a document which they called the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen. It was a document laying down the basic human rights that the French people believed they deserved, and served as one of the foundations of the French Revolution. The opening statement of the document laid out the purpose of its creation and the National Constituent Assembly’s goals:

“The representatives of the French people, organized as a National Constituent Assembly, believing that the ignorance, neglect, or contempt of the rights of man are the sole cause of public calamities and of the corruption of governments, have determined to set forth in a solemn declaration the natural, unalienable, and sacred rights of man, in order that this declaration, being constantly before all the members of the Social body, shall remind them continually of their rights and duties; in order that the acts of the legislative power, as well as those of the executive power, may be compared at any moment with the objects and purposes of all political institutions and may thus be more respected, and, lastly, in order that the grievances of the citizens, based hereafter upon simple and incontestable principles, shall tend to the maintenance of the constitution and redound to the happiness of all.”47

The Declaration was written by the Marquis de Lafayette, who helped fight in the American Revolutionary War, and Thomas Jefferson, along with several other members of the National Constituent Assembly. The document took several ideas from the American Declaration of Independence and Constitution, and also from Jean-Jacques Rousseau, a very popular philosopher at the time.48 The 17 points listed in the document discuss equality between men, rights that each man should have at all times, political representation and freedoms, freedoms of speech and expression, and many more statements that the National Assembly believed should apply to the French people.49

47 The Marquis de Lafayette and Thomas Jefferson, “Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen”, Yale Law School, The Avalon Project, Accessed December 24, 2019, https://avalon.law.yale.edu/18th_century/rightsof.asp 48The Writers of Harvard Divinity School, “Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen”, Harvard Divinity School, Accessed December 24, 2019, https://rlp.hds.harvard.edu/faq/declaration-rights-man-and-citizen 49The Writers of Harvard Divinity School, “Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen”

Past Actions Taken

Abolition of Nobility

In June of 1790, The National Constituent Assembly passed another document abolishing nobility in France. Within the document, it was decided that the nobility titles no longer had meaning and they could not be addressed that way. The nobles were to go by their real last names instead. Former nobles were also unable to wear clothing indicating their status, and could not be honored along with God in church.50 The Second Estate no longer existed in France, and it was not long before the National Constituent Assembly attacked the First Estate as well.

Civil Constitution of the Clergy

In July of 1790, The National Constituent Assembly attempted to nationalize the Catholic Church in France. The National Constituent Assembly had previously rid of the high tithes imposed on the French commoners and took away church land, and needed to implement their plans to reduce the number of existing bishops, have France pay their wages, and have the people elect church officials.51

The National Constituent Assembly recognized this constitution, and Louis XVI initially recognized it too. However, many members of the clergy and Catholics opposed it. The National Constituent Assembly forced the clergy members to take an oath agreeing to the Constitution, or else they would lose their positions.52 This caused many of the clergy members to feel conflicted, as they wanted to keep their jobs but they didn’t approve of the church reforms being made.

The conflict escalated when the Pope at the time, Pius VI, denounced the Civil Constitution of the Clergy. The events that occurred after the creation of the Civil Constitution of the Clergy created a schism in the French church until the beginning of the 19th century.

50Alpha History Authors, “Decree on the Abolition of the Nobility”, AlphaHistory.com, Accessed December 24, 2019, https://alphahistory.com/frenchrevolution/decree-abolition-nobility-1790/ 51The Editors of Encyclopedia Britannica, “Civil Constitution of the Clergy”, Britannica.com, Accessed December 24, 2019, https://www.britannica.com/event/Civil-Constitution-of-the-Clergy 52The Editors of Encyclopedia Britannica, “Civil Constitution of the Clergy”

Current Events

French Constitution of 1791

In 1791, the National Constituent Assembly wrote the new French Constitution. Because it was the first Constitution written under the brand new French government, it was a very rough draft that was meant to be reformed. This first Constitution was written mostly by the more moderate revolutionaries, the Girondins, and originally contained more moderate reforms. For example, though the National Constituent Assembly, which soon after became the National Legislative Assembly, had sovereignty and voting processes, the monarchy had not been rid of. 53 Most of the members of the former Third Estate had the right to vote and put officials into local and national elected positions. In September of 1791, Louis XVI accepted the Constitution, because it did not discard the monarchy, and allowed him to keep his veto power and choose his ministers. The Jacobins were not happy with the amount of power that the Girondins left to Louis, and looked to reform the Constitution in the future.

The Constitution of 1791 took a lot of inspiration from the ongoing events of the time, particularly the American Revolution. Just a few years prior, the Constitutional Convention in America established a Constitution in which a more stable, republican government was created. The Girondins, however, wanted a constitutional monarchy, and had to figure out how to get the king to be loyal to the Constitution and what powers he should have. The French Constitution also reflected France’s new opposition to absolutists governments. Prior to the Revolution, France did not have a Constitution along with another very powerful nation, Britain.54 The French knew that in order to create the government they wanted, they needed to have all of their laws and models written down.

Because many of the Third Estate members had the right to vote as written in the Constitution, The National Constituent Assembly had to create an organized and stable voting system. The system they created consisted of active citizens and passive citizens. Active citizens could vote, while the passive citizens could not. In order to be an active citizen and obtain voting rights, one had to be male, 25 years old or older,

53The Editors of Encyclopedia Britannica, “Constitution of 1791”, Britannica.com, Accessed December 24, 2019, https://www.britannica.com/topic/Constitution-of-1791-French-history 54 Alpha History Authors, “The Constitution of 1791”, AlphaHistory.com, Accessed December 24, 2019, https://alphahistory.com/frenchrevolution/constitution-of-1791/

Current Events owned property, and paid taxes that were equal to at least three work-days’ wages. Voting was considered to be a privilege at the time, and many were excluded. The National Constituent Assembly’s voting requirements were considered generous for the time period, but the more radical members, the Jacobins, wanted all men to be able to vote without any property or money requirements.55

Legislative Assembly

After Louis XVI accepted the Constitution of 1791, the National Constituent Assembly became the National Legislative Assembly. After the acceptance, many anti-revolutionaries believed that it could possibly come to an end there. The republicans and pro-revolutionaries, however, still believed there was much work to do. They did not trust the royal family after the Flight to Varennes.56 Additionally, the Legislative Assembly was split between moderates who were happy with where the Constitution was and radicals who wanted more to be done.

The powers given to Louis XVI in the Constitution of 1791 proved to be quite problematic, as he was constantly using his veto power to block the Legislative Assembly’s reforms.57 Problems with the king escalated after war was declared on Austria and evidence was found that the royal family communicated with Austria about the Flight to Varennes. It was at this point that the Revolution began to take a radical turn.

55Alpha History Authors, “The Constitution of 1791” 56Alpha History Authors, “The Legislative Assembly”, AlphaHistory.com, Accessed December 24, 2019, https://alphahistory.com/frenchrevolution/legislative-assembly/ 57Alpha History Authors, “The Legislative Assembly”

Questions to Consider

The questions listed below are meant to be considered and dealt with by the end of the conference. The committee must make answering these questions as part of the end goal. In this case, the committee must determine the weaknesses and failures of the previous government and design a brand new government that will resolve all of the issues that existed before and be in favor of the French people.

1. What are some of the biggest problems with the existing French government? 2. What will be the style of the new French government (democracy, republic, oligarchy, etc…) 3. Will there be representative bodies in the new government? Is so, what will they look like and who will be chosen to represent? 4. Who will hold positions of power? What will these positions look like and what are the limitations of power? 5. What are the short-term goals of the new government? Long-term goals?

Resources to Use

1. AlphaHistory.com: A website that has information on nearly every aspect of the French Revolution and its government institutions. 2. American Experience, PBS: A website that has articles and videos about the French Revolution, as well as American involvement and influence. 3. Yale Law School, The Avalon Project: An online library containing many of the important documents from the French Revolution. 4. HistoryCrunch.com: A website that has information on the big-picture topics of the French Revolution. 5. ThoughtCo.com: An unbiased, online magazine that includes articles from educators on the French Revolution. Dossiers

Marie-Joseph Paul Yves Roch Gilbert du Motier de Lafayette Lafayette was born to the House of La Faytte, one of the most prominent French families. At the age of 20 he joined the American Revolution against the British, was instrumental in getting the French involved, and in turn gained great influence in French and American politics. A member of the second estate and one of the two authors of the Declaration of the Rights of Man, he generally takes a reformist, though moderate position. While a defender of the existence of the monarchy, he believes in the dilution of their power through a constitution, taking a middle ground between the Jacobins and the supporters of the royal family. Because of this he frequently clashes with the Jacobins, who see him as a royal sympathizer, but still maintain large amounts of support with the people of France. In addition to this he has many allies abroad in America and Spain due to his role in the Revolutionary War. Maximilien François Marie Isidore de Robespierre Robespierre was born in the French province of Artois, and as a student studied law, being admitted to the bar in 1781. Despite receiving a judgeship, he resigned from it due to his then opposition to the death penalty. A member of the 3rd estate, and he is a very vocal supporter of the moves to reduce the monarchy’s power and is drifting further to the left. A prominent member of the Jacobin club he is power hungry and a fanatic in every sense of the word. Entirely convicted to his cause he sees the world in very binary terms: people are either with him or against him. And those who are against him must be enemies of the people and dealt with as such. Dossiers

George Jacques Danton George Danton was born in Champagne, France and was schooled as a lawyer, like his father. He spent many of his pre-revolutionary years practicing law, and was not active in politics until the beginning of the French Revolution. President of the Cordeliers club, and a prominent member of the Jacobins, he is ideally placed to expand his political influence. While a radical by any stretch of the imagination, and a believer in the cause of the far left, he is not nearly as fanatical as many other members. While having no problem with the death penalty for proven supporters of the royal family, he is also believes in a far less liberal use of it than many of his colleagues. In addition he is far more concerned with his own personal wealth and power than that of the movement, and is willing to do and compromise anything in order to further his personal goals. Jean-Paul Marat Marat was born Boudry, Prussia. Despite his father’s high level of education, his family was poor and large, causing him to leave at the age of 16 and was trained as scientist.. Though some of his initial writings were successful, many of his ideas in refuting Newton were incorrect causing him to fall into obscurity. Denied many honors because of this he became convinced that he was under attack by powerful enemies and became very anti-establishment. When the King called the Estates general he became an immediate advocate of the third estate, far more radical than most of the delegates even among the Jacobins. A leader on the far left he advocates not just for the death of the king, but the death of as many people as necessary to overthrow the old scientific and political order. Dossiers

Emmanuel Joseph Sieyès Emmanuel was born in Frejus, France to a family of commoners. Despite wanting to join the military, he instead joined the church, but quit when it became clear that his opportunities for further advancement were limited by his lack of nobility. When the estates generals were called, as a member of the third estate, he took the immediate position that only the 3rd estate had the right to decide things. An advocate of the people he bitterly opposes the first 2 estates and their members, but doesn’t take the fully radical approach of some of the Jacobins. More concerned with real reforms than simply killing all those who disagree with him, this can sometimes put him at odds with his compatriots. Bertrand Barère de Vieuzac Born into a life of nobility, Bertrand Barère de Vieuzac was trained as a lawyer. In his journey through law school at the University of Toulouse, and later his trip to Paris, Vieuzac came into contact with many new liberal and republican ideas surrounding governance, particularly the idea of the national assembly. He is among the Jacobins in this group. As one of the men to draft the famous “cahiers de doléances,” Vieuzac feels little sympathy for the royal family and will act as aggressively against them as possible. In fact, as a talented and experienced essayist and journalist, Vieuzac feels determined to turn the public against the royals. Despite his hate of the royal family, he is significantly less radical than many other Jacobins. Propaganda is a strong suit of his, and he sees cultural propaganda as an essential part of the reform of France. Vieuzac may see the release of this media as his personal responsibility. Dossiers

Jacques-Nicolas Billaud-Varenne Billaud-Varenne was born into a family of lawyers, and was trained as one. Even before the revolution started he was a radical, frequently writing articles criticizing the church and government. Given these views it is little surprise that he was an early member of the Jacobin club, and quickly rose to prominence in it. He sees both church and the monarchy as a disease on the French people that must be amputated, at any cost. Even among the Jacobins he is a radical, advocating from the beginning the use of military force against both the institutions and the people as the solution to the problems that France faces. While a skilled orator, he excels at backroom dealing and holding onto power. Lazare Nicolas Marguerite, Count Carnot Lazare Carnot is both an academic and a successful military leader. Starting off in the French military, and he was trained as a military engineer. Before the revolution truly began, he rose in the military ranks to become both a captain. He only recently began his political career, but he is friends with Maximilien Robespierre and some other Jacobins. Carnot's main concern during the reform of France is protecting the country from potential foreign threats, particularly Spain and Austria. The option which best protects the national security of France is likely the option Carnot favors most. However, Carnot’s favor of military security over all else makes him a conservative among this committee, and with that the enemies it brings. Dossiers

Jean Bon Saint-André Jean Bon was born into a family of Protestants in 1749. Though he aspired to become a lawyer, he was denied that opportunity when the King of France decreed that protestants and their children couldn’t be admitted to the bar. He then became a merchant marine, and despite initial success, becoming a captain at a fairly young age, he was forced to abandon this career. Greatly influenced by his inability to be admitted to the bar he holds a large grudge against the royal family and is naturally a Jacobin. An outspoken advocate of freedom of religion, he aggressively pursues this goal, on the pain of death. In addition due to his experience as a merchant marine, he is one of the few members of the Jacobin club with practical military experience in the navy, a trait that makes an invaluable. Jean-Baptiste Robert Lindet Jean-Baptiste was born in Eure, France in 1746. Trained as a lawyer, by 1789 he was respected by many for his practice, in addition to his opposition to the royal family. When the Estates generals were called, Jean-Baptise was one of the more radical delegates, calling immediately for the execution of the king. While one of the more skilled lawyers in the Revolution, his skills go beyond that into economics and managing a bureaucracy. Though despite these skills and his opposition to the King, he is not nearly as radical as many of the Jacobins, and obviously not a moderate,, putting him in a position of having enemies on both sides of the isle. Dossiers

Louis Antoine Léon de Saint-Just Louis Saint-Just has had a particularly tumultuous relationship with the ongoing changes in France. Despite being born into nobility, he had an average middle-class upbringing and was trained as a lawyer. In recent years, Saint-Just has begun to publish controversial works responding to the recent hardships of the French people and the inaction of the government. He broke into politics through the municipal courts of Blérancourt, and only recently got into the national scene. As one of the youngest politicians in France, Saint-Just became a voice in favor of the youth. He prefers radical change, including violence against those opposed to the revolution. In fact, Saint-Just believes that a trial may not even be necessary to know that the royal family should be punished for their crimes. Marie-Jean Hérault de Séchelles Marie-Jean Hérault de Séchelles was once a distinguished noble himself. He had a privileged upbringing and eventually became a personal attorney of the King himself before serving on the Parlement of Paris. However, as soon as the revolution began, Séchelles found himself among the revolutionaries, to the point he personally participated in the storming of the Bastille. From here, he became deeply involved in revolutionary politics. He is a firm Jacobin, and is a radical even among this group. With his strong background in law, Séchelles has the ability to begin the drafting of the new French constitution. Despite his prior connection to the royal family, Séchelles has no interest in their protection, and would like to see them out of the way as soon as possible. Dossiers

Jacques René Hébert Despite being born into a bourgeois family, and trained as a lawyer, Jacques Hebert arrived in Paris in 1780 penniless. Doing almost nothing of significance for the next 9 years, he entered the political world in 1789 when he started writing pamphlets criticizing the king, aristocrats, and church. While not initially a radical, he and his followers soon became one of the, if not the most, radical faction in the Jacobin movement. His newspaper, Le Père Duchesne, is one of the most popular papers in France and has a fanatic following. While less politically skilled than many of his colleagues, he makes up for this in his sheer fanaticism and his ability to leverage his followers to expel and execute those who disagree with him, and force his allies further and further to the left. Jean-Marie Roland de la Platière Jean-Marie Roland was Thizy, Rhone in 1734. Studying manufacturing and economics he quickly became rich and married Marie-Jeanne Roland, who heavily assisted, if not outright wrote, many of his books and papers. When the Revolution broke out in 1789 Roland was in Paris and began frequent contact with many of the Girondins, and when he moved to Paris he quickly became a leader in the Girondin club, and quickly made enemies of the Jacobins. Like most Girondins he believes in a constitutional monarchy, and has connections both within the aristocracy and monarchy. Dossiers

Marie-Jeanne 'Manon' Roland de la Platière Madame Roland was the daughter of a very successful engraver, and grew up in relative wealth. While she did receive some formal education, she is mostly self educated, and unusually for the time holds beliefs more comparable to agnosticism compared to christianity. Married to Jean-Marie Roland de la Platière, the couple holds a prominent position within the Girondin club. As such is is not shy to criticize the monarchy, but still believes in gradual reforms compared to a radical overthrow of the system. Because of this she has very little patience for the Jacobins and her influence is a major reason relations between the Girondins and Jacobins are increasingly becoming more hostile.

Marie Jean Antoine Nicolas de Caritat Born to a single mother, Nicolas de Caritat he was educated in a Jesuit college, and soon gained prominence in the academic world, working alongside the likes of Euler and Benjamin Franklin. In addition to his mathematical works, Nicolas wrote heavily on politics and philosophy, championing many liberal causes, especially feminist and abolitionist ones. Because of this he was granted a position in the legislative assembly, where he promoted many of his ideas regarding women’s suffrage, egalitarian causes, and education reform. Despite the similarity of his ideas with those of the Girodins, he remains unaffiliated with them. Dossiers

Jean Sylvain Bailly Bailly was born into a family of artists, and despite his initial interest in following his father’s footsteps, he decided to become an astronomer. Over the next decades he gained great prominence in the scientific community, to the point that when the Estates General were called, he was chosen as president of the third estate. In a large part because of this he was chosen to administer the tennis court oath. While not officially affiliated with any of the political clubs, he generally favours the more moderate reforms of the Girondins, over the highly radical ones of the Jacobins. Because of this, high political standing, and his ability and desire to get these reforms through, many more radical politicians see him as a threat to their ideals.

Pierre Victurnien Vergniaud Vergniaud came from a family of merchants, specifically those serving the royal family and government. Studying the arts, after several years of doing nothing he retrained as a lawyer. While a successful lawyer, he rarely took cases due to his laziness. Eventually chosen as a member of the third estate, he is a steadfast member of the Girodins. While somewhat more radical than many of his compatriots, favouring a republic over a constitutional monarchy, he is nowhere near the fanaticism of the Jacobins. Instead he favours mildly radical, though gradual reforms, to make society fairer and more equal. Dossiers

Jacques Roux Jacques was born in Pranzac, France and eventually entered the church. By 1789 he had risen to the position of vicar, and very quickly became a prominent voice on the far left. While not a member of the government, he holds immense influence over the people of Paris, in addition to being a member of the Paris commune. Despite the similarity of his views with the Jacobins, he is much more economically radical than they are, in addition to being in favour of a popular democracy. For instance, his solution to the famine in Paris would be to seize food from the hoarders, and then execute them, a view in conflict with both the Jacobins and Girondins.

Jacques Pierre Brissot Born in Chartres, Jacques Brissot was an advocate of reform long before the French Revolution had begun. His early work lead to him being imprisoned in the Bastille for 4 months, and when the National Convention was called he initially aligned with the Jacobins. However as they became increasingly radical he began to align himself with the Girondins, eventually becoming a leading voice in the movement. Despite this he still remains very much opposed to the monarchy, though not to the point of demanding the execution of the royal family. In addition to his political work in France, he is very active in the American abolitionist movement, and has many political contacts in England. Dossiers

Charles-François du Périer Dumouriez Charles Dumouriez was born in Cambrai, France to a noble family heavily tied into the French military. Following in his father’s footsteps he joined the French army fighting in the 7 years war, and eventually gaining a staff position in Paris. Despite his military background and numerous diplomatic accomplishments, he was convicted of embezzlement and imprisoned in the Bastille. When the French Revolution broke out he initially aligned himself with the Jacobins, however he quickly realized the Girondins represented his best interests and joined them. Entirely selfish, he will always do what is best for himself personally, and has absolutely no loyalty to anyone or anything.

Jérôme Pétion de Villeneuve Born in 1756 and trained as a lawyer, Jérôme Villeneuve spent much of his life writing literature until he was called to be a member of the 3rd estate. During the Estates General he worked closely with Robespierre to reform the feudal system, especially after the National Assembly was formed. Despite his close relationship to Robespierre he is not a member of the Jacobins, instead choosing to ally with the Girondins. In addition while in favour of radical economic reforms, he is not nearly as radical as the Jacobins, while lacking their bloodthirst, something that is increasingly putting him at odds with many of his old allies, including Robespieree. Dossiers

Jean-Baptiste Carrier While born to a middle class family, he grew up taking care of land for a French nobleman. After attending college he participated in a variety of careers, eventually joining the national guard. When the Revolution broke out he quickly became an influential member of both the Jacobin and Cordeliers club. Fanatically devoted to the ideals of the revolution, he sees those who oppose, or might oppose, what he deems the cause with a fanatical hate. Even among the radicals within the Jacobin club, his bloodlust makes many uncomfortable, in addition to his hate of those he deems monopolists (anybody with a more than normal amount of food or wealth).

Marie-Anne Charlotte de Corday d'Armont Charlotte Corday was born in Saint-Saturnin-des-Ligneries to a low ranking aristocrat family. After the death of her mother she was sent to an abbey, where she educated herself using the abbey’s library. At the outbreak of the French Revolution she was living in Caen, and quickly took to the Girodin ideals despite not being allowed to join the club. Despite believing deeply in the Revolution she grows increasingly weary of the radical ideas on the left, especially with the Jacobins. Dossiers

Lucie-Simplice-Camille-Benoît Desmoulins Desmoulins was born in Guise, France and was trained as a lawyer. Despite passing the Bar exam, his career floundered and he spent much of his time living in poverty. His career didn’t take off until 1789 when he jumped onto a cafe table and delivered a call to arms, starting a protest which led to the storming of the Bastille. After this he became a prominent member of the Jacobin club, in addition to owning his own newspaper, Les Révolutions de France et de Brabant. While a radical relative to much of France, among the Jacobins he is relatively tame, aligning more with figures such as Georges Danton, vs the more radical branch such as Robepierre or Marat. Owing his entire livelihood to the revolution he will do his best to keep it going, though there are some lines he will not cross.

Paul François Jean Nicolas Paul was born to a noble family in Provence, France, and eventually volunteered in the French army as a gentleman cadet. Serving in French India multiple times, he eventually returned to France living a life of comfort. When the French Revolution broke out he quickly joined the Jacobin Club due to his disillusionment with the royal family. Despite his membership in the Jacobin club, he is not all convicted in his ideals and shows great immoral behavior in both his public and private life. In the end he will do whatever is best for himself in the short term, with little regard for the consequences. Dossiers

Jean-Jacques-Régis de Cambacérès, duc de Parme Despite his noble birth, Cambacérès was born into a poor family, and studied law in college. A skilled lawyer he eventually became a councillor of accounts and finances in Toulouse. While not a sitting member of the Estates General, he was considered to be an extra in case the size of the 2nd estate was increased. He did however receive a seat in the National Convention, and generally straddled the ideological line between the Girodins and Jacobins. While not as interested in economics or the fate of the royal family as many other members, his focus is on legal reform and establishing a new constitution.

Anne-Josèphe Théroigne de Méricourt Anne-Josèphe was born in Rendeux, and had a very hard childhood. After her mother died, her step-mother and relatives constantly mistreated her, working her to the point of exhaustion, an ordeal that continued until she was 16 and was taken in by another woman. Eventually gaining a small fortune from a very rich suitor, she learned how to sing in Rome, returning to France at the outbreak of the French Revolution. Despite the discrimination facing women at the time, she frequently attended meetings of the National Convention advocating for women’s sufferage, and even founded her own political club, Société des amis de la loi. Frequently sympathizing with the Girondists, she is vilified by both the royalists and some on the left. Despite these attacks she remains one of the most influential feminists in France. Dossiers

Claire Lacombe Lacombe was born in Pamiers, France, and started her career as an actress. Despite getting a job as an actress, she was immensely dissatisfied with her work, due to her interactions with the nobles and the fact she wasn’t very good at the job. Recently arriving in Paris she has few friends or contacts, but has embraced the Revolutionary zeal entirely. While her views and personal beliefs align very much with the radical branch of the Jacobins, her focus on women’s rights sets her apart from many of her compatriots. Intensely devoted to the revolution, she is more than willing to give up her life for it, and even happier to take others in the service of its ideals.

Georges Auguste Couthon Georges Couthon was born Orcet, France and was trained a notary, like his father. Eventually gaining a political position, he became an advocate for the poor, over a decade before the start of the Revolution. As part of the legislative assembly, he increasingly sympathizes and grows closer to the more radical branches of the Jacobins, growing especially close to Robespierre. While confined to a wheelchair, as paralysis increasingly takes hold of his body, his mind remains as sharp as ever, and there is almost nothing he wouldn’t do for the Jacobins. Unlike many others he does have limits and moral principles that he will not cross, though they are quite loose.

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