The French Revolution
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Sauvignon Blanc
A note about our wine programme Wine lists evolve over time to compliment a restaurant’s style and tone, as well as the ever changing taste of the public at large. Our list here in West Restaurant is designed to mirror the restaurant’s dining menu - sophisticated yet accessible, as well as taking inspiration from around the world. As with our menu, we change our wine list monthly to reflect the season. Therefore, even our long-time friends may want to take a close look. For any taste, meal or mood, an array of possibilities awaits. If you would like assistance with your selection or care to have a Fine Vintage Port or Wine decanted prior to your arrival, please speak to me or any member of our knowledgeable team. Please use us to help you with a wine recommendation and introduce you to something new. Trust us and try a varietal you have not tasted before. The grape varietal is the DNA of the wine. This is where the fun begins with wine and it is where you will learn the most from your time with us. As one of Ireland’s first restaurants to begin using the Coravin wine preservation system, we are delighted to be able to offer you a glass of any of our premium wines. So you can now taste that bucket list! I hope I have created a wine list that is both enlightening and entertaining. I wish you memorable tasting pleasures. General Manager / Sommelier Dive into the blue with Canto 5, a Spanish blue wine, exclusive to The Twelve The Twelve, with its usual quirky and intriguing take on all things food and wine, is serving a new wine that drinks like a rosé, but looks like nothing you’ve ever seen. -
Comparative Politics
Dr.Rishu Raj Assistant professor Department of Political Science M.M.College(P.U) [email protected] COMPARATIVE POLITICS Comparative study of The Constitution of Switzerland and France THE SWISS PARLIAMENT The Federal Assembly THE FEDERAL ASSEMBLY • The Federal Assembly is the legislative power of Switzerland. Its two chambers – the National Council and the Council of States –have the same powers but meet separately. Federal Assembly The National The Council Council of States The National Council • The National Council, or “lower chamber”, represents the people and comprises 200 members who are elected by popular vote for a four-year term. The number of representatives sent by each canton depends on the size of its population. As a rule of thumb, each canton may send one elected representative to the National Council for roughly every 40,000 inhabitants. • The Federal Constitution guarantees at least one seat per canton, even if the canton has fewer than 40,000 residents. The cantons of Appenzell-Ausserrhoden, AppenzellInnerrhoden, Obwalden, Nidwalden, Uri and Glarus send one National Council member each, whereas Zurich, the most heavily populated canton, currently has 35 seats. The Council of States • The Council of States, or “upper chamber”, represents the cantons and comprises 46 members, who are also elected directly by the people for a four-year term. Regardless of their population size, the cantons send two deputies, with the exception of the six half-cantons of AppenzellAusserrhoden, Appenzell-Innerrhoden, Obwalden, Nidwalden, Basel-Stadt and Basel-Land, which send one deputy each. • Council of States deputies represent their cantons but are not bound by any instructions from their cantonal government or parliament. -
Download Full Book
Respectable Folly Garrett, Clarke Published by Johns Hopkins University Press Garrett, Clarke. Respectable Folly: Millenarians and the French Revolution in France and England. Johns Hopkins University Press, 1975. Project MUSE. doi:10.1353/book.67841. https://muse.jhu.edu/. For additional information about this book https://muse.jhu.edu/book/67841 [ Access provided at 2 Oct 2021 03:07 GMT with no institutional affiliation ] This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. HOPKINS OPEN PUBLISHING ENCORE EDITIONS Clarke Garrett Respectable Folly Millenarians and the French Revolution in France and England Open access edition supported by the National Endowment for the Humanities / Andrew W. Mellon Foundation Humanities Open Book Program. © 2019 Johns Hopkins University Press Published 2019 Johns Hopkins University Press 2715 North Charles Street Baltimore, Maryland 21218-4363 www.press.jhu.edu The text of this book is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/. CC BY-NC-ND ISBN-13: 978-1-4214-3177-2 (open access) ISBN-10: 1-4214-3177-7 (open access) ISBN-13: 978-1-4214-3175-8 (pbk. : alk. paper) ISBN-10: 1-4214-3175-0 (pbk. : alk. paper) ISBN-13: 978-1-4214-3176-5 (electronic) ISBN-10: 1-4214-3176-9 (electronic) This page supersedes the copyright page included in the original publication of this work. Respectable Folly RESPECTABLE FOLLY M illenarians and the French Revolution in France and England 4- Clarke Garrett The Johns Hopkins University Press BALTIMORE & LONDON This book has been brought to publication with the generous assistance of the Andrew W. -
Introduction
© Copyright, Princeton University Press. No part of this book may be distributed, posted, or reproduced in any form by digital or mechanical means without prior written permission of the publisher. CHAPTER 1 Introduction French Society in 1789 Historians working on the French Revolution have a problem. All of our attempts to find an explanation in terms of social groups or classes, or particular segments of society becoming powerfully activated, have fallen short. As one expert aptly expressed it: “the truth is we have no agreed general theory of why the French Revolution came about and what it was— and no prospect of one.”1 This gaping, causal void is cer- tainly not due to lack of investigation into the Revolution’s background and origins. If class conflict in the Marxist sense has been jettisoned, other ways of attributing the Revolution to social change have been ex- plored with unrelenting rigor. Of course, every historian agrees society was slowly changing and that along with the steady expansion of trade and the cities, and the apparatus of the state and armed forces, more (and more professional) lawyers, engineers, administrators, officers, medical staff, architects, and naval personnel were increasingly infusing and diversifying the existing order.2 Yet, no major, new socioeconomic pressures of a kind apt to cause sudden, dramatic change have been identified. The result, even some keen revisionists admit, is a “somewhat painful void.”3 Most historians today claim there was not one big cause but instead numerous small contributory impulses. One historian, stressing the absence of any identifiable overriding cause, likened the Revolution’s origins to a “multi- coloured tapestry of interwoven causal factors.”4 So- cial and economic historians embracing the “new social interpretation” identify a variety of difficulties that might have rendered eighteenth- century French society, at least in some respects, more fraught and vulnerable than earlier. -
Joined by Others from Various Parts of France, Aipong Iti * *1^ |
JACOBINS, THE, the most famous of the political ciut*# 5 the French Revolution. It originated in the Club Breton, oMAt i lished at Versailles shortly after the opening of the States GcaHtt In 1789. At first composed of deputies from Brittany, it wufM*:„ joined by others from various parts of France, aipong iti *■*1^ | members being Mirabeau and Robespierre. After Oct. 6 Ibt 0lmf followed the National Assembly to Paris, where it rented the nil tory of the monastery of the Jacohins in the Rue St. Honors, near effect the Jacobin'>jQub,rTt9.'r-!j9;,yiP-tribunes he was the oracle ..the seat of the Assembly. The name "Jacobins," given in France of political wisdom, and by his standard all others, were judged.' to the Dominicans, because their first house in Paris was in the With his fall the Jacobins too came to an end. ■ ; -Rue St. Jacques, was first applied to the club in ridicule. The title ^assumed by the club itself, after the promulgation of the constitu- SECRET OF THEIR STRENGTH .fion of 1791, .was SociSti des amis de la constitution siants aux Not the least singular thing about the Jacobins is the slender 'Jacobins i Paris, which was changed on Sept. 21, 1792, after the material basis on which their power rested. France groaned under fall of the monarchy, to Sociiti des Jacohins, amis de la liberti their tyranny: yet it was reckoned by competent observers that, et de l'igalite. at the height of the Terror, the Jacobins could not command a • Once transferred to Paris, the club underwent rapid modifica- force of more than 3,000 men in Paris. -
Frank Ejby Poulsen
Curriculum vitæ Frank Ejby Poulsen PhD-researcher Email: [email protected] European University Institute Url: https://me.eui.eu/frank-ejby-poulsen/ History and Civilization Academia: https://eui.academia.edu/FrankEjbyPoulsen Via Bolognese 156 50139 Firenze (FI) Italy Education – Ph.D. in History, European University Institute, Florence (Submitted 31 October 2017) Dissertation title: A Cosmopolitan Republican in the French Revolution: The Political Thought of Anacharsis Cloots Supervisor: Martin van Gelderen. Second reader: Ann Thomson 2008 M.Sc. in Political Science, University of Copenhagen 1999 LL.B. (maîtrise) in Law, University of Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne Publications Book Chapters 2014 “Anacharsis Cloots and the Birth of Modern Cosmopolitanism.” In Critique of Cosmopolitan Reason: Timing and Spacing the Concept of World Citizenship, edited by Kristian Petrov and Rebecca Letteval, 87-117. Series “New Visions of the Cosmopolitan,” Oxford, New York,NY: Peter Lang, 2014. Book Reviews 2016 Rev. of Erotic Exchanges: The World of Elite Prostitution in Eighteenth-Century Paris, by Nina Kushner, European Review of History: Revue européenne d’histoire 23(1–2). Published online October 5, 2015, 241–242, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2015.1083269. 2015 Rev. of France and the Age of Revolution: Regimes Old and New from Louis XVI to Napoleon Bonaparte, by William Doyle, European Review of History: Revue européenne d’histoire 22(3), June 9, 515–517, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2015.1035015. 2014 Rev. of Why Concepts Matter? Translating Social and Political Thought, by Martin J. Burke and Melvin Richter (Eds.), European Review of History: Revue européenne d’histoire 21(5), September 19, 784–785, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2014.952116. -
One and Indivisible? Federation, Federalism, and Colonialism in the Early French and Haitian Revolutions
One and Indivisible? Federation, Federalism, and Colonialism in the Early French and Haitian Revolutions MANUEL COVO abstract Histories of the French Revolution usually locate the origins of the “one and indivisible Republic” in a strictly metropolitan context. In contrast, this article argues that the French Revolution’s debates surrounding federation, federalism, and the (re)foundation of the French nation-state were interwoven with colonial and transimperial matters. Between 1776 and 1792 federalism in a French imperial context went from an element of an academic conversation among bureaucrats and economists to a matter of violent struggle in Saint- Domingue that generated new agendas in the metropole. Going beyond the binary language of union and secession, the article examines the contest over federation and federalism in Saint-Domingue between free people of color and white planters who, taking inspiration from both metropolitan and non-French experiences with federalism, sought to alter the col- ony’s relationship with the metropole while also maintaining the institution of slavery. Revo- lutionaries on both sides of the Atlantic, unsure which direction to take and without the ben- efit of hindsight, used the language of federalism to pursue rival interests despite a seemingly common vocabulary. This entangled history of conflicts, compromises, and misunderstand- ings blurred ideological delineations but decisively shaped the genesis of the French imperial republic. keywords French Revolution, Haitian Revolution, federalism, French -
The Grub Street Style of Revolution: J.-P. Brissot, Police Spy
The Grub Street Style of Revolution: J.-P. Brissot, Police Spy The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Darnton, Robert. 1968. The grub street style of revolution: J.-P. Brissot, police spy. Journal of Modern History 40(3): 301-327. Published Version http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/240206 Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:3403045 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA The GrubStreet Style of Revolution:J.-P. Brissot,Police Spy Robert C. Darnton Society of Fellows, Harvard University Brissot's life seems a parable of his time: as one authority put it, "II est, des sa jeunesse, l'image complete de toutes les aspirations d'une generation."' This picture of the complete prerevolutionary man comes from Brissot's memoirs, where he appears steeping himself in Rousseau; publishing denunciations of decrepit institutions; forming secret revolutionary cabals; comparing insurrections with radicals of Geneva, the Low Countries, England, and the United States; reading; writing; plotting; living and breathing for the fourteenth of July. But a man seen from his memoirs looks different than when viewed from account books or police reports. A new examination of Brissot's career, based on less partial sources than the memoirs, may add some shadows and some flesh tones to the traditional portraits of him. -
The French Revolution a Volume in the DOCUMENTARY HISTORY of WESTERN CIVILIZATION - the French Revolution
The French Revolution A volume In THE DOCUMENTARY HISTORY of WESTERN CIVILIZATION - The French Revolution Edited by PAUL H. BEIK PALGRA VE MACMILLAN ISBN 978-1-349-00528-4 ISBN 978-1-349-00526-0 (eBook) DOI 10.1007/978-1-349-00526-0 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION English translation copyright © 1970 by Paul H. Beik Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 1970 978-0-333-07911-9 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without permission. First published in the United States 1970 First published in the United Kingdom by The Macmillan Press Ltd. 1971 Published by THE MACMILLAN PRESS LTD Associated companies in New York Toronto Dublin Melbourne Johannesburg and Madras SBN 333 07911 6 Contents Introduction x PART I. CROWN, PARLEMENT, AND ARISTOCRACY 1. November 19, 1787: Chretien Fran~ois de Lamoignon on Principles of the French Monarchy 1 2. April 17, 1788: Louis XVI to a Deputation from the Parlement of Paris 3 3. May 4, 1788: Repeated Remonstrances of the Parlement of Paris in Response to the King's Statement of April 17 5 4. December 12,1788: Memoir of the Princes 10 PART II. THE SURGE OF OPINION 5. January, 1789: Sieyes, What Is the Third Estate? 16 6. February, 1789: Mounier on the Estates General 37 7. March 1, 1789: Parish Cahiers of Ecommoy and Mansigne 45 8. March 14, 1789: Cahier of the Nobility of Crepy 51 9. March 26,1789: Cahier of the Clergy of Troyes 56 PART III. -
From Valmy to Waterloo: France at War, 1792–1815
Copyright material from www.palgraveconnect.com - licensed to Universitetsbiblioteket i Tromsoe - PalgraveConnect - 2011-03-08 - PalgraveConnect Tromsoe i - licensed to Universitetsbiblioteket www.palgraveconnect.com material from Copyright 10.1057/9780230294981 - From Valmy to Waterloo, Marie-Cecile Thoral War, Culture and Society, 1750–1850 Series Editors: Rafe Blaufarb (Tallahassee, USA), Alan Forrest (York, UK), and Karen Hagemann (Chapel Hill, USA) Editorial Board: Michael Broers (Oxford, UK), Christopher Bayly (Cambridge, UK), Richard Bessel (York, UK), Sarah Chambers (Minneapolis, USA), Laurent Dubois (Durham, USA), Etienne François (Berlin, Germany), Janet Hartley (London, UK), Wayne Lee (Chapel Hill, USA), Jane Rendall (York, UK), Reinhard Stauber (Klagenfurt, Austria) Titles include: Richard Bessel, Nicholas Guyatt and Jane Rendall (editors) WAR, EMPIRE AND SLAVERY, 1770–1830 Alan Forrest and Peter H. Wilson (editors) THE BEE AND THE EAGLE Napoleonic France and the End of the Holy Roman Empire, 1806 Alan Forrest, Karen Hagemann and Jane Rendall (editors) SOLDIERS, CITIZENS AND CIVILIANS Experiences and Perceptions of the Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars, 1790–1820 Karen Hagemann, Gisela Mettele and Jane Rendall (editors) GENDER, WAR AND POLITICS Transatlantic Perspectives, 1755–1830 Marie-Cécile Thoral FROM VALMY TO WATERLOO France at War, 1792–1815 Forthcoming: Michael Broers, Agustin Guimera and Peter Hick (editors) THE NAPOLEONIC EMPIRE AND THE NEW EUROPEAN POLITICAL CULTURE Alan Forrest, Etienne François and Karen Hagemann -
Black Cosmopolitans
BLACK COSMOPOLITANS BLACK COSMOPOLITANS Race, Religion, and Republicanism in an Age of Revolution Christine Levecq university of virginia press Charlottesville and London University of Virginia Press © 2019 by the Rector and Visitors of the University of Virginia All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America on acid- free paper First published 2019 ISBN 978-0-8139-4218-6 (cloth) ISBN 978-0-8139-4219-3 (e-book) 1 3 5 7 9 8 6 4 2 Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data is available for this title. Cover art: Jean-Baptiste Belley. Portrait by Anne Louis Girodet de Roussy- Trioson, 1797, oil on canvas. (Château de Versailles, France) To Steve and Angie CONTENTS Acknowledgments ix Introduction 1 1. Jacobus Capitein and the Radical Possibilities of Calvinism 19 2. Jean- Baptiste Belley and French Republicanism 75 3. John Marrant: From Methodism to Freemasonry 160 Notes 237 Works Cited 263 Index 281 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This book has been ten years in the making. One reason is that I wanted to explore the African diaspora more broadly than I had before, and my knowledge of English, French, and Dutch naturally led me to expand my research to several national contexts. Another is that I wanted this project to be interdisciplinary, combining history and biography with textual criticism. It has been an amazing journey, which was made pos- sible by the many excellent scholars this book relies on. Part of the pleasure in writing this book came from the people and institutions that provided access to both the primary and the second- ary material. -
Why Danton Doesn't
Why Danton Doesn’t Die Martin Wagner Abstract Georg Büchner avoids showing on stage any acts of aggression against the title hero of his play Danton’s Tod. Neither Danton’s arrest, nor the proclamation of his death sen- tence, nor his execution explicitly occurs on stage. Büchner’s decision not to empha- size any of the acts of violence against Danton significantly contributes to the play’s departure from conventional dramatic structure. In contrast to conventional plays, which include a clearly recognizable climax and catastrophe, in Büchner’s play, no single moment – and certainly no moment of violence – dominates the sequence of events. My thesis is that the avoidance of a traditional dramatic arc serves as an impli- cit commentary on the questions of historical progress and revolutionary violence that are raised in the play. The play’s almost flat structure complicates attempts to justify the revolution as a brief violent period that brings about long-term change. Instead, Büchner’s Revolutionsdrama invites us to conceive of a permanent revolution – a concept that first came up around the time when Büchner wrote his play. In its different values in Marxist and conservative literature – which Büchner’s play to some extent all already anticipates – the term ‘permanent revolution’ can either serve to extend the justification of instrumental revolutionary violence to a longer timespan, or to critically highlight the futility of the endlessly perpetuated violence. We may never know for sure what were the last words of the revolutionary Georges Danton when, on 5 April 1794, he mounted the scaffold to be executed by guillotine.