The French Revolution Begins
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Stony Brook University
SSStttooonnnyyy BBBrrrooooookkk UUUnnniiivvveeerrrsssiiitttyyy The official electronic file of this thesis or dissertation is maintained by the University Libraries on behalf of The Graduate School at Stony Brook University. ©©© AAAllllll RRRiiiggghhhtttsss RRReeessseeerrrvvveeeddd bbbyyy AAAuuuttthhhooorrr... Invasions, Insurgency and Interventions: Sweden’s Wars in Poland, Prussia and Denmark 1654 - 1658. A Dissertation Presented by Christopher Adam Gennari to The Graduate School in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History Stony Brook University May 2010 Copyright by Christopher Adam Gennari 2010 Stony Brook University The Graduate School Christopher Adam Gennari We, the dissertation committee for the above candidate for the Doctor of Philosophy degree, hereby recommend acceptance of this dissertation. Ian Roxborough – Dissertation Advisor, Professor, Department of Sociology. Michael Barnhart - Chairperson of Defense, Distinguished Teaching Professor, Department of History. Gary Marker, Professor, Department of History. Alix Cooper, Associate Professor, Department of History. Daniel Levy, Department of Sociology, SUNY Stony Brook. This dissertation is accepted by the Graduate School """"""""" """"""""""Lawrence Martin "" """""""Dean of the Graduate School ii Abstract of the Dissertation Invasions, Insurgency and Intervention: Sweden’s Wars in Poland, Prussia and Denmark. by Christopher Adam Gennari Doctor of Philosophy in History Stony Brook University 2010 "In 1655 Sweden was the premier military power in northern Europe. When Sweden invaded Poland, in June 1655, it went to war with an army which reflected not only the state’s military and cultural strengths but also its fiscal weaknesses. During 1655 the Swedes won great successes in Poland and captured most of the country. But a series of military decisions transformed the Swedish army from a concentrated, combined-arms force into a mobile but widely dispersed force. -
The Strange Revival of Bicameralism
The Strange Revival of Bicameralism Coakley, J. (2014). The Strange Revival of Bicameralism. Journal of Legislative Studies, 20(4), 542-572. https://doi.org/10.1080/13572334.2014.926168 Published in: Journal of Legislative Studies Queen's University Belfast - Research Portal: Link to publication record in Queen's University Belfast Research Portal Publisher rights © 2014 Taylor & Francis. This work is made available online in accordance with the publisher’s policies. Please refer to any applicable terms of use of the publisher General rights Copyright for the publications made accessible via the Queen's University Belfast Research Portal is retained by the author(s) and / or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing these publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Take down policy The Research Portal is Queen's institutional repository that provides access to Queen's research output. Every effort has been made to ensure that content in the Research Portal does not infringe any person's rights, or applicable UK laws. If you discover content in the Research Portal that you believe breaches copyright or violates any law, please contact [email protected]. Download date:01. Oct. 2021 Published in Journal of Legislative Studies , 20 (4) 2014, pp. 542-572; doi: 10.1080/13572334.2014.926168 THE STRANGE REVIVAL OF BICAMERALISM John Coakley School of Politics and International Relations University College Dublin School of Politics, International Studies and Philosophy Queen’s University Belfast [email protected] [email protected] ABSTRACT The turn of the twenty-first century witnessed a surprising reversal of the long-observed trend towards the disappearance of second chambers in unitary states, with 25 countries— all but one of them unitary—adopting the bicameral system. -
Peasantry and the French Revolution
“1st. What is the third estate? Everything. 2nd. What has it been heretofore in the political order? Nothing. 3rd. What does it demand? To become something therein.” -Abbe Sieyes 1789 Pre-Revolution • Louis XVI came to the throne in the midst of a serious financial crisis • France was nearing bankruptcy due to the outlays that were outpacing income • A new tax code was implemented under the direction of Charles Alexandre de Calonne • This proposal included a land tax • Issues with the Three Estates and inequality within it Peasant Life pre-Revolution • French peasants lived better than most of their class, but were still extremely poor • 40% worked land, but it was subdivided into several small plots which were shared and owned by someone else • Unemployment was high due to the waning textile industry • Rent and food prices continued to rise • Worst harvest in 40 years took place during the winter of 1788-89 Peasant Life pre-Revolution • The Third Estate, which was the lower classes in France, were forced by the nobility and the Church to pay large amounts in taxes and tithes • Peasants had experienced a lot of unemployment during the 1780s because of the decline in the nation’s textile industry • There was a population explosion of about 25-30% in roughly 90 years that did not coincide with a rise in food production Direct Causes of the Revolution • Famine and malnutrition were becoming more common as a result of shortened food supply • Rising bread prices contributes to famine • France’s near bankruptcy due to their involvement in various -
Baltic Towns030306
The State and the Integration of the Towns of the Provinces of the Swedish Baltic Empire The Purpose of the Paper1 between 1561 and 1660, Sweden expanded Dalong the coasts of the Baltic Sea and throughout Scandinavia. Sweden became the dominant power in the Baltics and northern Europe, a position it would maintain until the early eighteenth century. At the same time, Swedish society was experiencing a profound transformation. Sweden developed into a typical European early modern power-state with a bureaucracy, a powerful mili- tary organization, and a peasantry bending under taxes and conscription. The kingdom of Sweden also changed from a self-contained country to an important member of the European economy. During this period the Swedish urban system developed as well. From being one of the least urbanized European countries with hardly more than 40 towns and an urbanization level of three to four per cent, Sweden doubled the number of towns and increased the urbanization level to almost ten per cent. The towns were also forced by the state into a staple-town system with differing roles in fo- reign and domestic trade, and the administrative and governing systems of the towns were reformed according to royal initiatives. In the conquered provinces a number of other towns now came under Swe- dish rule. These towns were treated in different ways by the state, as were the pro- vinces as a whole. While the former Danish and Norwegian towns were complete- ly incorporated into the Swedish nation, the German and most of the east Baltic towns were not. -
Colonial Patterns in Latvian Popular Enlightenment Literature1
INTERLITT ERA RIA 2014, 19/2: 356–371 Colonial Patterns in Latvian Popular Enlightenment Literature1 PAULS DAIJA Abstract: The article addresses the question of colonial interpretation of Latvian secular literature of the late 18th and early 19th century. It has been argued recently that because of the colonial language used by contemporaries to describe ethnically determined social relationships between Baltic peasants and the German upper class in the Enlightenment era in the Baltics, it would be possible to expand the understanding of peasant enlightenment by applying to it theoretical approaches of postcolonial studies. Aspects of colonial features in the peasant discourse of the 18th century Baltics are analyzed in the article by paying special attention to their role in creating the secular writing praxis in the Latvian language. Keywords: Popular Enlightenment, postcolonial studies, German-Latvian relationship, history of Latvian literature The Enlightenment era brought a new shift of meaning in the definition of “people”, making education its main reference point. It was one of the starting points for the popular enlightenment. It is believed that the first to give a name to the Volksaufklärung (popular enlightenment) movement was a German Jewish philosopher Moses Mendelssohn in 1784 when participating in the debates of Berlinische Monatsschrift on the topic “What is Enlightenment?”, under which an essay with the same title was written by Immanuel Kant. Mendelssohn offered to consider as one of the criterions the scale of enlightenment – to what extent it has spread in all social classes, setting as one of the targets the distribution of books, the popularization of reading and addressing all social classes with the written word. -
Black Cosmopolitans
BLACK COSMOPOLITANS BLACK COSMOPOLITANS Race, Religion, and Republicanism in an Age of Revolution Christine Levecq university of virginia press Charlottesville and London University of Virginia Press © 2019 by the Rector and Visitors of the University of Virginia All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America on acid- free paper First published 2019 ISBN 978-0-8139-4218-6 (cloth) ISBN 978-0-8139-4219-3 (e-book) 1 3 5 7 9 8 6 4 2 Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data is available for this title. Cover art: Jean-Baptiste Belley. Portrait by Anne Louis Girodet de Roussy- Trioson, 1797, oil on canvas. (Château de Versailles, France) To Steve and Angie CONTENTS Acknowledgments ix Introduction 1 1. Jacobus Capitein and the Radical Possibilities of Calvinism 19 2. Jean- Baptiste Belley and French Republicanism 75 3. John Marrant: From Methodism to Freemasonry 160 Notes 237 Works Cited 263 Index 281 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This book has been ten years in the making. One reason is that I wanted to explore the African diaspora more broadly than I had before, and my knowledge of English, French, and Dutch naturally led me to expand my research to several national contexts. Another is that I wanted this project to be interdisciplinary, combining history and biography with textual criticism. It has been an amazing journey, which was made pos- sible by the many excellent scholars this book relies on. Part of the pleasure in writing this book came from the people and institutions that provided access to both the primary and the second- ary material. -
Why Danton Doesn't
Why Danton Doesn’t Die Martin Wagner Abstract Georg Büchner avoids showing on stage any acts of aggression against the title hero of his play Danton’s Tod. Neither Danton’s arrest, nor the proclamation of his death sen- tence, nor his execution explicitly occurs on stage. Büchner’s decision not to empha- size any of the acts of violence against Danton significantly contributes to the play’s departure from conventional dramatic structure. In contrast to conventional plays, which include a clearly recognizable climax and catastrophe, in Büchner’s play, no single moment – and certainly no moment of violence – dominates the sequence of events. My thesis is that the avoidance of a traditional dramatic arc serves as an impli- cit commentary on the questions of historical progress and revolutionary violence that are raised in the play. The play’s almost flat structure complicates attempts to justify the revolution as a brief violent period that brings about long-term change. Instead, Büchner’s Revolutionsdrama invites us to conceive of a permanent revolution – a concept that first came up around the time when Büchner wrote his play. In its different values in Marxist and conservative literature – which Büchner’s play to some extent all already anticipates – the term ‘permanent revolution’ can either serve to extend the justification of instrumental revolutionary violence to a longer timespan, or to critically highlight the futility of the endlessly perpetuated violence. We may never know for sure what were the last words of the revolutionary Georges Danton when, on 5 April 1794, he mounted the scaffold to be executed by guillotine. -
Second Serfdom and Wage Earners in European and Russian Thought from the Enlightenment to the Mid-Nineteenth Century
CHAPTER 1 SECOND SERFDOM AND WAGE EARNERS IN EUROPEAN AND RUSSIAN THOUGHT FROM THE ENLIGHTENMENT TO THE MID-NINETEENTH CENTURY The Eighteenth Century: Forced Labor between Reform and Revolution The invention of backwardness in Western economic and philosophical thought owes much to the attention given to Russia and Poland in the beginning of the eighteenth century.1 The definitions of backwardness and of labor—which is the main element of backwardness—lies at the nexus of three interrelated debates: over serfdom in Eastern European, slavery in the colonies, and guild reform in France. The connection between these three debates is what makes the definition of labor—and the distinction between free and forced labor—take on certain character- istics and not others. In the course of the eighteenth century, the work of slaves, serfs, and apprentices came to be viewed not just by ethical stan- dards, but increasingly by its efficiency. On that basis, hierarchies were justified, such as the “backwardness” of the colonies relative to the West, of Eastern relative to Western Europe, and of France relative to England. The chronology is striking. Criticisms of guilds, serfdom, and slavery all hardened during the 1750s; Montesquieu published The Spirit of the Laws in 1748, which was soon followed by the first volumes of the Ency- clopédie.2 In these works the serfdom of absolutist and medieval Europe was contrasted with the free labor of Enlightenment Europe. Abbé de Morelli took up these themes in 1755, condemning both ancient serf- dom and modern forms of slavery, in both the colonies and Russia. -
The Wealth of the Richest Inequality and the Nobility in Sweden, 1750–1900 Bengtsson, Erik; Missiaia, Anna; Olsson, Mats; Svensson, Patrick
The Wealth of the Richest Inequality and the Nobility in Sweden, 1750–1900 Bengtsson, Erik; Missiaia, Anna; Olsson, Mats; Svensson, Patrick Published: 2017-01-01 Document Version Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Link to publication Citation for published version (APA): Bengtsson, E., Missiaia, A., Olsson, M., & Svensson, P. (2017). The Wealth of the Richest: Inequality and the Nobility in Sweden, 1750–1900. (Lund Papers in Economic History: General Issues; No. 161). Lund: Department of Economic History, Lund University. General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. • Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private LUND UNIVERSITY study or research. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain • You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal ? PO Box 117 Take down policy 221 00 Lund If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove +46 46-222 00 00 access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Lund Papers in Economic History No. 161, 2017 General Issues The Wealth of the Richest: Inequality and the Nobility in Sweden, 1750–1900 Erik Bengtsson, Anna Missiaia, Mats Olsson & Patrick Svensson DEPARTMENT OF ECONOMIC HISTORY, LUND UNIVERSITY Lund Papers in Economic History ISRN LUSADG-SAEH-P--17/161--SE+28 © The author(s), 2017 Orders of printed single back issues (no. -
Jacobins Maximilien Robespierre the Committee of Public Safety
The Reign of Terror Jacobins The most famous political group of the French Revolution was the Jacobins. Also known as the Society of the Friends of the Constitution, the club originally met at Versailles, organized by deputies of the Estates-General (and then National Assembly). They later met as a club in Paris. By July 1790, their membership grew to about 1,200 Parisian members, with 152 affiliate clubs; the number of members continued to grew thereafter. The club’s main concern was to protect what the revolutionaries had achieved so far—and prevent any reaction from the aristocracy. This desire resulted in the Reign of Terror. The Jacobins felt that it was their duty to catch anyone suspected of opposing the Revolution. The Jacobins also led the dechristianizing movement and organized Revolutionary festivals. Maximilien Robespierre Possibly the most well-known Jacobin was Maximilien Robespierre. He was trained as a lawyer and practiced law by representing poor people. When the Estates-General was summoned in 1789, the Third Estate elected him as one of their deputies. He was thirty years old. Robespierre was a quiet, simple man, with a weak voice. Yet he was able to make himself heard. He spoke more than five hundred times during the life of the National Assembly, and it was here that he gained supporters. He was a philosopher and sided with the ideals of the Enlightenment. He used this background to help shape the Declaration of the Rights of Man. He was a proponent of everything the Declaration stood for. He believed in equal rights, the right to hold office and join the national guard, and the right to petition. -
The French Revolution
The French Revolution People and Terms to know • Georges-Jacques Danton • Maximilien Robespierre • Jean-Paul Marat • Reign of Terror • Napoleon Bonaparte • National Convention • Universal Manhood Suffrage • Girondins • Jacobins • Committee of Public Safety • Revolutionary Tribunal • The Directory National Convention – senptember 1792 – 1st meeting Universal manhood suffrage – every man can vote Legislative Assembly – 3 main groups • Girodins o Dantonists – followed the lead of Georges Danton; believed Reign of Terror should end earlier and begin re-building of France • Conservatives • Jacobins o Radicals in Assembly; led by Maximilien Robespierre o Jacobins - divided- moderates/radicals § Robespierre § Jean-Paul Marat National Convention’s Actions • Declared end to monarchy • Beginning of new republic • Wrote new constitution • Brought Louis XVI to trial o Guilty – sentenced to death French Army – prior to Reign of Terror (Sept 1793) • Defeated Austrian and Prussian forces – stopped foreign invasion Opposition to the Constitution Arises • French people rose up against revolutionary government – “counterrevolutionary” o Ultimately wanted peace in France • Jacobins – Robespierre and Danton – Controlled National Convention • Arrested many Girodin delegates who opposed their policies • Charlotte Corday – Killed Jean-Paul Marat – arrested and executed Reign of Terror: suppress all opposition (Sept 1793- July 1794) • “annihilate internal and external enemies of the republic” • Executed Girondin opponents • Fought back European powers – gained -
"Virtue and Terror: Maximilien Robespierre on the Principles of the French Revolution." Revolutionary Moments: Reading Revolutionary Texts
Linton, Marisa. "Virtue and Terror: Maximilien Robespierre on the Principles of the French Revolution." Revolutionary Moments: Reading Revolutionary Texts. Ed. Rachel Hammersley. London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2015. 93–100. Bloomsbury Collections. Web. 29 Sep. 2021. <http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781474252669.0018>. Downloaded from Bloomsbury Collections, www.bloomsburycollections.com, 29 September 2021, 09:23 UTC. Copyright © Rachel Hammersley 2015. You may share this work for non-commercial purposes only, provided you give attribution to the copyright holder and the publisher, and provide a link to the Creative Commons licence. 1 1 Virtue and Terror: Maximilien Robespierre on the Principles of the French Revolution M a r i s a L i n t o n Th is great purity of the bases of the French Revolution, the very sublimity of its object is precisely what makes our strength and our weakness; our strength because it gives us the ascendancy of the truth over deception, and the rights of public interest over private interest; our weakness, because it rallies against us all the vicious men, all those who in their hearts plot to despoil the people, and all those who have despoiled them and want immunity, and those who have rejected liberty as a personal calamity, and those who have embraced the Revolution as a career and the Republic as their prey: hence the defection of so many ambitious or greedy men, who, since the beginning, have abandoned us along the way, because they had not begun the journey in order to reach the same goal. One could say that the two contrary geniuses that have been depicted here battling for control of the realm of nature, are fi ghting in this great epoch of human history, to shape irrevocably the destiny of the world, and that France is the theatre of this redoubtable contest.