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Historical Phonology of Old Indo-Aryan Consonants

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Historical Phonology of Old Indo-Aryan Consonants Historical Phonology of Old Indo-Aryan Consonants Study of Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa Monograph Series No.42 Study of Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa Monograph Series 42 Historical Phonology of Old Indo-Aryan Consonants MASATO KOBAYASHI WITH A FOREWORD BY GEORGE CARDONA Research Institute for Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa Tokyo University of Foreign Studies 2004 Copyright © Masato Kobayashi 2004 All rights reserved First published 2004 Research Institute for Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa Tokyo University of Foreign Studies 3-11-1 Asahi-chô, Fuchû-shi Tôkyô 183-8534 JAPAN ISBN 4-87297-894-3 Kobayashi, Masato, 1970— Historical Phonology of Old Indo-Aryan Consonants / Masato Kobayashi. (Study of Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa Monograph Series, No. 42) Printed in Japan i Foreword The historical phonology of Indo-Aryan has been and remains an area of intense study. Starting with what remains an extraordinarily thorough treatment of the Old Indo- Aryan data, in the first volume of Wackernagel’s Altindische Grammatik, there has been a steady flow of scholarship that has included not only attention to the facts of early Indo- Aryan and possible historical explanations that would explain them, but also, in modern times, considerations of various phonological theories and how they could account for these data as well as the historical developments they reflect. Some major areas have attracted particular attention. There is, to begin with, the development of contrastive retroflex consonants. Scholars have argued at length over the scope of retroflexion, how best to describe synchronically the occurrence of retroflex consonants which are associ- ated with phonological rules, and how much of the range of retroflex consonants can be accounted for through regular developments from Proto-Indo-European. The last issue brings into play the kinds of relations early Indo-Aryan speakers may have had with speakers of other languages of the subcontinent, such as Dravidian languages. More- over, the very existence of contrastive retroflex consonants in the earliest Vedic texts has been called into question. Another area of concern and continued discussion is that of so-called diaspirate verbal bases such as Proto-Indo-European *bheudh, *dheugh. The principal point at issue is whether direct reflexes of such roots, with two aspirates, are to be posited as basic elements not only for Indo-Iranian but also in later Indo-Aryan, or whether, in accordance with Pan¯ .ini’s description of Old Indo-Aryan, the Sanskrit data are better accounted for if one operates with bases of the type budh, duh and what has been called aspiration throwback. A related issue is that of Grassmann’s law of deaspiration, particularly with regard to when this ceased to be a purely phonological rule and acquired the status of a rule operating on members of a particular grammat- ical category. Each successive theory of phonology in modern times has confronted the pertinent data—generally culled from standard sources such as Wackernagel’s and Whitney’s grammars—and tried to account for them in a manner demonstrating that the particular theory at issue does this better than other theories. In quite recent times, at- tention has also focused again on possible parallels between Indo-Aryan and Dravidian concerning general features that govern consonant assimilation and syllable structures, including the degree to which syllable with long vowels followed by consonant clusters are permissible. Masato Kobayashi’s work covers such issues with admirable thoroughness and preci- sion. The author takes into consideration not only the original data and various positions taken in modern western scholarship but also, and to a greater extent than is usually found in works on phonology, the descriptions of early Indian scholars in prati¯ s´akhya¯ works and in Pan¯ .ini’s As.t.adhy¯ ay¯ ¯ı. The discussions to be found in Dr. Kobayashi’s work are painstakingly thorough and judicious, and the author is refreshingly frank when it ii comes to points concerning which he is not certain. I think this work is an important con- tribution to Indo-Aryan linguistics, including theoretical phonological considerations of Indo-Aryan and its relations to other languages of the subcontinent. I welcome its pub- lication and sincerely hope it receives the welcome and attention it deserves. George Cardona University of Pennsylvania Contents iii Contents Foreword by George Cardona i I Introduction 1 x1 Goal of this work . .1 x2 Previous works . .2 x3 Importance of linguistic theories . .3 x4 Comparative reconstruction . .4 x5 Tree model . .6 x6 Linguistic area . .9 x7 Pitfalls of diachronic analysis . .9 x8 Constraint-based approaches . 10 x9 Synchrony and native grammar . 11 x10 Acknowledgments . 12 x11 Phonemic inventories . 13 x12 Abbreviations . 14 II Syllable Nuclei and Rimes 17 x13 Syllable and nucleus-forming segments in Proto-Indo-European . 17 x14 Nucleus-forming segments in Proto-Indo-European . 18 x15 Reconstructibility of nucleus placement in Proto-Indo-European . 19 x16 The procedure of nucleus placement . 21 x17 Peculiarities in the development of PIE laryngeals in Indo-Iranian . 24 x18 Adjustment of nucleus placement to sonority in the output . 25 x19 Syllable-related rules in Proto-Indo-European . 25 x20 Adjustment of nuclei by Sievers’s Law .................. 27 x21 Well-formed syllables in Proto-Indo-European and Sanskrit . 29 x22 Quantitative evaluation of Hoenigswald’s observation . 30 x23 Native grammarians on consonant doubling . 31 x24 Syllable weight and cluster rules in Iranian . 32 x25 Summary . 33 III Syllable Boundary and Position of Sibilants 35 x26 Restrictions on word-final consonants . 35 x27 The native grammarians’ rules for the coda . 36 x28 /s/-insertion and the cohesive closure of Indo-Aryan stop clusters . 37 x29 Dialectal variation of syllable-boundary rules . 39 iv Contents x30 Position of sibilants in the Vedic syllable . 41 x31 The extrasyllabic sibilant . 41 x32 Supporting arguments for sibilant extrasyllabicity . 43 x33 History of internal sibilant clusters . 44 x34 Occurrences of geminated sibilants . 45 x35 Summary . 47 IV Sibilants, Affricates and their Features 49 x36 Cooccurrence of frication and voicing . 49 x37 Edge effect of the palatal plosives . 51 x38 Pronunciation of /j/ ............................ 52 x39 Synchronic status of the alternation of palatals before /t/ and /th/ in the Rgveda . 53 " x40 Rise of three sibilants and their neutralization . 54 x41 Occlusion of /s/ and /s./ in the future . 55 x42 Regularity of the occlusion of /s/ ..................... 56 x43 Medial occlusion of /s´/ and /s./ in fricative clusters . 58 x44 Affricate status of ch, ks. and ts ...................... 59 x45 Origins of Vedic ks. ............................ 60 x46 Development of Indo-Iranian palatal voiced aspirates . 66 x47 The problem of PIE *sk´ > PIE *sc´ > Sanskrit cch ............ 67 x48 Explanation 1: Place assimilation *sc´ > *s´c´ + occlusion . 69 x49 Explanation 2: Metathesis of *sk.....................´ 71 x50 Explanation 3: Transfer of *s to aspiration . 72 x51 Explanation 4: Regular simplification of obstruent clusters . 73 x52 The ‘Affricate Filter’ . 73 x53 Simplification of obstruent clusters . 75 x54 Regular development from *sc´ into cch .................. 78 x55 Summary . 81 V Aperture/Stricture 83 x56 Deocclusion of Proto-Indo-Iranian *´h and *ˇh .............. 83 x57 Deocclusion of /dh/ and /bh/: Examples . 84 x58 Influence of tonal contexts? . 86 x59 The athematic imperative 2sg. ending -dh´ı/-h´ı .............. 87 x60 Minimal Word effect? . 88 x61 Rule formulation . 89 x62 Asymmetrical alternation of /m/ and /n/ ................. 91 x63 What is behind the asymmetry of /m/ and /n/?.............. 95 x64 Deocclusion of nasals . 96 x65 Asymmetries between /v/ and /y/ ..................... 98 x66 Absence of geminated rhotics in Indo-Aryan and the pronunciation of /r/ 99 " Contents v x67 samr¯aj-´ , pra¨uga- and old sandhi . 100 x68 Summary . 101 VI Laryngeal and Vowel Features 103 x69 Laryngeal features in Indo-Aryan . 103 x70 Voiceless aspirates: Aspiration of initial *sT clusters . 103 x71 PIE *s and cooccurrence restriction of the laryngeal features . 105 x72 Indo-Aryan innovations in the laryngeal configuration of *s . 106 x73 *z in Proto-Indo-European . 107 x74 Aspiration of initial *T[0voiced] + *h2 in Indo-Aryan . 108 x75 Phonemicization of voiceless aspirates in Indo-Aryan . 109 x76 Difference between Indo-Aryan and English /sT/ clusters . 110 x77 Assimilation of laryngeal features . 111 x78 Voicing neutralization in absolute final position . 113 x79 Diaspirate representation of Sanskrit roots . 114 x80 Locality of Grassmann’s Law ....................... 115 x81 Antiquity of Grassmann’s Law: k´umbha- ................. 116 x82 Bartholomae’s Law and root-suffix asymmetry . 116 x83 Limit of purely phonological principles . 118 x84 Conspiratorial nature of Bartholomae’s Law .............. 119 x85 ‘Aspiration Throwback’: Another case of root feature maximization . 122 x86 ‘Aspiration Throwback’ and featural domains . 124 x87 Allomorphy in dhatt´e ........................... 125 x88 [voiced] as an autosegment . 126 x89 Sonorance of Indo-European laryngeals . 127 x90 When did the three laryngeals merge? . 129 x91 The ‘vocalization’ theory of Indo-Iranian laryngeals . 132 x92 The necessity of positing *@ ....................... 133 x93 Vowel features in Proto-Indo-European . 134 x94 Vowel features in Indo-Iranian . 135
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