Archipel Études interdisciplinaires sur le monde insulindien

89 | 2015 Varia

Detecting pre-modern lexical influence from South India in Maritime Southeast Asia Détecter l’influence du lexique pré‑moderne de l’Inde du Sud en Asie du Sud-Est maritime.

Tom Hoogervorst

Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/archipel/490 DOI: 10.4000/archipel.490 ISSN: 2104-3655

Publisher Association Archipel

Printed version Date of publication: 15 April 2015 Number of pages: 63-93 ISBN: 978-2-910513-72-6 ISSN: 0044-8613

Electronic reference Tom Hoogervorst, “Detecting pre-modern lexical influence from South India in Maritime Southeast Asia”, Archipel [Online], 89 | 2015, Online since 15 June 2017, connection on 05 March 2021. URL: http://journals.openedition.org/archipel/490 ; DOI: https://doi.org/10.4000/archipel.490

Association Archipel Emprunts et réinterprétations

Tom Hoogervorst1

Detecting pre-modern lexical influence from South India in Maritime Southeast Asia2

Introduction In the mid-19th century, the famous Malacca-born language instructor Abdullah bin Abdul Kadir documented the following account in his autobiography Hikayat Abdullah (Munšī 1849): “[…] my father sent me to a teacher to learn Tamil, an Indian language, because it had been the custom from the time of our forefathers in Malacca for all the children of good and well-to-do families to learn it. It was useful for doing computations and accounts, and for purposes of conversation because at that time Malacca was crowded with Indian merchants. Many were the men who had become rich by trading in Malacca, so much so that the names of Tamil traders had become famous. All of them made their children learn Tamil.” (translation by Hill 1955: 48) Roughly four decades later, a colonial official regretted the lack of financial transparency among the rajas of Aceh’s recently “pacified” coastal areas, complaining that administration records were either absent or kept in Klingaleesch (Scherer 1891: 298). A late 18th-century religious manuscript written partly in Tamil and partly in Malay (Tschacher 2009: 54) also points to the existence of a tradition of bilingualism at the crossroads of South India and Maritime Southeast Asia. While it is difficult to contextualise such isolated accounts, the importance of South Indian traders in Maritime Southeast Asia is well-attested historically (cf. Edwards McKinnon 1996; Christie 1998, 1999). This situation remains to be studied more thoroughly from a linguistic perspective. This article, hence, delves deeper into early interethnic contact

1. Royal Netherlands Institute of Southeast Asian and Caribbean Studies (KITLV), Leiden, the Netherlands. 2. I express my heartfelt gratitude to the Gonda Foundation for financial support and to Waruno Mahdi, Alexander Adelaar, Herman Tieken and the anonymous reviewers of Archipel for their valuable insights and comments on an earlier version of this paper. The usual disclaimers apply.

Archipel 89, Paris, 2015, p. 63-93 TOM HOOGERVORST1 TOM HOOGERVORST1 Detecting pre-modern lexical influence from South India in Maritime Southeast Asia Detecting pre-modern lexical influence from South India in Maritime Southeast Asia Introduction th Introduction In the mid-19 century, the famous language instructor Abdullah bin Abdul Kadir documented the following In the mid-19th century, the famous language instructor Abdullah bin Abdul Kadir documented the followingaccount in his autobiography Hikayat Abdullah (Munšī 1849): account in his autobiography Hikayat Abdullah (Munšī 1849): “[…] my father sent me to a teacher to learn Tamil, an Indian language, because it had been the custom “[…] my father sent me to a teacher to learn Tamil, an Indian language, because it had been the custom from the time of our forefathers in Malacca for all the children of good and well-to-do families to learn from the time of our forefathers in Malacca for all the children of good and well-to-do families to learn it. It was useful for doing computations and accounts, and for purposes of conversation because at that it. It was useful for doing computations and accounts, and for purposes of conversation because at that time Malacca was crowded with Indian merchants. Many were the men who had become rich by trading time Malacca was crowded with Indian merchants. Many were the men who had become rich by trading in Malacca, so much so that the names of Tamil traders had become famous. All of them made their in Malacca, so much so that the names of Tamil traders had become famous. All of them made their children learn Tamil.” (translation by Hill 1955: 48) children learn Tamil.” (translation by Hill 1955: 48) 64 Tom Hoogervorst Roughly four decades later, a colonial official regretted the lack of financial transparency among the rajas of Roughly four decades later, a colonial official regretted the lack of financialbetween transparency South among India the and rajas Maritime Aceh’sof recentlySoutheast “pacified” Asia, focusingcoastal areas specifically, complaining on that administration records were either absent or kept in th Aceh’s recently “pacified” coastal areas, complaining that administration recordsTamil were and either other absent Dravidian or kept loanwords Klingaleeschin in (Scherer Malay, 1891: Javanese 298). Aand late other 18 -century West- religious manuscript written partly in Tamil and partly in Klingaleesch (Scherer 1891: 298). A late 18th-century religious manuscript writtenMalayo-Polynesian partly in Tamil and(hereafter partly Malayin WMP) (Tschacher languages. 2009: 54) also points to the existence of a tradition of bilingualism at the crossroads of South Malay (Tschacher 2009: 54) also points to the existence of a tradition of bilingualismSouth at Indiathe crossroads and Maritime of SouthIndia Southeast and Maritime Asia haveSoutheast been Asia in . closeWhile contactit is difficult for to contextualise such isolated accounts, the importance of India and Maritime Southeast Asia. While it is difficult to contextualise such isolatedmore than accounts two , millennia.the importance Dravidian Southof Indian loanwords traders occurin Maritime in the Southeastearliest Javanese Asia is well-attested historically (cf. Edwards McKinnon 1996; South Indian traders in Maritime Southeast Asia is well-attested historically (cf. Edwards McKinnonth 1996Christie; 1998, 1999). This situation remains to be studied more thoroughly from a linguistic perspective. This literature, i.e. from the 9 centuryarticle CE,, hence, following delves thedeeper establishment into early interethnic of Tamil contactas between South India and Maritime Southeast Asia, Christie 1998, 1999). This situation remains to be studied more thoroughly afrom literary a linguistic language perspective in India.. T3 hisCommercial networks between the two regions, article, hence, delves deeper into early interethnic contact between South India and Maritime Southeast Asiafocusing, specifically on Tamil and other Dravidian loanwords in Malay, Javanese and other West-Malayo- however, must have predatedPolynesian the textual (hereafter evidence WMP) by la severalnguages. centuries. In focusing specifically on Tamil and other Dravidian loanwords in Malay, Javanese andst other West-Malayo- Polynesian (hereafter WMP) languages. the late 1 mill. BCE, interaction was frequent enough to account for large quantities of imported Indian Southbeads, India pottery and andMaritime metal Southeast artefacts Asiaat several have beensites in close contact for more than two millennia. Dravidian th th South India and Maritime Southeast Asia have been in close contact for morein Southeast than two Asiamillennia. (cf. ArdikaDravidian &loanwords Bellwood occur 1991; in the Bellina earliest 2007). Javanese From literature the 9, i.e.to from the 9 century CE, following the establishment of th 2 loanwords occur in the earliest Javanese literature, i.e. from the 9th century CEthe, 11following century, the Javaneseestablishment inscriptions Tamilof as lista literary different language South in Indian India. toponyms Commercial (or, networks between the two regions, however, must have st Tamil as a literary language in India.2 Commercial networks between the perhaps,two regions rather, however ethnonyms),, must have suchpre dated as Kliṅthe textual “Kaliṅga(?),” evidence bySiṅhala several “Sri centuries Lanka,”. In the late 1 mill. BCE, interaction was frequent enough to predated the textual evidence by several centuries. In the late 1st mill. BCE, Cwalikāinteraction or was Drawiḍa frequent “Coromandelenough accountto Coast,”for large quantitiesPaṇḍikira of orimported Malyalā Indian “Malabar beads, pottery and metal artefacts at several sites in Southeast Asia th th account for large quantities of imported Indian beads, pottery and metal artefactsCoast” at several and sitesKarṇaṭaka in Southeast “Karnataka” Asia(cf. Ardika (cf. & BellwoodChristie 1999:1991; Bellina247). From2007). Fromthe 11 theth 9 to the 11 century, Javanese inscriptions list different (cf. Ardika & Bellwood 1991; Bellina 2007). From the 9th to the 11th century,to Javanese the 13 thinscriptions century CE, list differentfollowingSouth theIndia declinen toponyms of Śr (or,īvijaya perhaps, and rather the expansiveethnonyms ), such as Kliṅ ‘Kaliṅga(?)’, Siṅhala ‘Sri Lanka’, Cwalikā South Indian toponyms (or, perhaps, rather ethnonyms), such as Kliṅ ‘Kaliṅga(?)’, Siṅhala ‘Sri Lanka’, Cwalikāor Drawiḍa ‘Coromandel Coast’, Paṇḍikira or Malyalā ‘Malabar Coast’ and Karṇaṭaka ‘Karnataka’ (cf. Christie ambitions of the Cōḻa Dynasty, Tamil inscriptionsth indicateth the presence of or Drawiḍa ‘Coromandel Coast’, Paṇḍikira or Malyalā ‘Malabar Coast’ and KarSouthṇaṭ akaIndian ‘Karnataka’ merchant (cf. guildsChristie1999: in North 247). SumatraFrom the 11and to other the 13 parts century of Southeast CE, following the decline of Śrīvijaya and the expansive ambitions th th of the Cōḻa Dynasty, Tamil inscriptions indicate the presence of South Indian merchant guilds in North Sumatra 1999: 247). From the 11 to the 13 century CE, following the decline of ŚrīvijayaAsia (Edwards and the expansive McKinnon ambitions 1996; Christie 1998; Karashima & Subbarayalu of the Cōḻa Dynasty, Tamil inscriptions indicate the presence of South Indian merchant guilds in North Sumatraand other parts of Southeast Asia (Edwards McKinnon 1996; Christie 1998; Karashima & Subbarayalu 2009; 2009; Francis 2012; GriffithsFrancis 2014). 2012 The; GriffithsTamil settlements 2014). The inTamil North settlements Sumatra in North Sumatra are supported by recent archaeological and other parts of Southeast Asia (Edwards McKinnon 1996; Christie 1998are; Karashima supported & Subbarayalu by recent 2009 archaeological; research (cf. Guillot et al. 2003; Francis 2012; Griffiths 2014). The Tamil settlements in North Sumatra are supported by recent archaeologicalresearch (cf. Guillot et al. 2003; Perret & Surachman 2009). South Indian communities also feature in the classical th research (cf. Guillot et al. 2003; Perret & Surachman 2009). South Indian communitiesPerret & also Surachman, feature in the éd., classical 2009).Malay South literat ureIndian and were communities documented also in substantial feature innumbers in the 15 c. Malacca Sultanate. By that time, they Malay literature and were documented in substantial numbers in the 15th c. Malaccathe classical Sultanate. Malay By that literature time, theywere and typically were documented referred to as in K əsubstantialling, a name numbers presumably connected to the Kaliṅga State in present-day Odisha th were typically referred to as Kəling, a name presumably connected to the Kaliin ṅthega State15 c.in presentMalacca-day Sultanate. Odisha(hence By also that the time, Dutch they Klingaleesch were typically) but equally referred often applied to other Indian or Indianised communities (cf. (hence also the Dutch Klingaleesch) but equally often applied to other Indianto asor KəlingIndianis, eda namecommunities presumably (cf.Damais connected 1964; Mahdi to the2000: Kaliṅga 848; Hoogervorst State in present- 2013: 26 fn. 54). The scope of this study ends with the colonial Damais 1964; Mahdi 2000: 848; Hoogervorst 2013: 26 fn. 54). The scope ofday this Odisha study ends (hence with also the colonialthe Dutchperiod ,Klingaleesch during which )policies but equally of indentured often applied labour introducedto an entirely new episode of South India-Southeast period, during which policies of indentured labour introduced an entirely newother episode Indian of South or Indianised India-Southeast communitiesAsia contacts (cf., in Damaisparticular 1964; in Rangoon, Mahdi Penang, 2000: 848;Medan and Singapore. Islamic connections across the Bay of 3 Asia contacts, in particular in Rangoon, Penang, Medan and Singapore. IslamicHoogervorst connections 2013: across 26 the fn. Bay 54). Bengalo fThe scopealso fall of beyond this study the purview ends with of this the paper colonial. Bengal also fall beyond the purview of this paper.3 period, during which policies of indentured labour introduced an entirely new This is not the first study on Dravidian loanwords in Southeast Asia. While a number of new hypotheses are episode of South India-Southeast Asia contacts, in particular in Rangoon, th This is not the first study on Dravidian loanwords in Southeast Asia. WhilePenang, a number Medan of new and hypotheses Singapore. areadded, Islamic it builds connections on a long strandacross of the earlier Bay scholarship. of Bengal In the early 18 century, the Dutch orientalist Herbert de th added, it builds on a long strand of earlier scholarship. In the early 18 century, the Dutch orientalist Herbert Jagerde (1707: 364 ) first called attention to the presence of South Indian (Maalebarischen) as well as Sanskrit also fall beyond the purview ofloanwords this paper. in the high speech register of Javanese, while noting that the Javanese script originates from the same Jager (1707: 36) first called attention to the presence of South Indian (MaalebarischenThis is not) as thewell firstas Sanskrit study on Dravidian loanwords in Southeast Asia. loanwords in the high speech register of Javanese, while noting that the JavaneseWhile script a numberoriginates of from new the hypotheses same are added, it builds on a long strand of 1 earlier scholarship. In the early I express 18th century,my heartfelt the gratitude Dutch toorientalist the Gonda HerbertFoundation for financial support and to Waruno Mahdi, Alexander 1 I express my heartfelt gratitude to the Gonda Foundation for financial supportde and Jager to War (1707:uno Mahdi, 36) firstAlexander calledAdelaar, attention Herman Tieken to the and thepresence anonymous of reviewers South Indian of Archipel for their valuable insights and comments on Adelaar, Herman Tieken and the anonymous reviewers of Archipel for their valuable insights and comments onan earlier version of this paper. The usual disclaimers apply. 2 an earlier version of this paper. The usual disclaimers apply. There is some controversy over the antiquity of the earliest Tamil literature. Tieken (2008) argues that the 2 3. There is some controversy over the antiquity of the earliest Tamil literature. Tieken There is some controversy over the antiquity of the earliest Tamil literature(2008). Tieken argues (2008) that the argues Caṅgam that ( theCa ṅgam) poetry (ச柍க믍 was) produced poetry wasat the produced time of the at Vēḷvikkuḍi the time of the Vēḷvikkuḍi (வே쿍ힿ埍埁羿) and Daḷavāypuram சங்கம் th th Caṅgam (ச柍க믍) poetry was produced at the time of the Vēḷvikkuḍi ((வே쿍ힿ埍埁羿 )) andand Daḷavāypuram Daḷavāypuram ((தளோ뿍ꯁர믍 ) inscriptionsinscriptions of of the the Pāṇḍyas Pāṇḍyas (8th (8– 9th –c. 9 CE) c. CE) and that claims to date the genre to earlier times – (தளோ뿍ꯁர믍) inscriptions of the Pāṇḍyas (8th – 9th c. CE) and that claims toand date that theclaims genre to dateto earlier the genre times toty –earlierpically times—typically from the first centuries from the BCE first to centuries the first centuriesBCE to CE – tend to be fraught with overtones of regionalistic the first centuries CE—tend to be fraughtpride. However, with overtones this remainsof regionalistic a minority pride. view However, within this Tamil Studies (cf. Wilden 2002). typically from the first centuries BCE to the first centuries CE – tend to be fraughtremains with a minorityovertones view of regionalisticwithin Tamil Studies (cf. Wilden 2002). 3 But see Tschacher (2009) for an overview. pride. However, this remains a minority view within Tamil Studies (cf. Wilden4. 2002).But see Tschacher (2009) for an overview. 3 But see Tschacher (2009) for an overview. 1 1 Archipel 89, Paris, 2015 Detecting pre-modern lexical influence from South India 65

(Maalebarischen) as well as Sanskrit loanwords in the high speech register of Javanese, while noting that the Javanese script originates from the same region. Tentative Tamil borrowings are also postulated at several places in Van der Tuuk’s voluminous Old Javanese dictionary (1897-1912) and in a series of papers by Van Ronkel (see under references). Further lists of assumed Tamil loanwords in Malay are given in Hamilton (1919), Asmah (1966), Jones (2007) and Wignesan (2008), whereas Arokiaswamy (2000) focuses on the South Indian influence in Philippine languages. Valuable as they are, these works typically do not refer to the pioneering work of Van der Tuuk and Van Ronkel, nor to each other. They are also of a rather impressionistic nature; little if anything is written to satisfaction about the expectable or observed sound correspondences between the Dravidian and WMP languages under research. This matter is further complicated by the existence of Indo-Aryan loanwords in Dravidian languages, some of which also spread to Southeast Asia; the need to distinguish between direct Sanskrit, Middle Indo-Aryan or New-Indo- Aryan loans on one hand and those acquired through Dravidian languages on the other requires that the phonological history of all source languages is taken into account.5 Cumulatively, these factors underscore the necessity for a novel contribution on this topic. This study addresses the question of which Indic loanwords entered pre-modern Maritime Southeast Asia from—or through— Dravidian sources and how this can be demonstrated phonologically.6 The corpus of this study largely consists of dictionaries, whose glosses have been translated and adjusted wherever considered necessary.7 Fig. 1 presents a map of the languages mentioned in this study. Other potential corpora, such

5. Even then, it remains difficult to pinpoint the direct source of Indic loanwords in Southeast Asia. As I argue elsewhere (Hoogervorst forthcoming), plausible etyma of Malay words such as bapak “father”, cǝmǝti “whip”, curiga “a broad-bladed short curved sword or dagger,” kodi “score” and tiga “three” are found both in Indo-Aryan and Dravidian languages and the exact pathways through which they spread across the Bay of Bengal often remain opaque. 6. I will not here focus on loanwords transmitted in the opposite direction, as this topic has already been addressed elsewhere (Mahdi 1998; Hoogervorst 2013). 7. The following sources are used: Acehnese (Djajadiningrat 1934), Angkola-Mandailing Batak (Eggink 1936), Balinese (Barber 1979), Bengali (Biswas 2000), Bugis (Matthes 1874), Cebuano (Wolff 1972), Cham (Aymonier & Cabaton 1906), Gayo (Hazeu 1907), Goṇḍī (Burrow & Bhattacharya 1960), Hindi (Platts 1884), Ilokano (Rubino 2000), Javanese (Robson & Wibisono 2002), Kannaḍa (Kittel 1894), Karo Batak (Joustra 1907), Koṇḍa (Krishnamurti 1969), Magindanao (Juanmartí 1892), Makasar (Cense 1979), Malagasy (Richardson 1885), Malay (Wilkinson 1932), Malayāḷam (Gundert 1962), Maranao (McKaughan & Al-Macaraya 1996), Marāṭhī (Molesworth 1857), Middle Indo-Aryan (Turner 1966), Middle Javanese (Zoetmulder 1982), Minangkabau (Moussay 1995), Ngaju (Hardeland 1859), Old Javanese (Zoetmulder 1982), Old Khmer (Jenner 2009), Old Mon (Shorto 1971), Oṛiyā (Praharaj 1931- 40), Pāḷi (Rhys Davids & Stede 1966), Persian (Steingass 1892), Sanskrit (Monier-Williams 1899), Sinhala (Clough 1892), Subanon (Finley 1913), Sundanese (Coolsma 1913), Tagalog (Noceda & Sanlucar 1860, Ferrer 2003), Tamil (Tamil 1924-36), Tamil (colloquial) (Asher & Annamalai 2002), Tausug (Hassan et al. 1994), Telugu (Brown 1903), Thai (Haas 1951-present), Toba Batak (Warneck 1977) and Tuḷu (Männer 1886).

Archipel 89, Paris, 2015 region. Tentative Tamil borrowings are also postulated at several places in Van der Tuuk’s voluminous Old Javanese dictionary (1897-1912) and in a series of papers by Van Ronkel (see under references). Further lists of assumed Tamil loanwords in Malay are given in Hamilton (1919), Asmah (1966), Jones (2007) and Wignesan (2008), whereas Arokiaswamy (2000) focuses on the South Indian influence in Philippine languages. Valuable as they are, these works typically do not refer to the pioneering work of Van der Tuuk and Van Ronkel, nor to each other. They are also of a rather impressionistic nature; little if anything is written to satisfaction about the expectable or observed sound correspondences between the Dravidian and WMP languages under research. This matter is further complicated by the existence of Indo-Aryan loanwords in Dravidian languages, some of which also spread to Southeast Asia; the need to distinguish between direct Sanskrit, Middle Indo-Aryan or New-Indo- Aryan loans on one hand and those acquired through Dravidian languages on the other requires that the phonological history of all source languages is taken into account.4 Cumulatively, these factors underscore the necessity for a novel contribution on this topic. This study addresses the question of which Indic loanwords entered pre-modern Maritime Southeast Asia from – or through – Dravidian sources and how this can be demonstrated phonologically.5 66 Tom Hoogervorst The corpus of this study largely consists of dictionaries, whose glosses have been translated and adjusted wherever considered necessary.6 Figure 1 presents a map of the languages mentioned in this study. Other potential corpora, such as toponyms, onomastics and literary parallels, fall beyond the scope of the present study but merit a more comparative approach in future research.7 The list of tentative borrowings presented here thus remains far from exhaustive. I am primarily concerned with the earliest loanwords. My focus on pre-colonial language contact raises the methodological problem of dating lexical transmissions. The Javanese literature is particularly helpful in proposing termini ante quem for the adoption of Dravidian loanwords into Maritime Southeast Asia. I therefore make an effort to mention the source texts in which loanwords are (first) attested. Another, less reliable, yardstick to assess the antiquity of a given lexical transmission is its geographical distribution. I am inclined to treat Dravidian loans established far beyond the Malay core area as pre-modern, as competition from well-organised Chinese and Indian merchant fleets greatly diminished the role of Malay shipping from the 15th century onwards (cf. Manguin 1993).

Insert Figure 1 around here Figure 1: Map of the source languages for this study

This paper is organised into three sections. The first, “Phonological integration”, addresses the phonological characteristics of Fig.Dravidian 1– Map ofloans the source in WMP languages languages, for this study. focusing specifically on Tamil loanwords into Malay and as toponyms,Old Javanese onomastics. Doing so andprovide literarys an idea parallels, of what fall to expect beyond upon the further scope investig of theating lexical borrowing between presentthese study languages but merit. The a second more comparativesection, “Direct approach borrowings”, in future lists earlyresearch. Dravidian8 The loanwords in WMP languages list ofand tentative indicates borrowings earlier sources presented of the postulated here thus etymologies remains far. The from third exhaustive. section, “Indirect borrowings”, focuses on I am primarily concerned with the earliest loanwords. My focus on pre- colonial language contact raises the methodological problem of dating lexical 4 Even then, it remains difficult to pinpoint the direct source of Indic loanwords in Southeast Asia. As I argue transmissions.elsewhere The(Hoogervorst Javanese forthcoming), literature is particularly plausible etyma helpful of inMalay proposing words terminisuch as bapak ‘father’, cǝmǝti ‘whip’, ante curigaquem for‘a broad the -adoptionbladed short of curvedDravidian sword loanwords or dagger’, into kodi Maritime‘score’ and Southeast tiga ‘three’ are found both in Indo-Aryan Asia.and I therefore Dravidian make languages an effort and theto mentionexact pathways the source through texts which in which they spread loanwords across the Bay of Bengal often remain are (first)opaque . attested. Another, less reliable, yardstick to assess the antiquity of a given5 I willlexical not here transmission focus on loanwords is its geographical transmitted indistribution. the opposite Idirect am ion,inclined as this to topic has already been addressed treat Dravidianelsewhere (Mahdi loans established 1998; Hoogervorst far beyond 2013). the Malay core area as pre-modern, as competition6 The following from sources well-organised are used: Acehnese Chinese (Djajadiningrat and Indian 1934 merchant), Angkola fleets-Mandalaing Batak (Eggink 1936), greatlyBalinese diminished (Barber the 1979), role Bengali of Malay (Biswas shipping 2000 ),from Bugis the (Matthes 15th century 1874), Cebuanoonwards ( Wolff 1972), Cham (Aymonier (cf. Manguin& Cabaton 1993). 1906), Gayo (Hazeu 1907), Goṇḍī (Burrow & Bhattacharya 1960), Hindi (Platts 1884), Ilokano This(Rubino paper 2000), is organisedJavanese (Robson into three& Wibisono sections. 2002), The Kanna first,ḍa (Kittel “Phonological 1894), Karo Batak (Joustra 1907), Koṇḍa integration”,(Krishnamurti addresses 1969), Magindanaothe phonological (Juanmartí characteristics 1892), Makasar of (CenseDravidian 1979 ),loans Malagasy (Richardson 1885), Malay in WMP(Wilkinson languages, 1932), focusing Malayāḷam specifically (Gundert 1962 on ), TamilMaranao loanwords (McKaughan into & AlMalay -Macaraya 1996), Marāṭhī and Old(Molesworth Javanese. 1857), Doing Middle so provides Indo-Aryan an idea (Turner of what 1966), to expectMiddle uponJavanese further (Zoetmulder 1982), Minangkabau investigating(Moussay lexical 1995), Ngajuborrowing (Hardeland between 1859), these Old languages. Javanese (Zoetmulder The second 1982), section, Old Khmer (Jenner 2009), Old Mon “Direct(Shorto borrowings”, 1971), Oṛiyā lists (Praharaj early Dravidian 1931-40), Pāloanwordsḷi (Rhys Davids in WMP & Stedelanguages 1966), and Persian (Steingass 1892), Sanskrit (Monier-Williams 1899), Sinhala (Clough 1892), Subanon (Finley 1913), Sundanese (Coolsma 1913), Tagalog indicates earlier sources of the postulated etymologies. The third section, (Noceda & Sanlucar 1860, Ferrer 2003), Tamil (Tamil 1924-36), Tamil (colloquial) (Asher & Annamalai 2002), “IndirectTausug borrowings,” (Hassan et al. 1994),focuses Telugu on (BrownIndo-Aryan 1903), Thailoanwords (Haas 1951 transmitted-present), Toba Batak (Warneck 1977) and Tuḷu (Männer 1886). 7 8. Van der Van Tuuk der (1897-1912/1: Tuuk (1897 -755),1912/1: for example,755), for suggests example, that suggests the Javanese that name the JavaneseIrawati (also name Irawati (also Irəwati) goes Irəwatiback) goes to back Sanskrit to Sanskrit Revati Revati through through its Tamilits Tamil form form Irēvati Irēvati ( (இவரே鎿 ), asas the the prothetic prothetic /i/ is characteristic of Tamil. /i/ is characteristicOther scholars of Tamil.have detected Other scholars ‘Tamilisms’ have detected in the classical “Tamilisms” Malay in theliterature classical (cf. Malay Van Ronkel 1904; Muniandy 1995). literature (cf. Van Ronkel 1904; Muniandy 1995). 2

Archipel 89, Paris, 2015 Detecting pre-modern lexical influence from South India 67 eastwards through Dravidian languages. It elaborates on the expectable sound changes in such a scenario and clarifies why certain loanwords do and others do not reflect Dravidian intermediacy. In the conclusion, the impact of Dravidian lexical influence in pre-modern Maritime Southeast Asia is assessed and some directions for further research are suggested. Phonological integration Dravidian languages, including Tamil, Malayāḷam, Telugu and Kannaḍa, typically display a wide range of internal varieties. Tamil, for example, consists not only of regional dialects (northern, western, eastern, southern, Sri Lankan), but also of sociolects (Brahmin, non-Brahmin, literary, colloquial). It may be expected that those who travelled eastwards spoke urban, coastal varieties. However, linguistic research on these and other specific varieties remains sketchy, with a preliminary but still relevant overview on the modern situation provided by Zvelebil (1964). Even less is known about historical varieties of Tamil and other Dravidian languages. Our understanding of Dravidian-WMP language contact is also complicated by the fact that the Tamil script does not clearly indicate the pronunciation of stops and affricates, although the position of these phonemes within a word provides some rule of thumb; they are predominantly voiceless in word-initial position and word- medially in geminated form, but voiced post-nasally and word-medially in non-geminated form. In the latter case, they are also fricativised (Andronov 2004: 23-30). Stops and affricates do not typically occur word-finally and require an epenthetic or “enunciative vowel.” However, these rules do not always apply to loanwords and depend on the speaker’s familiarity with the source language. This paper gives the indigenous spelling of Tamil (and the other Dravidian languages) along with a transliteration (Table 1). Common Dravidian features such as phonemic vowel length, gemination and the presence of retroflex consonants are typically absent in Malay, although this may have been different in certain historical varieties or acrolects. Javanese maintains the distinctions /t/ vs. /ṭ/ and /d/ vs. /ḍ/ to date (as does Madurese). In certain WMP languages, the original presence of a retroflex or geminated consonant triggered schwa-substitution in the preceding vowel, e.g. Malay pəti “box, chest, case” from Hindi peṭī id. and mǝta “mad or rutting, wild or excited” from Sanskrit matta “excited with joy, in rut, insane,” although this sound correspondence is not consistent.9 The morphophonology of the recipient language(s) can also influence the phonological integration of loanwords. Old Javanese mərəcu ~ mərcu

9. Ras (1968) calls attention to an orthographic convention in Malay and Javanese in which the schwa—originally lacking a dependent vowel sign—can be indicated through gemination of the next consonant. As intervocalic consonants following a schwa are typically longer in several WMP languages, the author argues that this rule reflects Malay and Javanese phonology.

Archipel 89, Paris, 2015 Indo-Aryan loanwords transmitted eastwards through Dravidian languages. It elaborates on the expectable sound Indo-Aryan loanwords transmitted eastwards through Dravidian languages. It elaborates on the expectable sound changes in such a scenario and clarifies why certain loanwords do and others do not reflect Dravidian changes in such a scenario and clarifies why certain loanwords doInd ando- Aryanothers loanwords do not reflect transmitted Dravidian eastwards throughintermediacy. Dravidian In languages.the conclusion, It elaborates the impact on ofthe Dravidian expectable lexical sound influenc e in pre-modern Maritime Southeast Asia intermediacy. In the conclusion, the impact of Dravidian lexical influence changesin pre-modern in such Maritime a scenario Southeast and Asiaclarifies whyis assessedcertain loanwords and some directionsdo and others for further do notresearch reflect are Dravidian suggested . is assessed and some directions for further research are suggested. intermediacy. In the conclusion, the impact of Dravidian lexical influence in pre-modern Maritime Southeast Asia is assessed and some directions for further researchPhonological are suggested integration. Phonological integration Dravidian languages, including Tamil, Malayāḷam, Telugu and Kannaḍa, typically display a wide range of internal Dravidian languages, including Tamil, Malayāḷam, Telugu and Kannaḍa, typicallyPhonological display integration a wide range of internal varieties. Tamil, for example, consists not only of regional dialects (northern, western, eastern, southern, Sri varieties. Tamil, for example, consists not only of regional dialects (northern,Dravidian western, languages eastern,, including southern, Tamil, Sri Malayā ḷam,Lanka), Telugu but and also Kanna of sociolectsḍa, typically (Brahmin, display anon wi-deBrahm rangein, of literary, internal colloquial). It may be expected that those who Lanka), but also of sociolects (Brahmin, non-Brahmin, literary, colloquivarieties.al). It may Tamil, be expected for example, that those consists who not onlytravelled of regional eastwards dialects spoke (northern, urban, western, coastal eastern,varieties. southern, However, Sri l inguistic research on these and other specific travelled eastwards spoke urban, coastal varieties. However, linguisticLanka), research but on also these of sociolectsand other (Brahmin, specific non-Brahmvarietiesin, literary,remains colloqui sketchy,al). with It maya preliminary be expected but that still those relevant who overview on the modern situation provided by varieties remains sketchy, with a preliminary but still relevant overviewtravelled on the modereastwardsn situation spoke providedurban, coastal by varieties.Zvelebil However, (1964). l inguisticEven less research is known on aboutthese historicaland other varietiesspecific of Tamil and other Dravidian languages. Our Zvelebil (1964). Even less is known about historical varieties of Tamilvarieties and other remains Dravidian sketchy, languages with a .preliminary Our butunderstanding still relevant of overviewDravidian on-WMP the moderlanguagen situation contact isprovided also complicated by by the fact that the Tamil script does not understanding of Dravidian-WMP language contact is also complicated byZvelebil the fact (1964). that the Even Tamil less script is kndoesown not about historicalclearly indicavarietieste the of pronunciationTamil and other of stops Dravidian and affricates, languages although. Our the position of these phonemes within a word clearly indicate the pronunciation of stops and affricates, although the positionunderstanding of these ofphonemes Dravidian within-WMP a wordlanguage contactprovides is also some complicated rule of thumb by the; factthey that are thepredominantly Tamil script voicelessdoes not in word-initial position and word-medially in provides some rule of thumb; they are predominantly voiceless in wordclearly-initial indica positionte the and pronunciation word-medially of stopsin and affricates,geminated although form, but the voiced position post of- nasallythese phonemes and word within-medially a word in non -geminated form. In the latter case, they are geminated form, but voiced post-nasally and word-medially in non-geminatedprovides form. some In rulethe latteof thumbr case,; ttheyhey are predominantlyalso fricativis voicelessed (Andronov in word-initial 2004: position 23-30). Stopsand w andord -affricatesmedially doin not typically occur word-finally and require an also fricativised (Andronov 2004: 23-30). Stops and affricates do not typicallygeminated occur form, word but-finally voiced and post require-nasally an and wordepenthetic-medially or in‘enunciative non-geminated vowel’ form.. However, In the latte theser case, rules they do notare always apply to loanwords and depend on the epenthetic or ‘enunciative vowel’. However, these rules do not always alsoapply fricativis to loanwordsed (Andronov and depend 2004: on 23 the-30). Stops speaker’and affricatess familiarity do not withtypically the source occur wordlanguage.-finally This and paper require gives an the indigenous spelling of Tamil (and the other speaker’s familiarity with the source language. This paper gives the indigenousepenthetic spelling or ‘enunciative of Tamil (and vowel’ the .other However, theseDravidian rules dolanguages) not always along apply with to a ltransliterationoanwords and (dependTable 1 )on. the Dravidian languages) along with a transliteration (Table 1). speaker’s familiarity with the source language. This paper gives the indigenous spelling of Tamil (and the other Dravidian languages) along with a transliterationTable (Table 1: 1transliteration). of Tamil stops and affricates used in this paper Table 1: transliteration of Tamil stops and affricates used in this paper transliteration and phonetic transcription (between slashes) orthography transliteration and phonetic transcription (betweenTable 1slashes): transliteration of Tamil stops and affricates used in this paper word-initial intervocalic post-nasal geminated orthography word-initial intervocalic post-nasal geminatedtransliteration and phonetக ic transcription (betweenk /k/ slashes) g /x ~ ɦ/ g /g/ kk /kː/ orthography க k /k/ g /x ~ ɦ/ g /g/ kk /kːword/ -initial intervocalicச postc -/nasals ~ ʨ/ 8 geminatedc /s/ j /ʤ/ cc /ʨː/ 8 68 Tom Hoogervorst ச c /s ~ ʨ/ c /s/ j /ʤ/ க cc /ʨːk/ /k/ g /xட ~ ɦ/ g /g/ṭ / ʈ/ kk ḍ/kː /ɽ// ḍ /ɖ/ ṭṭ /ʈː/ ட ṭ /ʈ/ ḍ /ɽ/ ḍ /ɖ/ ச ṭṭ /ʈː/ c /s ~ ʨ/8 c /s/த j /ʤt / t̪/ cc /dʨ /ːδ/ / d /d̪ / tt /t̪ː/ த t /t/ d /δ/ d /d/ ட tt /tː/ ப transliteration and pphonetic /p/ transcription (betweenb /β/ slashes) b /b/ pp /pː/ ̪ ̪ ̪ ṭ /ʈ/ orthography ḍ /ɽ/ ḍ /ɖ/ ṭṭ /ʈː/ ப p /p/ b /β/ b /b/ த pp /pːt/ /t̪/ d /δ/word-initial intervocalicd /d̪ / post-nasaltt /t̪ː/ geminated ப p /p/ க b C/βommon/ k /k/ Dravidian featuresbg /x/b/ ~ ɦ/ such as phonemg /g/ppic /vowelpː/ length,kk /kː/ gemination and the presence of retroflex consonants Common Dravidian features such as phonemic vowel length, gemination and the presence of retroflex consonantsச are ctypically /s ~ ʧ/10 absent in cMalay, /s/ althoughj /thisʤ/ may have beencc /ʧː/ different in certain historical varieties or acrolects. are typically absent in Malay, although this may have been different in certain historical varieties or acrolects. Javanese maintains the distinctions /t/ vs. /ṭ/ and /d/ vs. /ḍ/ to date (as does Madurese). In certain WMP languages, Common Dravidian features such as phonemட ic vowel length,ṭ /ʈ/ geminationḍ /andɽ/ the presenceḍ / ɖof/ retroflex consonantsṭṭ /ʈː/ Javanese maintains the distinctions /t/ vs. /ṭ/ and /d/ vs. /ḍ/ to date (as doesare Madurese) typically. Inabsent certain in WMPMalay, languages although, this maythe have original been presence different of in a certain retroflex historical or geminated varieties consonant or acrolects. triggered schwa-substitution in the preceding vowel, த t /t/ d /δ/ d /d/ tt /tː/ the original presence of a retroflex or geminated consonant triggered schwaJavanese-substitution maintain ins the the preceding distinctions vowel, /t/ vs. /ṭ/ and e.g./d/ vs. Malay /ḍ̪ / to p dateəti ‘box, (as does chest, Madurese) case’ from. In Hindicertain̪ pe WMPṭī id. languagesand ̪mǝta, ‘mad or rutting, wild or excited’ from Sanskrit e.g. Malay pəti ‘box, chest, case’ from Hindi peṭī id. and mǝta ‘mad ort herutting, original wild presence or excited’ of a fromretroflex Sanskrit or geminatedப matta consonantp ‘excited /p/ triggered with joy, schwab /inβ/ rut,-substitution insane’, ab lthoughin/b/ the preceding this soundpp vowel,/pː/ correspondence is not consistent.9 matta ‘excited with joy, in rut, insane’, although this sound correspondencee.g. is Malay not consistent pəti ‘box,.9 chest, case’ from Hindi pe ṭī id. and mǝta ‘mad or rutting, wild or excited’ from Sanskrit Table 1 – transliteration of Tamil stops and affricates used in this paper. matta ‘excited with joy, in rut, insane’, althoughThe this morpho sound correspondencephonology of the is recipientnot consistent language(s).9 can also influence the phonological integration of loanwords. The morphophonology of the recipient language(s) can also influence the phonological integration of loanwords“fire-ball. (fromOld Javanesethe sky),” mər əcu for ~ m əexample,rcu ‘fire- ball appears (from the to sky)’, reflect for Tamil viricu example, appears to reflect Tamil viricu (ힿ쎿毁) ‘a Old Javanese mərəcu ~ mərcu ‘fire-ball (from the sky)’, for example, appearsThe morpho to reflectphono Tamillogy viricuof the recipient((ힿ쎿毁 )10 ‘a) language(s)“a kind ofkind rocket” can of alsorocket’ (cf. influence (cf.Gomperts Gomperts the phonological unpublished), unpublished), integration from from the the of root rootloanwords viri ((ힿ쎿. ) ‘to expand; to open; to burst asunder’. In this kind of rocket’ (cf. Gomperts unpublished), from the root viri (ힿ쎿) ‘to expand;Old Javanese to open; m toər əburstcu ~ asunder’. mərcu“to ‘fire In expand; -thisball (from to open; thecase, sky)’, tothe burst word for example,-asunder.”initial consonant appears In this tohas case, reflect undergone the T word-initialamil nasalis viricuation ( ힿ쎿毁consonant in )accordance ‘a with regular morphophonological sound case, the word-initial consonant has undergone nasalisation in accordance kindwith ofregular rocket’ morphophonological (cf. Gomperts unpublished),has sound undergone from nasalisationco therrespondences root viri in(ힿ쎿 accordance in) WMP‘to expand; languages with to open; regular. While to burst moremorphophonological asunder’. common In in this transitive verbs, this development does not stand in correspondences in WMP languages. While more common in transitive verbs,case, thethis word development-initial consonant does notsound hasstand undergone correspondencesin nasalisisolationation in in in WMPother accordance lexical languages. categorieswith regular While.10 morphophonologicalAmore related common process in is transitive back sound-formation. Tamil muḍukku (믁翁埍埁), a verb root isolation in other lexical categories.10 A related process is back-formation.co Tamilrrespondences muḍukku in ( 믁翁埍埁WMP languages), a verbs,verb root. thisWhile development moredenoting common does‘to in plough’, transitivenot stand presumably verbs, in isolation this gadevelopmentve in rise other to lexicalJavanese does not categories. and stand Sundanese in 11 muluku in the same meaning.11 If so, Old denoting ‘to plough’, presumably gave rise to Javanese and Sundanese mulukuisolation in inthe other same lexical meaning categories.11 AIf sorelated.,10 Old A related process processJavanese is back-formation. is walukuback-formation. ~ wiluku Tamil Tamil ~ wuluku muḍukku muḍukku ‘a plough’ (믁翁埍埁 must),),் aa verb beverb a roothypercorrection root , in which the word-initial /m/ was Javanese waluku ~ wiluku ~ wuluku ‘a plough’ must be a hypercorrectiondenoting, in which ‘to plough’, the word presumably-initialdenoting /m/ ga wasve rise “to to Javaneseplough,” and presumably Sundanese muluku gave rise in the to sameJavanese meaning and.11 IfSundanese so, Old Javanese waluku ~ wiluku ~ mulukuwuluku ‘a in plough’ the 8same The must exact meaning.be a pronunciation hypercorrection12 If so, differsOld, in whichJavanesefrom onethe varietywordwaluku-initial to ~another. /m/wiluku was According ~ to Zvelebil (1964: 242-246), northern 8 The exact pronunciation differs from one variety to another. According to Zvelebil (1964: 242 - 246), wuluku northern “a plough”dialects must incline be a towardshypercorrection, /s/, western in dialects which to the /ʨ/ word-initial and southern /m/dialects to /ʃ/. 9 dialects incline towards /s/, western dialects to /ʨ/ and southern dialects to8 The/ʃ/. exact pronunciation differswas from reinterpreted one variety Ras as to a(1968)another. nasalised calls According attentionverbal prefixto to Zvelebil an orthographic substituting (1964: 242 convention an-246), earlier northern in /w/. Malay13 A and Javanese in which the schwa – originally 9 Ras (1968) calls attention to an orthographic convention in Malay and Javanesedialectsreinterpreted inclinein which as towards a thenasalis schwa /s/,ed westernverbal– originallysimilar pre dialects fixprocess substituting to /ʨ/ lackingis andseen ansouthern a in earlierdependent Old dialects /w/Javanese. 12vowel A to similar /ʃ/. wajisign process –“wedge,” can be is indicatedseen presumably in Old through Javanese derived gemination of the next consonant. As intervocalic 9 lacking a dependent vowel sign – can be indicated through gemination wof Rasaji the ‘wedge’ (1968) next consonant.calls, presumably attention As derived tointervocalic anfrom orthographic from the theTamil Tamil convention consonantsverbal verbal root rootin following Malay vaci vaci (andே殿 a Javanese)schwa ‘to“to split, split, are in to typically which tocut’ cut,”, whichthe longer whichschwa displays in –displays originallyseveral the by WMPthe- languages, the author argues that this rule consonants following a schwa are typically longer in several WMP languages,lackingform paji athe dependent(cf. author Van argder vowelues Tuuk that sign 1897by-form this – - can1912/rule be paji3: indicated 599 (cf.).reflects VanThe through derlatter Malay Tuuk appearsgemination and 1897-1912/3: Javanese to be of a thephonology.back next599).-formation consonant. The latter of the As appears derived intervocalic toverb be a reflects Malay and Javanese phonology. consonants following a schwa are typically longer10 Cf. in Middle several Javanese WMP languages, miñu ‘wine’ the fromauthor Portuguese argues that vinho this ruleid., Javanese mau ‘just now’ from (krama) wau id. 10 (a)maji ‘to split, cleave (with aback-formation wedge)’, as both of /w the/ and derived /p/ would verb yield (a)maji /m/ through “to split, pre nasaliscleaveati (withon. a wedge),” Cf. Middle Javanese miñu ‘wine’ from Portuguese vinho id., Javanesereflects mau ‘just Malay now’ and from Javanese (krama phonology.as) wau both id. /w/ and /p/(ultimately would yield from PMP/m/ through *baqeRuh prenasalisation. ‘new, recently’), musṭika ‘bezoar; the most excellent, a jewel’ from pusṭika id. (ultimately from PMP *baqeRuh ‘new, recently’), musṭika ‘bezoar; the most10 excellent, a jewel’ from pusṭika id. (reflecting Sanskrit sphaṭika ‘crystal, quartz’ through metathesis), Malay moyang ‘great-grandparent’ from an Semantic Cf. Middle innovation Javanese of miñuequal ‘wine’complexitySemantic from is Portuguese evidenced innovation vinhoby theof id., wordequal Javanese sə mburanicomplexity mau ~ ‘just sə mb isnow’ə ranievidenced from, the (legendarykrama by ) thewau flying wordid. (reflecting Sanskrit sphaṭika ‘crystal, quartz’ through metathesis), Malay moyang ‘great-grandparent’ from an earlier puyang (reflecting *pu + *hiang ‘Lord God; ancestor’; Adelaar 1992: 109), mərpati ‘dove, pigeon’ from (ultimatelysteed of Malay from literature. PMP *baqeRuh Van səmburaniRonkel ‘new, (1905) recently’), ~ səmbəraniargues mus thatṭika this, the ‘bezoar; name legendary originally the most flying referredexcellent, steed to a a jewel’ ofhorse Malay frombreed literature. pus of aṭika sorrel id. Van earlier puyang (reflecting *pu + *hiang ‘Lord God; ancestor’; Adelaar 1992:(orreflecting cinereous 109), Sanskritm colourərpati, ‘dove, sphadenotṭikaed pigeon’ by‘crystal, the from Tamil quartz’ compound throughSanskrit cembu metathesis), pārāpatīṟaṇi ‘red ‘female Malay-skinned’ pigeon’moyang (சச믍ꯁற辿 (Gonda ‘great- grandparent’)1973:.13 In support165), fromand of Vana anset of Malay compounds beginning with manca Ronkel (1905) argues‘many’, ⁺that reflecting this name Sanskrit originally pañca ‘five’referred (ibid. to: 438a horse-440). breed of a Sanskrit pārāpatī ‘female pigeon’ (Gonda 1973: 165), and a set of MalayearlierRonkel’s compounds puyang etymology (beginningreflecting, later scholar*withpu + manca *shiang have ‘Lordcalled God;attention ancestor’ to the; AdelaarMalay compound 1992: 109),s t məmbagaərpati ‘dove,səmbə ranipigeon’ ‘reddish from ⁺ sorrel or cinereous11 colour, denoted by the Tamil compound cembuṟaṇi “red- ‘many’, reflecting Sanskrit pañca ‘five’ (ibid.: 438-440). Sanskritbronze’ (pārāpatīVan Leeuwen ‘female 1937: pigeon’ 274-27 (Gonda5) and 1973:batu s əThe165),mb ərealisationrani and ora setbə si ofof s ə ə(raniட )compounds as ‘magnetic a retroflex beginningiron, flap loadstone’ /ɽ / within collo manca(hencequial Tamil (cf. Andronov 2004: 25) suggests the 11 ⁺ The realisation of <ṭ> (ட) as a retroflex flap /ɽ/ in colloquial Tamil‘many’, Old(cf. JavaneseAndronov reflecting w 2004:ə siS anskritwarani 25) suggestspañca ‘magnetic ‘five’ the (ibid.iron’,: 438Karopronunciation-440). Batak b ə/musi ɽbukːu/.ərani ‘magnet, loadstone’, Tagalog balanì 11 pronunciation /muɽukːu/. ‘magnetism, The realisation magnet, of loadstone’),<ṭ> (ட) 10.as awhichThe retroflex exact is typically pronunciation flap /ɽ /tinged in collodiffers withquial froma reddish Tamil one variety colour (cf. Andronovto due another. to manganese According2004: 25) and to suggests Zvelebiliron oxides (1964:the 242-246), northern dialects incline towards /s/, western dialects to /ʧ/ and southern dialects to /ʃ/. pronunciation(Gonda 1941: 163/mu-ɽ16ukːu/.4). This etymological derivation would imply that an existing reddish horse breed gradually 3 11. Cf. Middle3 Javanese miñu “wine” from Portuguese vinho id., Javanese mau “just now” evolved into a supernatural flyingfrom horse (krama in) thewau Malay id. (ultimately perception from. PMP *baqeRuh “new, recently”), musṭika “bezoar; the most excellent, a jewel” from pusṭika id. (reflecting Sanskrit sphaṭika “crystal, quartz”3 Borrowings can also be re-borrowed,through metathesis), as demonstrated Malay moyangby Malay “great-grandparent” candu, Javanese from can andu ,earlier Makasar puyang candu (reflecting and Toba Batak sandu denoting a purified*pu + *hiang opium “Lord paste God; prepared ancestor;” for Adelaar smoking 1992:. As 109), the mərpatihabit of “dove, smoking pigeon” opium from pellets Sanskrit pārāpatī “female pigeon” (Gonda 1973: 165), and a set of Malay compounds⁺ beginning with was a European introduction,manca the meaning “many,” reflectingof candu Sanskritin prepañca -colonial “five” literature (ibid.: 438-440). is nebulous. An early Malay dictionary defines candu as a12. ‘moisture The realisation thickened of <ṭ >to (ட a) toughas a retroflex gel, prepared flap /ɽ/ inopium; colloquial tough, Tamil sticky (cf. Andronovsoot; sugary 2004: 25) exudation’ (Von de Wall 1877suggests-97/2: 37). the pronunciationThe early 20 th/muɽukːu/. century Malay work Kitab Pengetahuan Bahasa glosses it as ‘a resin made from opium,13. a kindMalay of tənggala tree from “plough” West Benhas beengal whic formedh is through famous a forsimilar its opiumprocess production’ and presumably (Haji goes 1986/87: 349). As regards the backword’s to Middle original Indo-Aryan meaning * innaṅgala Javanese id.; ,/t/ Berg regularly (1927: corresponds 65 fn. 2) to glosses /n/ through it as prenasalisation a ‘kind of boreh (i.e. a fragrant cosmetic(Hoogervorst unguent of forthcoming). coconut-oil coloured with saffron)’ based on its occurrence in the Kidung Sunda and Prijohoetomo (1934: 97) as a ‘gum’ in the Nawaruci. Van Ronkel (1903f: 543-544) identifies Tamil cāndu (சாꏍ鏁) ‘paste; mortar, plaster; sandalwood’ as the ultimate source of the word. However, we also find Tamil caṇḍu (ச迍翁) ‘a preparatioArchipel 89,n of Paris, opium 2015 used for smoking’, Hindi caṇḍū ‘an intoxicating drug made of opium’ and Bengali caṇḍu ‘an intoxicating preparation from opium’. It is unlikely that the latter forms gave rise to the WMP attestations (contra Jones 2007: 46), as we would then expect a retroflex /ḍ/ in Javanese. Conversely, the above forms were presumably borrowed either directly from Malay or through Indian English “chandoo”. In other words, it seems most plausible that a word denoting an unidentified paste spread from South India to Maritime Southeast Asia in pre-modern times and was later re-borrowed in the opposite direction in the more specific meaning of ‘prepared opium’.

Direct borrowings The sound innovations and other historico-phonological processes addressed in the previous section enable a better analysis of the early Tamil borrowings into WMP languages postulated in Table 2, all of which are attested in pre-modern Javanese texts. Previous etymologies or etymological remarks are acknowledged in the rightmost column. I have adapted and updated these comments with additional data from other WMP languages, using the dictionaries listed in the introduction.

Table 2: Early Tamil loanwords in WMP languages (attested in pre-modern texts) Tamil WMP comments cāndu (சாꏍ鏁) ‘paste; mortar, Malay candu ‘prepared opium’, Cf. Van Ronkel (1903f: 543-544). plaster; sandalwood’ Middle Javanese candu ‘a kind of unguent (also as a dye?)’, Javanese candu ‘opium’, Makasar candu, Toba Batak sandu id.

12 Malay tənggala ‘plough’ has been formed through a similar process and presumably goes back to Middle Indo- Aryan *naṅgala id.; /t/ regularly corresponds to /n/ through prenasalisation (Hoogervorst forthcoming). 13 Such a word remains unattested in the literature, but would evidently consist of the elements ce- (சச) ‘red’ and puṟaṇi (ꯁற辿) ‘skin; anything that is outside’. Other scholars favour a Persian etymology of Malay səmburani ~ səmbərani (e.g. Jones 2007: 281), which I find problematic on phonological as well as semantic grounds (Hoogervorst 2013: 17 fn. 17).

4

reinterpreted as a nasalised verbal prefix substituting an earlier /w/.12 A similar process is seen in Old Javanese waji ‘wedge’, presumably derived from the Tamil verbal root vaci (ே殿) ‘to split, to cut’, which displays the by- form paji (cf. Van der Tuuk 1897-1912/3: 599). The latter appears to be a back-formation of the derived verb (a)maji ‘to split, cleave (with a wedge)’, as both /w/ and /p/ would yield /m/ through prenasalisation.

Semantic innovation of equal complexity is evidenced by the word səmburani ~ səmbərani, the legendary flying steed of Malay literature. Van Ronkel (1905) argues that this name originally referred to a horse breed of a sorrel or cinereous colour, denoted by the Tamil compound cembuṟaṇi ‘red-skinned’ (சச믍ꯁற辿).13 In support of Van reinterpreted as a nasalised verbal prefix substituting an earlier /w/.12 A similar processRonkel’s is seen inetymology Old Javanese, later scholars have called attention to the Malay compounds təmbaga səmbərani ‘reddish waji ‘wedge’, presumably derived from the Tamil verbal root vaci (ே殿) ‘to split, to cut’bronze’, which (Van displays Leeuwen the by 1937:- 274-275) and batu səmbərani or bəsi səmbərani ‘magnetic iron, loadstone’ (hence form paji (cf. Van der Tuuk 1897-1912/3: 599). The latter appears to be a back-formationOld Javanese of the derived wəsi waraniverb ‘magnetic iron’, Karo Batak bəsi bərani ‘magnet, loadstone’, Tagalog balanì (a)maji ‘to split, cleave (with a wedge)’, as both /w/ and /p/ would yield /m/ through pre‘magnetism,nasalisation. magnet, loadstone’), which is typically tinged with a reddish colour due to manganese and iron oxides (Gonda 1941: 163-164). This etymological derivation would imply that an existing reddish horse breed gradually Detectingevolved pre-modern into a supernatural lexical influence flying horse from in Souththe Malay India perception.69 Semantic innovation of equal complexity is evidenced by the word səmburani ~ səmbərani, the legendary flying 12 12 steed of Malay literature. Van Ronkel (1905) argues that this name originally referred to a horsereinterpreted breed of asa sorrel a nasalis ed verbal prereinterpretedfix substituting as a annasalis earliered verbal/w/. A pre similarfix substituting process is an seen earlier in Old /w/ Javanese. A similar process is seen in Old Javanese or cinereous colour, denoted by the Tamil compound cembuṟaṇi ‘redskinned”-skinned’ ((சச믍ꯁற辿Borrowings).)w.1413aji InIn ‘wedge’ supportsupport can also, ofpresumably of Vanbe Van re -borrowed, Ronkel’s derived as etymology,from wdemonstratedaji the ‘wedge’ Tamil later, presumablyverbalby scholars Malay root candu vaciderived (ே殿, Javanese from) ‘to thesplit, can Tamil todu cut’, verbalMakasar, which root displayscandu vaci (andே殿 the ) by‘to- split, to cut’, which displays the by- Ronkel’s etymology, later scholars have called attention to the Malayhave compound called sattention təmbagaTobaform Bataktosəmb the pajiə sandu raniMalay (cf. ‘reddish denotingVan compounds der Tuuka purified 1897təmbaga opium-1912/form səmbəranipaste 3:paji 599 (preparedcf.). The Van “reddish latter derfor smoking Tuukappears 1897. toAs- 1912/be the a habitback3: 599 -offormation). smoking The latter of opium the appears derived pellets to beverb a back-formation of the derived verb bronze’ (Van Leeuwen 1937: 274-275) and batu səmbərani or bəsi səbronze”mbərani (Van ‘magnetic Leeuwenwas iron, (a)majia European 1937:loadstone’ ‘to 274-275) split, introduction, (hence cleave and (with batu the asəmbərani meaningwedge)’,(a)maji ofas or bothcandu‘to bəsi split, /w səmbərani/in and cleave pre /p-colonial/ would(with a yield literaturewedge)’, /m/ throughasis bothnebulous pre/w/nasalis and. An /p ati/early wouldon. Malay yield /m/ through prenasalisation. Old Javanese wəsi warani ‘magnetic iron’, Karo Batak bəsi bərani“magnetic ‘magnet, iron, loadstone’, loadstone”dictionary Tagalog defines (hence cbalanì Oldandu Javanese as a ‘moisture wəsi warani thickened “magnetic to a tough iron,” gel, prepared opium; tough, sticky soot; sugary exudation’ (Von de Wall 1877-97/2: 37). The early 20th century Malay work Kitab Pengetahuan Bahasa glosses ‘magnetism, magnet, loadstone’), which is typically tinged with a reddishKaro colour Batak due bəsito manganese bəraniSemantic “magnet,and innovationiron oxides loadstone,” of equal complexityTagalogSemantic balanì is evidenced innovation “magnetism, by ofthe equal word complexity səmburani is ~ evidencedsəmbərani by, the the legendary word səmburani flying ~ səmbərani, the legendary flying it as ‘asteed resin of madeMalay from literature. opium, Van a kind Ronkel of steedtree (1905) from of Malay argues West literature. Benthatgal this whic nameVanh is Ronkeloriginally famous (1905) for referred its argues opium to athat production’horse this breed name of(Haji originally a sorrel referred to a horse breed of a sorrel (Gonda 1941: 163-164). This etymological derivation would imply thatmagnet, an existing loadstone”), reddish horse which breed is gradually typically tinged with a reddish colour due 1986/87:or cinereous 349). As colour regards, denot the word’sed by the original Tamilor cinereous meaning compound colour in Javanesecembu, denotṟaed,ṇ Bergi ‘redby the (1927:-skinned’ Tamil 65 compound (fn.சச믍ꯁற辿 2) glosses cembu). 13it Inasṟ asupportaṇ ‘kindi ‘red -ofskinned’ Van (சச믍ꯁற辿).13 In support of Van evolved into a supernatural flying horse in the Malay perception. to manganese and iron oxides (Gonda 1941: 163-164). This etymological borehRonkel’s (i.e. a fragrant etymology cosmetic, later scholarunguents haveRonkel’sof coconut called etymology -attentionoil coloured, tolater the with scholar Malay saffron)’ scompound have based calleds ont əattentionmbaga its occurrence s toəmb theərani Malay in ‘reddishthe compound s təmbaga səmbərani ‘reddish derivation would imply that an existing reddish horse breed gradually evolved Kidungbronze’ Sunda (Van and LeeuwenPrijohoetomo 1937: (1934: 274-27 97)bronze’5) asand a batu‘gum’(Van s Leeuwenəinmb theərani Nawaruci 1937: or bəsi 274. sVanəmb-27 Ronkelə5)rani and ‘magnetic batu(1903f: səmb 543 iron,ərani-544) loadstone’ or identifies bəsi sə (hencemb ərani ‘magnetic iron, loadstone’ (hence Borrowings can also be re-borrowed, as demonstrated by Malay canduinto, aJavanese supernatural candu flying, Makasar horse candu in the and Malay perception. Toba Batak sandu denoting a purified opium paste prepared for smoking. As the habit Tamilof smokingOld cāndu Javanese opium (சாꏍ鏁 pelletsw) ə‘paste;si warani mortar, ‘magnetic plaster;Old sandalwood’iron’,Javanese Karo w əBatakassi thewarani ultimatebəsi ‘magneticbə ranisource ‘magnet, ofiron’, the wordKaroloadstone’,. However,Batak Tagalogbə siwe b alsoə ranibalanì ‘magnet, loadstone’, Tagalog balanì Borrowings canfind alsoT‘magnetism,amil be ca re-borrowed,ṇḍu magnet,(ச迍翁) loadstone’),‘a aspreparatio demonstrated whichn of‘magnetism, opium is typicallyby usedMalay magnet, for tinged smoking’,candu loadstone’), with, a reddishHindi which ca colourṇḍ ūis ‘antypically due intoxicating to manganese tinged drugwith and amade reddish iron ofoxides colour due to manganese and iron oxides was a European introduction, the meaning of candu in pre-colonialJavanese literature candu is nebulous, Makasar. An candu early Malayand Toba Batak sandu denoting a purified dictionary defines candu as a ‘moisture thickened to a tough gel, prepared opium; tough,opium’( Gsticky ondaand Bengali 1941:soot; sugary163 caṇḍ-16u 4 ‘an). This into etymologicalxicating(G ondapreparation derivation 1941: 163from would-16 opium’.4). implyThis It etymological isthat unlikely an existing that derivation thereddish latter would horse forms breedimply gave gradually thatrise an existing reddish horse breed gradually th opium paste preparedto theevolved WMPfor smoking. attestations into a supernatural As the(contra habit Jonesflying of smoking 2007:horseevolved 46)in opiumthe, asinto Malaywe a pellets wouldsupernatural perception then was expect flying. a horseretroflex in the /ḍ/ Malayin Javanese. perception Conversely. , exudation’ (Von de Wall 1877-97/2: 37). The early 20 century Malaya Europeanwork Kitab introduction, Pengetahuan Bahasathe meaning glosses of candu in pre-colonial literature is it as ‘a resin made from opium, a kind of tree from West Bengal which is famous for itsthe opium above production’ forms were (Haji presumably borrowed either directly from Malay or through Indian English “chandoo”. In nebulous. An early Malay dictionary defines candu as a “moisture thickened 1986/87: 349). As regards the word’s original meaning in Javanese, Berg (1927: 65 fn.other 2) glossesBorrowings words, it asit aseems can‘kind also mostof be plausiblere-borrowed, thatBorrowings asa worddemonstrated denoting can also byan be Malayunidentified re-borrowed, candu ,past Javaneseas edemonstrated spread can fromdu, MakasarbySouth Malay India candu candu to and, Javanese candu, Makasar candu and to a tough gel, preparedMaritimeToba opium; SoutheastBatak sandutough, Asia denoting sticky in pre soot;- moderna purified sugary Tobatimes opium exudation” Batakand paste was sandu preparedlater (Von denoting re -deborrowed for smokinga purified in the. Asopium opposite the habitpaste direction of prepared smoking in for theopium smoking more pellets . As the habit of smoking opium pellets boreh (i.e. a fragrant cosmetic unguent of coconut-oil coloured with saffron)’ based on its occurrence inth the Kidung Sunda and Prijohoetomo (1934: 97) as a ‘gum’ in the NawaruciWall. Van 1877-97/2: Ronkel (1903f:sp 37).ecificwas The543 meaning a - early544)European identifies 20of ‘prepared centuryintroduction, opium’ Malay the. work meaningwas Kitaba European of Pengetahuancandu introduction, in pre -colonial the meaningliterature ofis candunebulous in. preAn- colonialearly Malay literature is nebulous. An early Malay Tamil cāndu (சாꏍ鏁) ‘paste; mortar, plaster; sandalwood’ as the ultimateBahasa source glosses of the itword asdictionary . “a However, resin defines made we also fromcandu opium, as a ‘moisture a kinddictionary thickened of tree defines from to ac anduWesttough as gel, a ‘moistureprepared opium;thickened tough, to a stickytough soot;gel, prepared sugary opium; tough, sticky soot; sugary th th find Tamil caṇḍu (ச迍翁) ‘a preparation of opium used for smoking’,Bengal Hindi ca whichṇḍū ‘an isDirectintoxicating famousexudation’ borrowings fordrug (Von its made opium de of Wall production” 1877-97/2:exudation’ 37). (Haji The 1986/87:early (Von 20 de Wallcentury 349). 1877 Malay-97/2: work 37). Kitab The early Pengetahuan 20 century Bahasa Malay glosses work Kitab Pengetahuan Bahasa glosses opium’ and Bengali caṇḍu ‘an intoxicating preparation from opium’.As It isregards unlikely the that word’sT thehe lattersoundit as original ‘a forms innovationsresin gave mademeaning rise fromand in otheropium, Javanese, historico a kindit Berg asof-phonological ‘atree resin(1927: from made West 65 processes fromfn. Ben 2)opium,gal a whicddressed a hkind is famous inof treethe previousforfrom its West opium section Ben production’gal enable whic ha (Hajiis famous for its opium production’ (Haji to the WMP attestations (contra Jones 2007: 46), as we would then expectglosses a retroflex it as a / ḍ“kindbetter/ in Javanese.1986/87: ofanalysis boreh Conversely 349).of (i.e. the As earlya regardsfragrant, Tamil the borrowingscosmetic word’s1986/87: original unguent into WMP 349).meaning of languagesAs coconut- regardsin Javanese postulated the word’s, Berg in (1927:original Table 65 2 meaning, allfn. of2) whichglosses in Javanese are it asattested a, ‘kindBerg (1927:of 65 fn. 2) glosses it as a ‘kind of the above forms were presumably borrowed either directly from Malayoil orcoloured through withIndianin saffron)”pre Englishboreh-modern (i.e.“chandoo”. based Javanese a fragrant on itsIn texts occurrencecosmetic. Previous unguent inetymologiesboreh the ofKidung (i.e. coconut aor fragrantSundaetym-oilological coloured andcosmetic re markswith unguent saffron)’ are acknowledgedof coconutbased on-oil itin scoloured theoccurrence rightmost with in saffron)’ the based on its occurrence in the other words, it seems most plausible that a word denoting an unidentifiedPrijohoetomo paste spr(1934:columnead Kidungfrom 97). I haveSouthas Sunda a adapted“gum” India and to Prijohoetomoandin theupdated Nawaruci these (1934:Kidung comments. Van97) Sunda asRonkel a with‘gum’ and addition(1903f: Prijohoetomoin the Nawarucial data from(1934:. Van other 97) Ronkel asWMP a ‘gum’(1903f: languages, in 543 the- Nawaruci544)using identifies the . Van Ronkel (1903f: 543-544) identifies Maritime Southeast Asia in pre-modern times and was later re-borrowed543-544) in the identifies oppositedictionaries directionTamilTamil cānducāndu listed in the in((சாꏍ鏁 morethe introduction.) ‘paste;“paste; mortar, mortar, Tamil plaster; plaster; cāndu sandalwood’ sandalwood” (சாꏍ鏁) ‘paste;as the ultimatemortar, plaster; source sandalwood’of the word. However,as the ultimate we also source of the word. However, we also specific meaning of ‘prepared opium’. as the ultimate source find of theTamil word. caṇḍ However,u (ச迍翁) we‘a preparatio also findfindn TofTamilamil opium caṇḍucaṇḍ usedu ( ச迍翁for smoking’,) ‘a preparatio Hindin ca ofṇḍ opiumū ‘an usedintoxicating for smoking’, drug made Hindi of ca ṇḍū ‘an intoxicating drug made of “a preparation ofTable opiumopium’ 2: Early used and Tamil forBengali smoking,”loanwords caṇḍu ‘an in Hindi WMP into xicating caṇḍūopium’languages preparationand“an (attested Bengaliintoxicating from cain ṇḍpre opium’.u - modern‘an into It xicatingtextsis unlikely) preparation that the latter from formsopium’. gave It isrise unlikely that the latter forms gave rise Direct borrowings drug made of opium”Tamilto theand WMP Bengali attestations caṇḍu (“ancontra intoxicating JonesWMPto 2007:the WMP preparation 46), attestationsas we would from (contra then expect Jonescomments a 2007: retroflex 46) ,/ asḍ/ inwe Javanese. would then Conversely expect a retroflex, /ḍ/ in Javanese. Conversely, The sound innovations and other historico-phonological processes aopium.”ddressed Itin is the unlikely previouscānduthe that abovesection( சாꏍ鏁the forms latter )enable ‘paste; wereforms a presumably mortar,gave rise Malayborrowed tothe the above canduWMP either forms attestations‘prepared directly were presumably from opium’, Malay borrowed Cf.or thVanrough Ronkel either Indian directly(1903f: English from543 “chandoo”.-54 Malay4). or Inth rough Indian English “chandoo”. In better analysis of the early Tamil borrowings into WMP languages postulated(contra inJones Table 2007: 2,plaster; all other46),of which sandalwood’ aswords, we are would attestedit seems then most expect plausible aMiddle retroflexother that Javanesewords, a word/ḍ/ init candu denotingseemsJavanese. ‘amost kindan unidentifiedplausible of that past a eword spr eaddenoting from Southan unidentified India to paste spread from South India to in pre-modern Javanese texts. Previous etymologies or etymological Conversely,remarks are acknowledged the aboveMaritime forms in the wereSoutheast rightmost presumably Asia in preborrowed-modernunguentMaritime eithertimes (also Southeast anddirectlyas a wasdye?)’, laterAsiafrom Javanese re in- borrowedpre- modern in timesthe opposite and was direction later re -inborrowed the more in the opposite direction in the more column. I have adapted and updated these comments with additional Malaydata from or otherthrough WMP Indian splanguages,ecific English meaning using “chandoo”. ofthe ‘ prepared In opium’ othercandusp . ecificwords, ‘opium’ meaning it seems, Makasar of ‘mostprepared candu opium’, . dictionaries listed in the introduction. plausible that a word denoting an unidentified pasteToba spread Batak from sandu South id. India to Maritime SoutheastDirect Asia borrowings in pre-modern times andDirect was later borrowings re-borrowed Table 2: Early Tamil loanwords in WMP languages (attested in pre-modernin the opposite texts) directionThe insound the moreinnovations specific and othermeaning historicoT heof sound“prepared-phonological innovations opium.” processes and other addressed historico in-phonological the previous processes section enable addressed a in the previous section enable a Tamil WMP comments better analysis of the early Tamil borrowingsbetter analysis into WMP of the languages early Tamil postulated borrowings in Table into WMP2, all oflanguages which are postulated attested in Table 2, all of which are attested cāndu (சாꏍ鏁) ‘paste; mortar, Malay candu ‘prepared opium’,Direct Cf.borrowings Van Ronkelin (1903f: pre-modern 543-54 Javanese4). texts. Previousin pre etymologies-modern Javanese or etym ologicaltexts. Previous remarks etymologies are acknowledged or etym inological the rightmost remarks are acknowledged in the rightmost plaster; sandalwood’ Middle Javanese candu ‘a kind of column. I have adapted and updatedcolumn these comments. I have adapted with addition and updatedal data these from comments other WMP with languages, addition alusing data the from other WMP languages, using the The sound innovationsdictionaries and listed other in the introduction.historico-phonologicaldictionaries listed processes in the introduction. unguent (also as a dye?)’, Javaneseaddressed in the previous section enable a better analysis of the early Tamil candu ‘opium’, Makasar candu, borrowings into12 WMP languages postulated in Table 2, all of which are Toba Batak sandu id. MalayTable tənggala 2: Early ‘plough’ Tamil loanwords has been formed in WMPTable through languages 2: Early a similar Tamil (attested processloanwords in pre and- modern ipresumablyn WMP texts languages )goes back (attested to Middle in pre Indo-modern- texts) Aryan Tamil*naṅgala id.; /t/ regularly correspondsTamilWMP to /n/ through prenasalisation (HoogervorstWMPcomments forthcoming). comments 13 14. Such a word remains Such unattestedcāndu a word in (remains சாꏍ鏁the literature,) unattested‘paste; but wouldmortar, in the evidently literature, cānduMalay consist but(canduசாꏍ鏁 of would the) elements‘prepared ‘paste;evidently mortar, opium’,consist ofMalay Cf.the Vanelements candu Ronkel ce‘prepared- ( (1903f:சச) ‘red’ 543opium’, and-54 4). Cf. Van Ronkel (1903f: 543-544). ce- (ெச) “red” and puṟaṇipuṟaṇiplaster; (ꯁற辿 sandalwood’)) ‘“skin;skin; anything thatthat is is outside.” outside’.plaster;Middle Other Other sandalwood’ Javanese scholars scholars favourcandu favour ‘a akind Persian of Middleetymology Javanese of Malay candu səmburani ‘a kind of a Persian etymology~ ofsə Malaymbərani səmburani (e.g. Jones ~ səmbərani 2007: 281) (e.g., Joneswhich unguent2007: I find 281), (alsoproblematic which as a dye?)’,I find on phonologicalJavanese unguent as well (also as assemantic a dye?)’, grounds Javanese problematic on phonological as well as semantic grounds (Hoogervorst 2013: 17 fn. 17). (Hoogervorst 2013: 17 fn. 17). candu ‘opium’, Makasar candu, candu ‘opium’, Makasar candu, Toba Batak sandu id. Toba Batak sandu id. 4 12 Malay tənggala ‘plough’ has been formed through a similar process and presumably goes back to Middle Indo- Archipel 89, Paris, 2015 Aryan *naṅgala id.; /t/ regularly corresponds to /n/ through prenasalisation (Hoogervorst forthcoming). 13 Such a word remains unattested in the literature, but would evidently consist of the elements ce- (சச) ‘red’ and puṟaṇi (ꯁற辿) ‘skin; anything that is outside’. Other scholars favour a Persian etymology of Malay səmburani ~ səmbərani (e.g. Jones 2007: 281), which I find problematic on phonological as well as semantic grounds (Hoogervorst 2013: 17 fn. 17). 12 Malay tənggala ‘plough’ has been12 formed Malay through tənggala a similar‘plough’ process has been and formed presumably through goes a similar back to process Middle and Indo presumably- goes back to Middle Indo- Aryan *naṅgala id.; /t/ regularly correspondsAryan *na toṅ gala/n/ through id.; /t/ regularlyprenasalisation corresponds (Hoogervorst to /n/ through forthcoming). prenasalisation (Hoogervorst forthcoming). 4 13 Such a word remains unattested in13 the Such literature, a word but remains would unattested evidently in consist the literature, of the elements but would ce- evidently(சச) ‘red’ consist and of the elements ce- (சச) ‘red’ and

puṟaṇi (ꯁற辿) ‘skin; anything that puṟaṇiis outside’. (ꯁற 辿Other) ‘skin; scholars anything favour that a Persianis outside’. etymology Other scholars of Malay favour səmburani a Persian etymology of Malay səmburani ~ səmbərani (e.g. Jones 2007: 281)~, swhichəmbə raniI find (e.g. problematic Jones 2007: on 281)phonological, which I asfind well problematic as semantic on groundsphonological as well as semantic grounds (Hoogervorst 2013: 17 fn. 17). (Hoogervorst 2013: 17 fn. 17).

4 4

reinterpreted as a nasalised verbal prefix substituting an earlier /w/.12 A similar process is seen in Old Javanese waji ‘wedge’, presumably derived from the Tamil verbal root vaci (ே殿) ‘to split, to cut’, which displays the by- form paji (cf. Van der Tuuk 1897-1912/3: 599). The latter appears to be a back-formation of the derived verb (a)maji ‘to split, cleave (with a wedge)’, as both /w/ and /p/ would yield /m/ through prenasalisation.

Semantic innovation of equal complexity is evidenced by the word səmburani ~ səmbərani, the legendary flying steed of Malay literature. Van Ronkel (1905) argues that this name originally referred to a horse breed of a sorrel or cinereous colour, denoted by the Tamil compound cembuṟaṇi ‘red-skinned’ (சச믍ꯁற辿).13 In support of Van Ronkel’s etymology, later scholars have called attention to the Malay compounds təmbaga səmbərani ‘reddish bronze’ (Van Leeuwen 1937: 274-275) and batu səmbərani or bəsi səmbərani ‘magnetic iron, loadstone’ (hence Old Javanese wəsi warani ‘magnetic iron’, Karo Batak bəsi bərani ‘magnet, loadstone’, Tagalog balanì ‘magnetism, magnet, loadstone’), which is typically tinged with a reddish colour due to manganese and iron oxides (Gonda 1941: 163-164). This etymological derivation would imply that an existing reddish horse breed gradually evolved into a supernatural flying horse in the Malay perception.

Borrowings can also be re-borrowed, as demonstrated by Malay candu, Javanese candu, Makasar candu and Toba Batak sandu denoting a purified opium paste prepared for smoking. As the habit of smoking opium pellets was a European introduction, the meaning of candu in pre-colonial literature is nebulous. An early Malay dictionary defines candu as a ‘moisture thickened to a tough gel, prepared opium; tough, sticky soot; sugary exudation’ (Von de Wall 1877-97/2: 37). The early 20th century Malay work Kitab Pengetahuan Bahasa glosses it as ‘a resin made from opium, a kind of tree from West Bengal which is famous for its opium production’ (Haji 1986/87: 349). As regards the word’s original meaning in Javanese, Berg (1927: 65 fn. 2) glosses it as a ‘kind of boreh (i.e. a fragrant cosmetic unguent of coconut-oil coloured with saffron)’ based on its occurrence in the Kidung Sunda and Prijohoetomo (1934: 97) as a ‘gum’ in the Nawaruci. Van Ronkel (1903f: 543-544) identifies Tamil cāndu (சாꏍ鏁) ‘paste; mortar, plaster; sandalwood’ as the ultimate source of the word. However, we also find Tamil caṇḍu (ச迍翁) ‘a preparation of opium used for smoking’, Hindi caṇḍū ‘an intoxicating drug made of opium’ and Bengali caṇḍu ‘an intoxicating preparation from opium’. It is unlikely that the latter forms gave rise to the WMP attestationsTamil (contra Jones 2007: 46), as WMPwe would then expect a retroflex /ḍ/ incomments Javanese. Conversely, Tamil the above forms were presumablyWMP borrowed either directly from Malaycomments or through Indian English “chandoo”. In cauttu (சசௌ鏍鏁) ‘patcauttutern, sample, (சசௌ鏍鏁 )Middle ‘pattern, sample,Javanese Middleconto Javanese‘a Cf. Gompertsconto (unpublished)‘a Cf. Gomperts. Both (unpublished). Both other words, it seems most plausible that a word denoting an14 unidentified paste spread from South India to model’ model’ sample’, 14 Javanesesample’, conto Javanesethe insertion conto of a homorganic the insertion nasal of a homorganic nasal Maritime Southeast Asia in pre-modern times and ‘example,was later remodel’,-borrowed Malay in thecontoh opposite and direction the additio in then of more a word -final /h/ specific meaning of ‘prepared opium’‘example,. model’, Malay contoh and the addition of a word-final /h/ ‘sample, model, ‘sample,specimen’, model, are attestedspecimen’, in other areloanwords attested inin other loanwords in 15 Minangkabau contoMinangkabau ~ cinto contoMalay. 15~ cinto Malay. Direct borrowings ‘example, model’ The70 sound innovations and other‘example historicoTom, model’Hoogervorst-phonological processes addressed in the previous section enable a cembuṟaṇi (சச믍ꯁற辿cembu) ṟaṇ‘redi -(சச믍ꯁற辿Malay sə) mburani‘red- Malay~ səmb səəranimburani Cf. Van~ s əRonkelmbərani (1905 Cf.). Van Ronkel (1905). better analysisskinned’ of the early Tamil borrowings into WMP‘winged languages steed of postulated romance’, in Middle Table 2, all of which are attested skinned’in preattested-modern in Javanesepre-modern texts Javanese. Previous‘winged steedtexts.etymologies of Previous romance’, or etym etymologies Middleological re ormarks etymological are acknowledged in the rightmost Javanese sambraniJavanese ‘a winged sambrani ‘a winged column. I have adapted and updated these comments with additional data16 from other WMP languages, using the remarks are acknowledged in the rightmosthorse16 column. of romance’, I have adapted Acehnese and dictionariesupdated listedthese in comments the introduction.horse with ofadditional romance’, data fromAcehnese other WMP languages, samarani ‘a legendarysamarani horse’, ‘a legendary horse’, using the dictionaries listed in the introduction.Minangkabau sambarani ~ Table 2: Early Tamil loanwordsMinangkabau in WMP languages sambarani (attested in ~pre -modern texts) Tamil samburaniWMP ‘winged,samburani flying’, ‘winged, commentsflying’, Tamil Tamil WMPWMP Tausug sambalanicomments ‘a whitecomments winged சசௌ鏍鏁 TausugMiddle sambalani Javanese ‘a white wingedconto ‘a Cf. Gomperts (unpublished). Both cauttucānducāndu ( ((சாꏍ鏁சாந்து)) ‘pat‘paste;Malaytern, candu sample,mortar, “prepared Malay opium,” canduMiddle ‘preparedCf. Van Ronkel opium’, (1903f: 543-544).Cf. Van Ronkel (1903f: 543-544). horse’ 14 horse’ model’plaster;“paste; sandalwood’ mortar, Javanese candu “a kindsample’,Middle of unguent Javanese Javanese candu ‘a kindconto of the insertion of a homorganic nasal Tamilceppu (சசꯍꯁ) plaster;‘casket,ceppu little (also( சசꯍꯁbox as of a) WMPdye?),” ‘casket,Malay Javanese little‘example,cəpu candubox ‘a offlat model’, Malayround Malayboxcəpu of ‘a commentscontoh flatCf. roundVan and der boxthe Tuuk additioof (Cf.1897n ofVan -a1912 word der/1:- finalTuuk /h/ (1897 -1912/1: sandalwood”metal, “opium,”ivory or Makasar wood’ canduunguent, Toba Batak (also wood as a dye?)’,or metal’, Javanese Old Javanese cupu 649), Zoetmulder (1982/1: 339). cauttumetal, (சசௌ鏍鏁 ivory or) ‘patwood’tern, sample,sandu id.Middlewood o‘sample,r canduJavanesemetal’, ‘opium’Old model,Javaneseconto, Makasar cupu‘aspecimen’, Cf.candu649 Gomperts) ,, Zoetmulderare attested(unpublished) ( 1982/1:in other. 339Both loanwords). in 14 ~ cupu-cupu ~ cucupu ‘small pot’,15 model’ Tamil sample’,~ cupuWMP-Minangkabaucupu ~Javanese cucupu15 ‘smallcontoconto pot’, ~ thecinto insertion commentsMalay. of a homorganic nasal cauttu Middle Javanese conto Toba“a sample,” Batak sanduGayoCf. cǝrpuGompertsid. ‘round (unpublished). box of silverBoth the or cauttu ((சசௌ鏍鏁சௌத்த) ‘patJavanesetern, sample, conto‘example,Gayo “example, Middlecǝrpu ‘examplemodel’, model,” ‘round ,Javanese Malaymodel’ box ofinsertion contoh silverconto of or a andhomorganic‘a the additioCf. nasal Gomperts andn of the a word (unpublished)-final /h/ . Both “pattern, sample, Malay contohcopper “sample, with model, cov er’14 copperaddition with of cova word-finaler’ /h/ are attested model’cembu ṟaṇi (சச믍ꯁற辿) ‘sample,‘red- sample’, Malaymodel, sə mburanispecimen’, Javanese ~ s əmbcontoareərani attested theCf. insertion16in Van other Ronkel ofloanwords a homorganic (1905 )in. nasal model”ilai (இலைspecimen,”) ‘leaf, Minangkabau petal’ conto ~ cintoOld in Javanese other loanwords həlay in Malay.~15 həle ‘piece Cf. Van Ronkel (1903f: 533-534), ilai (இலைskinned’) ‘leaf, petal’ “example,Minangkabau model”Old Javanese‘example,‘winged contoh əsteedmodel’,lay ~of ~h romance’, əMalaylecinto ‘piece contoh MiddleMalay.Cf. Van and Ronkel the additio (1903f:n of a533 word-53-4)final, /h/ (of cloth or a flat object; also of a Jones (2007: 105). Mahdi (1998: cembuṟaṇi Malay səmburani‘example(of cloth ~‘sample, səmbərani, Javanesemodel’ or a flat object;model,sambraniCf. also Van specimen’, ‘aRonkelof awinged (1905).Jones are(2007: attested 105) in. Mahdiother loanwords (1998: in lotus-stem?)’,16 Malay həlai ~ əlai ‘a 399) expresses concerns regarding cembuṟaṇi ((சச믍ꯁற辿செம்புறணி) “winged‘red- steedMalaylotus of romance,”-sMinangkabaustem?)’,əhorsemburani Middle Malayof romance’,~ hscontoəmblai ~ərani əlai~ Acehnese ‘a Cf.cinto399) Van expressesMalay.Ronkel15 ( 1905 concerns). regarding “red-skinned” Javanese sambrani‘wingednum. “asteed wingedcoefficient of horseromance’, num.for Middle tenuouscoefficient the additionfor tenuous of a word the-initial addition /h/ inof a word-initial /h/ in skinned’ of romance,”17 Acehnese‘examplesamarani samarani, model’ ‘a legendary horse’, Javaneseobjects Minangkabausuchsambrani as garments, ‘aobjects wingedsambarani sheets,such as Malay,garments,~ which sheets, is indeed Malay, atypica whichl. Is is indeed atypical. Is cembu ṟ a ṇ i ( சச믍ꯁற辿 “a legendary ) ‘red horse,” - Malay Minangkabau səmburani ~ səmbərani Cf. Van Ronkel (1905). sambaranihorse ~thread, samburani of samburaniromance’, “winged,blades 16thread, of‘winged,Acehnese grass’, blades flying’, does, of however,grass’, notdoes, stand however, in not stand in skinned’12 Malay tənggala ‘plough’flying,” hasTausug been sambalani‘winged formed “a whitethroughsteed of aromance’, similar process Middle and presumably goes back to17 Middle Indo- samaraniMinangkabau Tausug‘a legendary sambalanialai ‘classifierMinangkabau horse’, ‘a white for winged alaiisolation. ‘classifier 17 for isolation. Aryan *naṅgala id.;winged /t/ regularly horse” correspondsJavanese tosambrani /n/ through ‘a prenasalisation winged (Hoogervorst forthcoming). Minangkabauflat or longhorse’ objects’ sambarani flat or long16 ~ objects’ 13 Such aceppu word remainsMalay unattested cəpu “a flat in horse roundthe literature, boxof of romance’,wood but wouldCf. Van derAcehneseevidently Tuuk (1897-1912/1: consist of 649), the elements ce- (சச) ‘red’ and kaḍai (கலட()செப்ப ‘shop,ka) ḍai orbazaar, (metal,”கலட samburani )Old Old Javanese‘shop, Javanese cupubazaar,‘winged, ga~ cupu-ḍe ~Old gaḍZoetmulder flying’,Javaneseay ‘pawn, (1982/1:ga ḍCf.e ~ 339). gaVanḍay der ‘pawn, Tuuk (Cf.189 Van7-1912 der/4: Tuuk (1897-1912/4: ceppu (சசꯍꯁ) ‘casket, little box of samaraniMalay c əpu‘a ‘alegendary flat round 18horse’, box of Cf. Van der Tuuk (1897-1912/1: puṟaṇi“casket, (ꯁற little辿market’ )box ‘skin; cupu anything ~ cucupuTausugpawning’, that “small sambalaniis outside’.pot,” Gayo18 ‘ aOtherJavanese whitepawning’, scholars winged ga ḍfavoure 706),Javanese a Persian Zoetmulder etymologygaḍe (1982/1:706), of MalayZoetmulder 470 s).ə mburani (1982/1: 470). market’metal, of metal, ivory ivory or wood’ or cǝrpu “round box ofMinangkabau silverwood or ocopperr metal’, Oldsambarani Javanese cupu~ 649), Zoetmulder (1982/1: 339). ~ səmbərani (e.g. Jones 2007:horse’‘pawning’ 281) , which, Malay I find gadai‘pawning’ problematic ‘pledging,, Malay on The phonologicalgadai voicing ‘pledging, of wordas well-Theinitial as voicing semantic /k/ does of wordgrounds-initial /k/ does wood” with cover” samburani~ cupu-cupu ‘winged,~ cucupu ‘smallflying’, pot’, 19 (Hoogervorst 2013: 17 fn. 17). 19 ceppu (சசꯍꯁ) ‘casket, little box of Malaypawning, cTausugəpuGayo ‘a cǝrpusambalaniflat round ‘roundpawning,mortgaging’, ‘boxa boxwhite of of winged silver Cf.not Van or stand mortgaging’, der inTuuk isolation. (1897not- 1912stand Also/1: in cf. isolation. Also cf. ilai Old Javanese həlay ~ həle “pieceMinangkabau Cf. Van Ronkel gadai(1903f: 533-534),‘guarantee, Jones metal, ivory or wood’(இைல ) (of cloth wood or Minangkabau a flat or horse’metal’, copperobject; Old also withgadai Javanese of cov -a lo er’‘guarantee,(2007: cupu 105). 649 Mahdika),ḍ Zoetmulder ai (1998: (கலட 399)) in( ex1982/1: -theka meaningḍ ai339 ()கலட. of) in the meaning of “leaf, petal” tus-stem?),”~ cupu Malaywarranty,- cupuhəlai ~~bail, əlai cucupu “amortgage’ num. warranty,‘small presses ,pot’, Toba concernsbail, ‘shop’mortgage’regarding the(Table, additionToba 4)‘shop’, which ( Tableis 4), 4 which is ceppuilai ( இலை(சசꯍꯁ) )‘ leaf,‘casket, petal’coefficient little box offor MalaytenuousOld Javanesec əobjectspu ‘a h flatsuch əoflay around word-initial~ hə lebox ‘piece /h/of in Malay,Cf.Cf. Van Vanwhich der Ronkel is Tuuk (1903f: (1897 -5331912-53/1:4) , 20 Batak gade ‘a mortgage’ presumably20 a lexical doublet. metal, ivory or wood’as garments,GayoBatak sheets, cǝrpuwood gade (ofthread, ‘round cloth o‘ar bladesmetal’,mortgage’ orbox aof offlatOld silverindeed object;Javanese oratypical. also cupu presumablyIsof does, a 649 Joneshowever,), Zoetmulder a (2007:lexical not doublet.105) (1982/1:. Mahdi 339 (1998). : grass,” Minangkabaucopper with alai cov “classifierer’ for stand in isolation.18 flat or long objects”~ lotuscupu--stem?)’,cupu ~ cucupu Malay h ‘smalləlai ~ pot’,əlai ‘a 399) expresses concerns regarding ilai (இலை) ‘leaf, petal’ Old JavaneseGayonum. cǝrpuh əlaycoefficient ‘round~ həle box ‘piecefor of silvertenuousCf. orVan Ronkelthe addition (1903f: of 533a word-53-4)initial, /h/ in (of clothcopper orobjects a flat with suchobject; cov aser’ alsogarments, of a Jonessheets, (2007: Malay, 105) which. Mahdi is indeed (1998 atypica: l. Is Table 2 – Early Tamil loanwords in WMP languages (attested in pre-modern texts) ilai (இலை) ‘leaf, petal’ lotus-stem?)’,Oldthread, Javanese Malay bladesh əhlaiəlay ~ ə~lai hof ‘aə le ‘piece399)grass’, expresses Cf.does, Van concerns Ronkelhowever, (1903f:regarding not 533 stand-53 4),in num. coefficient(ofMinangkabau cloth or afor flat alai object;tenuous ‘classifier also the of additionfora Jonesisolation. of (2007:a word17 -105)initial. Mahdi/h/ in (1998:

14 objects lotussuchflat - orstem?)’,as longgarments, objects’ Malay sheets, h əlai ~ əMalay,lai ‘a which399) expresses is indeed concernsatypical. Isregarding 14 Attested in15. the Attested Kidung inAttested theSunda Kidung in(Zoetmulder the Sunda Kid ung(Zoetmulder 1982: Sunda 333). (Zoetmulder1982: 333). 1982: 333). 15 ,’in)/4: ‘a horse-whip چابك/kaḍai (கலட Compare,) ‘shop, amongthread,bazaar, many num.Old bladesother Javanesecoefficient examples,of ga ḍ e grass’, ~cambukfor ga ḍ aytenuous does,‘pawn,‘heavy however,thewhip’Cf. addition Van from notder ofPersian aTuuk standword čābuk (-189initialin 7 -1912 (/h 15 ,’a horse-whip‘ ((چابك)) Compare,16. among Compare, many among other many examples, other examples, cambuk cambuk ‘heavy “heavy whip’ whip” from from Persian Persian 17čābuk čābuk Minangkabauobjectspawning’, alai such ‘classifier as18 garments, Javanese for sheets,isolation.gaḍ e Malay,706), whichZoetmulder is indeed (1982/1: atypica l.470 Is ). ’and )m) ‘a “aə ndalikettle kettle- ~-drum’ mədali and ‘medal’ məndali ~ mədali ‘medalنقاره )) ’from )Persian ‘aPersian kettle naqāra naqāra-drumنقاره ) nənggaramarket’ ~“a n əhorse-whip,”gara ‘royalnənggara nənggarakettle ~- ndrum’ə ~gara nəgara from ‘royal “royal Persian kettle kettle-drum” -naqāradrum’ from drum” and məndali ~ mədaliflat “medal” or longthread,‘pawning’ fromobjects’ Dutchblades , Malay medaille gadaiof id. on‘pledging,grass’, the former does, Thetendency voicinghowever, and of word not-initial stand /k/ doesin from Dutch medaillefrom id. onDutch the formermedaille tendency id. on theand former gajah tendency‘elephant’ and from gajah Sanskrit ‘elephant’ gaja id.,from sə kolahSanskrit ‘school’ gaja id., səkolah ‘school’ kaḍai (கலடgajah) “elephant”‘shop, bazaar, from Sanskrit Old gajaJavanese Minangkabauid.,pawning, səkolah gaḍe ~ “school” ga alaiḍay ‘pawn,from‘classifiermortgaging’, Portuguese Cf. for Van escola isolation. dernot id.Tuukstand and17 teh(in189 isolation.7-1912/4:19 Also cf. “tea” fromfrom Southern Portuguese Min tê ( 茶escola) id. on id. the and18 latter. teh ‘tea’ from Southern Min tê (茶) id. on the latter. market’from Portuguese escola id. and teh ‘tea’pawning’, fromflat SouthernMinangkabau or long Javanese Minobjects’ têgadai (茶 ga) id.ḍ‘guarantee,e on 706),the latter. Zoetmulder kaḍai (கலட (1982/1:) in the470 meaning). of 17. Attested16 in the Rangga Lawe (Zoetmulder 1982: 1636). 16 Attestedkaḍ aiin the(கலட Rangga) Attested ‘shop,Lawe in(Zoetmulder thebazaar,‘pawning’ Rangga Old1982: warranty,Lawe, Malay Javanese 1636). (Zoetmulder gadai bail, ga ḍ‘pledging, e mortgage’~ 1982:gaḍay 1636).‘pawn,,The Toba voicing Cf.‘shop’ ofVan word der(Table-initial Tuuk /k/ 4(189 )does, 7which- 1912 /4:is 17 17 18. Cf. Malay Cf. hong Malay “the hong Buddhistpawning, ‘the oṁBuddhist (ॐ)” from oṁ Sanskrit18(ॐmortgaging’,)’ from oṁ Sanskrit “a wordnot oof ṁstand solemn ‘a word in affirmation isolation. of solemn 19 affirmation Also cf. and20 respectful assent’, Cf. Malaymarket’and hong respectful ‘the Buddhist assent,” handai oṁ (ॐ “companion;)’ frompawning’,Batak Sanskrit associate” gade oṁ ‘a ‘a mortgage’from Javaneseword Tamil of solemn āṇḍaiga ḍ( ஆண்ைடeaffirmation 706),presumably ) Zoetmulder“master, and respectful a lexical (1982/1: doublet.assent’, 470 ). handai ‘companion;lord, landlord,”handai associate’ hablok ‘companion; “piebaldfromMinangkabau Tamil (of associate’ a‘pawning’ horse)”āṇḍai gadai (fromfromஆ迍லட, Malay Hindi Tamil‘guarantee, ) gadaiablak ‘master, āṇḍ “piebald;‘pledging,ai (lord,kaஆ迍லடḍ aispotted; landlord’, (கலடThe) ‘master,pepper-and- voicing) in hablok the oflord, meaningword ‘piebald landlord’,-initial of (of /k/ habloka does ‘piebald (of a horse)’ fromsalt,” Hindi hasidah ablakhorse)’ “meal-cake ‘piebald; from Hindi eaten warranty,spotted; atablak the pawning,pepper ashura bail,‘piebald; - andfestival”mortgage’ -spotted;salt’, from hasidah, pepperArabicTobamortgaging’, ‘meal‘-aṣīdaand‘shop’--salt’, cake“a thicknot ( hasidahTableeaten pastestand at made 4‘mealthein), isolation. ashurawhich-cake festival’eaten19is Also at thecf. ashura festival’ of flour andfrom clarified Arabic ʿbutter”aṣBatakīda ‘anda halejagadethickMinangkabau ‘a paste“an mortgage’ Indian made wovenofgadai flour fabric ‘guarantee,and ofclarifiedpresumably mixed buttersilk anda ’lexical and cotton” haleja doublet. ‘an 20Indian woven fabric of mixed from Arabicultimately ʿaṣīda ‘a from thick Turkish paste alacamade “multi-coloured”.of flour and clarified butter’ and haleja ‘anka Indianḍai ( கலடwoven) fabricin the ofmeaning mixed of silk and cotton’ ultimatelysilk and from cotton’ Turkish ultimately alacawarranty, ‘multifrom Turkish-coloured’. bail, alacamortgage’ ‘multi, -Tobacoloured’. ‘shop’ (Table 4), which is 18 18 Attested in the Javano Attested-Balinese in theAdhigama JavanoBatak -(ZoetmulderBalinese gade Adhigama ‘a 1982:mortgage’ 762). (Zoetmulder 1982:presumably 762). a lexical doublet.20 19 19 Other examples include Malay kangsa ~ gangsa ‘bell-metal’ from Sanskrit kaṁsa ‘brass, bell-metal’ and gusti Other14 examples include Malay kangsa ~ gangsa ‘bell-metal’ from Sanskrit kaṁsa ‘brass, bell-metal’ and gusti .’fighting, 333). wrestling‘ (:1982کشتی ) Attested in ‘wrestling’the Kidung fromSunda Persian (Zoetmulder kuštī .’fighting, wrestling‘ (کشتی) wrestling’15 from Persian kuštī‘ Archipel 89,20 Paris, 2015 suggest ‘a horse different-whip’, pathways of( چابك) Compare, among The differencesmany other in examples, pronunciation cambuk and ‘heavymeanin gwhip’ between from these Persian two čābuksets would 20 ’sets) ‘a would kettle -suggestdrum’ and different məndali pathways ~ mədali of ‘medal نقاره) The differencesn ə nggara ~ in n ə pronunciation gara ‘royal kettle and- drum’meanin fromg between Persian thesenaqāra two 14 borrowing, e.g. dispersalborrowing, through e.g. Old dispersal Javanese through gaḍe ~ Oldgaḍ ayJavanese ‘pawning’ gaḍ evis ~ -gaà-visḍay Malay ‘pawning’ kədai vis ‘a- àshop’.-vis Malay However kədai, ‘a shop’. However, Attestedfrom in the Dutch Kidung medaille Sunda id.(Zoetmulder on the former 1982: tendency 333). and gajah ‘elephant’ from Sanskrit gaja id., səkolah ‘school’ 15 Bugis gade ‘stall, store’Bugis and gade Makasar ‘stall, ga store’ʔde ‘booth, and Makasar shop, stall’gaʔde resemble ‘booth, shopthe former, stall’ resembleseries phonologically the former series but the phonologically but the ,’a horse-whip‘ (چابك) Compare, among many other examples, cambuk ‘heavy whip’ from Persian čābuk latter semantically.from Portuguese latter escola semantically. id. and teh ‘tea’ from Southern Min tê (茶) id. on the latter. ’a kettle-drum’ and məndali ~ mədali ‘medal‘ ( نقاره) .(nənggara14 ~Attested nəgara in ‘royal the Kid kettleung-drum’ Sunda from (Zoetmulder Persian naqāra1982: 333 16 Attested in the Rangga Lawe (Zoetmulder 1982: 1636). ,’school’‘a horse -whip‘ (چابك)from Dutch15 Compare, medaille amongid. on themany former other tendency examples, and cambuk gajah ‘elephant’ ‘heavy whip’ from fromSanskrit Persian gaja čābukid., sə kolah 17 Cf. Malay hong ‘the Buddhist oṁ (ॐ)’ from Sanskrit oṁ ‘a word of solemn affirmation and respectful5 assent’, 5 ’on )the ‘a kettlelatter.- drum’ and məndali ~ mədali ‘medal نقاره) .from Portuguesenənggara escola ~ nəgara id. and ‘royal teh kettle‘tea’ -fromdrum’ Southern from Persian Min tê naqāra (茶) id handai ‘companion; associate’ from Tamil āṇḍai (ஆ迍லட) ‘master, lord, landlord’, hablok ‘piebald (of a 16 from Dutch medaille id. on the former tendency and gajah ‘elephant’ from Sanskrit gaja id., səkolah ‘school’ Attestedhorse)’ in the Ranggafrom Hindi Lawe ablak (Zoetmulder ‘piebald; 1982: spotted; 1636). pepper -and-salt’, hasidah ‘meal-cake eaten at the ashura festival’ 17 Cf. Malayfromfrom hong Portuguese Arabic ‘the ʿ Buddhista ṣescolaīda ‘a thick id.oṁ and ( ॐpaste )teh’ from made‘tea’ Sanskrit fromof flour Southern o ṁand ‘a clarifiedword Min of tê buttersolemn(茶) id.’ andaffirmation on halejathe latter. ‘an and Indian respectful woven assent’, fabric of mixed handai 16‘companion; silkAttested and cotton’ in associate’the Ranggaultimately from Lawe from Tamil (Zoetmulder Turkish āṇḍai alaca (1982:ஆ迍லட ‘multi 1636).)- coloured’.‘master, lord, landlord’, hablok ‘piebald (of a horse)’ from17 18Cf. Attested HindiMalay ablak inhong the ‘piebald;‘Javanothe Buddhist-Ba spotted;linese oṁ Adhigama(pepperॐ)’ from-and (ZoetmulderSanskrit-salt’, hasidah oṁ ‘a1982: word ‘meal 762). of- cakesolemn eaten affirmation at the ashura and respectful festival’ assent’, from Arabichandai19 Other ʿaṣ īda‘companion; examples ‘a thick pasteinclude associate’ made Malay of from flour kangsa Tamil and ~ clarified gangsaāṇḍai butter(‘bellஆ迍லட-metal’’ and) haleja ‘master,from Sanskrit‘an lord, Indian kalandlord’, ṁwovensa ‘brass, fabric hablok bell of- mixedmetal’‘piebald and (of gusti a ’spotted;) ‘multi‘fighting, -peppercoloured’. wrestling’.-and -salt’, hasidah ‘meal-cake eaten at the ashura festival کشتیsilk and horse)’cotton’‘wrestling’ ultimatelyfrom fromHindi fromPersian ablak Turkish kuštī‘piebald; (alaca 18 Attestedfrom20 in The Arabicthe differencesJavano ʿaṣīda-Ba ‘linese ain thick pronunciation Adhigama paste made (Zoetmulder and of flourmeanin and g1982: clarifiedbetween 762). butterthese ’ twoand setshaleja would ‘an Indian suggest woven different fabric pathways of mixed of 19 Other silkexamplesborrowing, and cotton’ include e.g. ultimately dispersal Malay kangsa throughfrom Turkish ~ gangsaOld Javanese alaca ‘bell ‘multi- metal’gaḍe- coloured’.~ from gaḍay Sanskrit ‘pawning’ kaṁ vissa -‘brass,à-vis Malay bell-metal’ kədai and‘a shop’. gusti However, Ba and)linese ‘fighting, Makasar Adhigama wrestling’.gaʔde (Zoetmulder‘booth, shop ,1982: stall’ 762).resemble the former series phonologically but the-کشتی) ’wrestling’18 BugisAttested from gade Persian in ‘stall,the kuštīJavano store‘ 20 The differences19 latterOther semantically. examples in pronunciation include Malay and meaninkangsag ~ between gangsa ‘bellthese-metal’ two sets from would Sanskrit suggest kaṁ sadifferent ‘brass, pathwaysbell-metal’ of and gusti ,fighting, gaḍe ~ ga wrestling’.ḍay ‘pawning’ vis-à-vis Malay kədai ‘a shop’. However‘ (کشتی) borrowing,‘wrestling’ e.g. dispersal from throughPersian kuštīOld Javanese Bugis gade20 The ‘stall, differences store’ and in Makasar pronunciation gaʔde ‘booth,and meanin shop,g stall’ between resemble these the two former sets would series phonologicallysuggest different but pathways the of 5 latter semantically.borrowing, e.g. dispersal through Old Javanese gaḍe ~ gaḍay ‘pawning’ vis-à-vis Malay kədai ‘a shop’. However, Bugis gade ‘stall, store’ and Makasar gaʔde ‘booth, shop, stall’ resemble the former series phonologically but the latter semantically. 5

5

Tamil WMP comments cauttu (சசௌ鏍鏁) ‘pattern, sample, Middle Javanese conto ‘a Cf. Gomperts (unpublished). Both model’ sample’, 14 Javanese conto the insertion of a homorganic nasal ‘example, model’, Malay contoh and the addition of a word-final /h/ ‘sample, model, specimen’, are attested in other loanwords in Minangkabau conto ~ cinto Malay.15 ‘example, model’ cembuṟaṇi (சச믍ꯁற辿) ‘red- Malay səmburani ~ səmbərani Cf. Van Ronkel (1905). skinned’ ‘winged steed of romance’, Middle Javanese sambrani ‘a winged horse of romance’, 16 Acehnese samarani ‘a legendary horse’, Minangkabau sambarani ~ samburani ‘winged, flying’, Tausug sambalani ‘a white winged horse’ ceppu (சசꯍꯁ) ‘casket, little box of Malay cəpu ‘a flat round box of Cf. Van der Tuuk (1897-1912/1: metal, ivory or wood’ wood or metal’, Old Javanese cupu 649), Zoetmulder (1982/1: 339). Tamil WMP ~ cupu-cupu ~ cucupucomments ‘small pot’, kaḍalai (கடலை) ‘chickpea (Cicer Middle Javanese kaGayoḍəle cǝrpu‘soya bean‘round boxCf. ofVan silver der orTuuk (1897-1912/2: arietinum L.)’ (Glycine max copper(L.) withMerr.)’, cover’ 145), Van Ronkel (1903f: 550), ilai (இலை) ‘leaf, petal’Javanese kəḍele Old~ ḍJavaneseele, Malay hə layJones ~ hə (2007:le ‘piece 148) Cf.. Van Ronkel (1903f: 533-534), kədəlai id.21 (of cloth or a flat object; also of a Jones (2007: 105). Mahdi (1998: kārikkam (கா쎿埍க믍) ‘unbleached Malay kərikam lotus‘coarse-stem?)’, linen’, Malay The hə laiinnovation ~ əlai ‘a 399)*k expresses> t/#_ inconcerns regarding plain cotton cloth’22 Middle Javanese num.trikə m coefficient‘a part. Javanesefor tenuous is irregular, the additionbut does of not a word-initial /h/ in kind of fabric’23 objects such as garments,stand in isolationsheets, , Malay,especially which before is indeed atypical. Is thread, blades /r/of and /l/grass’,.24 does, however, not stand in 17 kaṭṭi (க翍羿) ‘a measure of weight’ Malay kati, Old MinangkabauJavanese kati alai~ Cf.‘classifier Van Ronkel for (1903f:isolation. 548 -549). (the “catty”) kaṭi, Javanese flatkati or, longAcehnese objects’ The dental consonant in the Old Detectingkaḍai pre-modern(கலட) lexical‘shop,katɔə , influenceTobabazaar, Batak fromOld hati JavaneseSouth, TausugIndia gaḍ e ~Javanese gaḍay71 ‘pawn, and Javane Cf.se Van attestations der Tuuk (1897-1912/4: market’ katti, Cham kati id.pawning’, (cf. Old Khmer18 Javaneseis possibly ga ḍthee result706), Zoetmulderof Malay (1982/1: 470). Tamil WMP kaṭṭi ~ kaṭṭī id.) ‘pawning’comments, Malay gadaiintermediacy, ‘pledging, otherwise The voicing we would of word -initial /k/ does pawning, mortgaging’, not stand in isolation. 19 Also cf. kaḍai Old Javanese gaḍe ~ gaḍay “pawn, Cf. Van der Tuuk (1897-1912/4:expect a retroflex consonant. kayappū(கைட (கயꯍꯂ) ) ‘aquaticpawning,” flower’19 Javanese gaḍeOld “pawning,” Javanese 706), kayapuMinangkabau Zoetmulder ‘aquatic (1982/1: gadai 470).Cf. The‘guarantee, Hunter ka&ḍ ai (கலடSupomo) in the meaning of “shop, bazaar, Malay gadai “pledging, pawning, 25 voicingwarranty, of word-initial bail, /k/ mortgage’ does not , Toba flower’, Javanese kayu 20 apu (forthcoming). The‘shop’ Javanese (Table and 4), which is market” mortgaging,” Minangkabau gadai stand in isolation. Also cf. kaḍai 20 “guarantee, warranty, bail,‘water mortgage,” lettuce ( கடை(PistiaBatak) in the gadestratiotes meaning ‘a mortgage’ of “shop”Sundan ese attestationspresumably are taken a lexical doublet. Toba Batak gade “a mortgage”L.)’, Sundanese(Table kia 4pu), which id., isMalay presumably from a Heyne (1913: 160), the lexical doublet.21 (Malaysia) kayu apung id., 26 Philippine attestations from kaḍalai Middle Javanese kaḍəle “soya bean Cf. Van der Tuuk (1897-1912/2: 145), (கடைல) (Glycine max (L.) Merr.),”Balinese Javanese kapu Van-kapu Ronkel ‘a (1903f:species 550), of JonesMadulid (2007: (2001: 239-240). “chickpea kəḍele ~ ḍele, Malay kədəlaiwater id.-cress’,22 148).Cebuano kayapo (Cicer arietinum L.)” ‘water lettuce (Pistia stratiotes

kārikkam 14 Malay kərikam “coarseL.)’, linen,” MaranaoMiddle The kayopo innovation, Tagalog *k > t/#_ in Javanese (காரிக்கம்) AttestedJavanese trikəm in the “a Kid part.ung kind Sunda of (Zoetmulderis irregular, but1982: does 333). not stand in “unbleached plain 15 fabric”24 kiyapo, Magindanaoisolation, kiyupu especially id. before /r/ and /l/.25 ,’a horse-whip‘ (چابك) Compare, among many other examples, cambuk ‘heavy whip’ from Persian čābuk 23 ’Adelaar) ‘a kettle (1992:-drum’ 118 and-11 m9)ə ndaliand ~ mədali ‘medal نقاره) koṇḍcottoni cloth”(சகா迍羿nənggara) ‘prostitute, ~ nəgara ‘royalMalay kettle gundik-drum’ ‘secondary from Persian wife’, naqāra See concubine’ from Dutch medailleOld id. onJavanese the former gu tendencyṇḍik ‘female and gajah Mahdi ‘elephant’ (2000: from 850) Sanskrit on the addition gaja id., səkolah ‘school’ attendant’, Javanese gunḍik of a word-final glottal stop, Table 2 –from Early TamilPortuguese loanwords escola in ‘mistress,WMP id. languages and teh (attested‘tea’ from in concubine’,pre-modern Southern texts) Min typically tê (茶) id.written on the as latter. . For the 16 Attested in the RanggaMinangkabau Lawe (Zoetmulder gundiak 1982:‘mistress, 1636). voicing of word-initial /k/, see 17 Cf. Malay hong ‘theconcubine’, Buddhist oṁAcehnese (ॐ)’ from Sanskritgundeʔ oṁunder ‘a word kaḍ ofai solemn(கலட) affirmationin this table. and respectful assent’, handai ‘companion; ‘secondaryassociate’ wife,from concubine’,Tamil āṇḍai Gayo (ஆ迍லட ) ‘master, lord, landlord’, hablok ‘piebald (of a horse)’ from Hindi ablakgundik ‘piebald; ‘concub spotted;ine’, Karo pepper Batak-and -salt’, hasidah ‘meal-cake eaten at the ashura festival’ from Arabic ʿaṣīda ‘agundik thick paste ‘a scapegoat’ made of flour and clarified butter’ and haleja ‘an Indian woven fabric of mixed silk and cotton’ ultimately from Turkish alaca ‘multi-coloured’. 18 19. Attested in the Javano-Balinese Attested in the Adhigama Javano- (ZoetmulderBalinese Adhigama 1982: 762). (Zoetmulder 1982: 762). 19 20. Other examples include Other Malayexamples kangsa include ~ gangsa Malay “bell-metal” kangsa ~ from gangsa Sanskrit ‘bell kaṁsa-metal’ “brass, from Sanskrit kaṁsa ‘brass, bell-metal’ and gusti ”.fighting,“fighting, wrestling’.wrestling‘ ((کشتی) bell-metal” and gusti‘wrestling’ “wrestling” from from Persian Persian kuštīkuštī 21. The differences20 inThe pronunciation differences andin pronunciationmeaning between and these meanin twog setsbetween would these suggest two sets would suggest different pathways of different pathways borrowing,of borrowing, e.g. e.g. dispersal dispersal throughthrough OldOld Javanese Javanese gaḍe gaḍ ~e gaḍay~ gaḍ ay“pawning” ‘pawning’ vis-à-vis Malay kədai ‘a shop’. However, 21vis-à-vis Malay kədai “a shop.” However, Bugis gade “stall, store” and Makasar gaʔde “booth, shop, The stall”word resemble may Bugishave the formerpreviously gade ‘stall,series denoted phonologicallystore’ and other Makasar pulses,but the ga latterasʔde the semantically.‘booth, soya beanshop ,originates stall’ resemble from theEast former Asia. seriesThe word phonologically but the k22.aḍ əThele is word first mayattested latterhave in previously semantically. the Middle denoted Javanese other poempulses, Sri as theTañjung soya bean, where originates Prijono from (1938: East 105) leaves it untranslated. LaterAsia. textualThe word attestations kaḍəle is first must attested be dated in the to colonialMiddle Javanese times. poemThe Sriword Tañjung kədə,lai where occurs Prijono once in the Hikayat Abdullah, translated(1938: 105) by leaves Hill (1955:it untranslated. 118) as Later‘soy beans’.textual attestationsVon de Wall must (1877 be dated-97/2: to 500)colonial glosses times. it as ‘k.o. gram, small tree’, 5 The word kədəlai occurs once in the Hikayat Abdullah, translated by Hill (1955: 118) as “soy Vanbeans.” der Von Tuuk de Wall(1897 (1877-97/2:-1912/2: 145) 500) glossesas ‘pulse it as (soya)’ “k.o. gram, and smallWilkinson tree,” Van(1932/1: der Tuuk 526) (1897- as ‘mung-bean (Vigna radiata (L.)1912/2: R.Wilczek); 145) as “pulse soya (soya)” bean ( Glycineand Wilkinson max (L.) (1932/1: Merr.)’. 526) Mung as “mung-bean-beans are (Vigna currently radiata known (L.) in Malay as kacang hijau (cf.R.Wilczek); Javanese soya kacang bean ijo(Glycine), a term max absent (L.) Merr.).” in earl Mung-beansy literature. areIt maycurrently be pointed known outin Malay that both mung-beans and soya beansas kacang can behijau used (cf. to Javanese make different kacang ijotypes), a termof fermented absent in beanearly literature.cakes, such It may as tempe be pointed, bongkrek and oncom; the two out that both mung-beans and soya beans can be used to make different types of fermented bean pulsescakes, suchmay ashave tempe been, bongkrek used interchangeably and oncom; the two in pulses the past. may Thehave been‘chickpea’ used interchangeably is known in modern Malay as kacang kudain the or past. kacang The “chickpea” Arab. is known in modern Malay as kacang kuda or kacang Arab. 2223. Also Also kārikka kārikkaṉṉ ((கா쎿埍கꟍ) in thethe same same meaning. meaning. 2324. Attested Attested in in the the WangbangWangbang Wideha Wideha (Zoetmulder (Zoetmulder 1982: 1982: 2038). 2038). 2425. C ompareCompare Javanese Javanese ttəlkunəlkun ‘turkey’“turkey” from DutchDutch kalkoen kalkoen id. id. We We may may further further call call attention attention to fluctuation between ktoəm fluctuationɔnggɔ ~ t ə mbetweenɔngg kəmɔnggɔɔ ‘spider’, ~ kletəmɔnggɔḍek ~ tle“spider,”ḍek ‘female kleḍek dancer’,~ tleḍek kr“femaleətəg ~dancer,” trətəg ‘bridge’, krətəp ~ trətəp krətəg ~ trətəg “bridge,” krətəp ~ trətəp “decorative buckle” and kropos ~ tropos “rotten, ‘decorativeporous, hollow.” buckle’ Javanese and kropostruwelu ~‘rabbit’ tropos and ‘rotten, Malay porous, tərwelu hollow’.(†təruilu )Javanese ~ †kuilu gotruwelu back to ‘rabbit’ and Malay tərwelu (†Portuguesetəruilu) ~ coelho †kuilu id. go and back in thisto P caseortuguese the fluctuation coelho id. may and be in due this to case false the association fluctuation between may be due to false association betweenthe Malay the verbal Malay prefixes verbaltər- prefixes and kə- ,t əbothr- and expressing kə-, both accidental expressing passives. accidental passives. 25 Glossed as such by Hunter & Supomo (forthcoming) and found in the 12th-century Ghatoṭkacāśraya. 26 Possibly rationalised as kayu ‘wood, tree’ + apung ‘floating on water’. Analogously, Malay exhibits the synonym kiambang, which appears to be a portmanteaux of an earlier kiapu and ambang ‘to be afloat’. Archipel 89, Paris, 2015 ⁺ 6

Tamil WMP comments kaḍalai (கடலை) ‘chickpea (Cicer Middle Javanese kaḍəle ‘soya bean Cf. Van der Tuuk (1897-1912/2: arietinum L.)’ (Glycine max (L.) Merr.)’, 145), Van Ronkel (1903f: 550), Javanese kəḍele ~ ḍele, Malay Jones (2007: 148). Tamil kəWMPdəlai id.21 comments kārikkamkaḍalai ( கடலை(கா쎿埍க믍) ‘chickpea) ‘unbleached (Cicer MalayMiddle k Javaneseərikam ka‘coarseḍəle ‘soya linen’, bean TheCf. Vaninnovation der Tuuk *k (1897> t/#_-1912 in/2: plainarietinum cottonTamil L.) cloth’ ’ 22 Middle(GlycineWMP Javanese max trik(L.)əm ‘aMerr.)’, part. Javanese145),comments Van is irregular,Ronkel but(1903f: does 550not) , kaḍalai (கடலை) ‘chickpea (CicerkindJavanese ofMiddle fabric’ kə Javaneseḍ23ele ~ kaḍeleḍə, leMalay ‘soya beanstandJones inCf. (2007: isolation Van 148)der, especially . Tuuk (1897 before-1912 /2: arietinum L.)’ kədəlai(Glycine id.21 max (L.) Merr.)’,/r/ and 145 /l/.24), Van Ronkel (1903f: 550), kakārikkamṭṭi (க翍羿 ) (‘aகா쎿埍க믍 measure) ‘unbleachedof weight’ MalayMalayJavanese kati kə, rikamOld k əJavanese ḍele‘coarse ~ ḍkatielelinen’, , ~Malay Cf.The Van Jonesinnovation Ronkel (2007: (1903f: 148)*k . > 548 t/#_-54 9).in (theplain “catty”) cotton cloth’22 kaMiddleṭi, kJavaneseəd əJavaneselai id. 21kati trik, əmAcehnese ‘a part. TJavanesehe dental is consonant irregular, butin thedoes Old not kārikkam72 (கா쎿埍க믍) ‘unbleachedkatkindɔə Tom, MalayofToba Hoogervorstfabric’ Batakk23ərikam hati ‘coarse, Tausug linen’, Javanesestand The in isolationand innovation Javane, especiallyse attestations*k >before t/#_ in plain cotton cloth’22 katti, ChamMiddle kati Javanese id. (cf. Oldtrik Khmerəm ‘a part.is/r/ possibly andJavanese /l/.24 the is resultirregular, of butMalay does not 23 kaṭṭi (க翍羿Tamil) ‘a measure of weight’ kaWMPMalayṭṭi ~kind ka katiṭṭ īof id.), fabric’Old Javanese katicomments ~ intermediacy,Cf. Vanstand Ronkel in otherwiseisolation (1903f:, especiallywe 548 would-549 before). kaṭi, Javanese kati, Acehnese The dental consonant24 in the Old (the “catty”)kaṭṭi Malay kati, Old Javanese kati ~ kaṭi, Cf. Van Ronkel (1903f:expect 548-549)./r/ a retrofand The /l/ lex. consonant. kayappūkaṭṭ (iகயꯍꯂ ((க翍羿கட்டி)) ‘aquatic ‘a measureJavanese flower’ okatif weight’, AcehneseOldkat ɔə katɔəJavaneseMalay, Toba, Toba kati Batakkayapu, Olddental hati Javanese consonant,‘aquatic Tausug kati in theCf. Javanese ~Old JavaneseCf.Hunter Van and RonkelJavane& se (1903f: attestationsSupomo 548 -54 9). “a measure Batak hati, Tausugflower’, katti, Cham,ka Chamṭ25i, kati Javanese Javanesekati id. id. and(cf. kayu katiJavanese Old, KhmerapuAcehnese attestations (forthcoming).is ispossibly possiblyThe dental thethe The consonantresult Javanese of Malayin and the Old (the “catty”)of weight” (cf. Old Khmer kaṭṭi ~ kaṭṭī id.) result of Malay intermediacy, otherwise (the “catty”) ‘waterkaṭṭi kat ~ lettucekaɔəṭṭ, ī Tobaid.) ( Pistia Batakwe wouldstratiotes hati expect, Tausug a retroflexSundanintermediacy, Javaneseconsonant.ese attestations otherwiseand Javane are wese takenattestationswould kayappū Old Javanese kayapuL.)’, “aquatic Sundanesekatti flower,”, Cham 26kia katipuCf. id. Hunterid., (cf. Malay Old& Supomo Khmer from expect(forthcoming). isHeyne apossibly retrof (1913:lex theconsonant result160),. ofthe Malay kayappū (கயப்பூகயꯍꯂ)) ‘aquaticJavanese flower’ kayu apu (Malaysia) Old“water ka Javaneselettuceṭṭi ~ kayu(kaPistiaṭṭ ī kayapuid.) apungThe Javanese ‘aquaticid., and26 Sundanese PhilippineCf. intermediacy, attestationsHunter attestations otherwise& Supomofrom we would “aquatic stratiotes L.),” Sundaneseflower’, kiapu25 id., Javanese are takenkayu from apu Heyne (1913:(forthcoming). 160), the The Javanese and flower” Malay (Malaysia)Balinese kayu apung kapu id.,27 -kapu Philippine‘a species attestations of Madulid from Madulidexpect (2001: a retrof 239-lex240). consonant . kayappū (கயꯍꯂ)Balinese ‘aquatic kapu-kapu flower’water‘water “a species-Oldcress’, lettuce ofJavanese water-Cebuano (Pistia(2001: kayapu 239-240).stratioteskayapo ‘aquatic Sundan Cf.ese attestationsHunter &are takenSupomo cress,” Cebuano kayapo‘waterL.)’, “waterflower’, Sundaneselettuce lettuce 25( Pistia kiaJavanesepu stratiotesid., Malaykayu apufrom (forthcoming).Heyne (1913: The 160 Javanese), the and (Pistia stratiotes L.),” Maranao kayopo, 26 Tagalog kiyapo, MagindanaoL.)’,(Malaysia) ‘waterMaranao kiyupu kayulettuce id.kayopo apung(Pistia, Tagalog id.,stratiotes Philippine Sundan eseattestations attestations arefrom taken koṇḍi Malay gundik “secondarykiyapoBalineseL.)’,, wife,” Magindanao kapuSundanese Old -kapu Seekiyupu ‘akia Adelaar speciespu id. id., (1992: ofMalay 118-119)Madulid from and Mahdi(2001: Heyne 239 -(1913:240). 160), the koṇḍi ((சகா迍羿கொண்டி)) Javanese‘prostitute, guṇḍik “femaleMalaywater (Malaysia)attendant,”-cress’,gundik ‘secondary Cebuanokayu(2000: apung850) kayapowife’, on the id., additionSee26 Adelaar ofPhilippine a word- (1992: attestations118-119) and from “prostitute, Javanese gunḍik “mistress,‘water concubine,”lettuce (Pistiafinal glottalstratiotes stop, typically written as concubine’concubine” Minangkabau gundiakOld “mistress,BalineseJavanese kapuguṇḍ-.kapuik For ‘female‘a the species voicing Mahdi ofof word-initial Madulid (2000: /k/, 850) (2001: on 239the -addition240). concubine,” Acehneseattendant’,L.)’, gundeʔ waterMaranao -cress’,Javanese kayopo seeCebuano under, gunTagalog kaḍai ḍik kayapo(கைட of ) in a this word table.-final glottal stop, “secondary wife, ‘mistress,concubine,”kiyapo‘water, Magindanao Gayo lettuce kiyupu(concubine’,Pistia id.stratiotes typically written as . For the gundik “concubine,” Karo Batak gundik koṇḍi (சகா迍羿) “a ‘prostitute,scapegoat” MinangkabauMalayL.)’, gundik Maranao gundiak ‘secondary kayopo ‘mistress, wife’,, Tagalog voicingSee Adelaar of word (1992:-initial 118 -/k/,119) seeand Tamil OldWMP Javanese guṇḍik ‘female Mahdicomments (2000: 850) on the addition concubine’ kuḻai Old Javanese gulay-gulayanconcubine’,kiyapo “curry- , MagindanaoAcehneseFor the voicingkiyupugunde ofʔ id. word-initialunder ka /k/,ḍai see (கலட ) in this table. kukoḻaiṇḍ (i(埁லை குழை(சகா迍羿) ‘to dishes,”beco) me28‘prostitute, Malay soft, gulai‘secondary attendant’, Old“wet-currying;Malay Javanesewife, gundikJavanese concubine’, under ‘secondarygulay kaḍai gunGayo-gulayan (கைடḍ ik wife’, ) inof this For table.aSee theword Adelaar voicing-final (1992: of glottalword 118- initial-stop,119) /k/, and 29 mashy,‘to pulpy, become as wellcurrying-cooked’ in rich highly-spicedgundik‘mistress,‘curryOld ‘concub -sauce,”dishes’, Javaneseine’, 27 Malay Karoguconcubine’,ṇḍ gulaiBatakik ‘female‘wet -typically seeMahdi under written (2000: ka ḍasai 850) (கலட on. Forthe) in additionthe this concubine’soft, mashy, Acehnese gulɛ “k.o. vegetable soup,” pulpy, as well- Gayo gule “meat-basedgundikMinangkabaucurrying; side-dishattendant’, ‘a scapegoat’ currying gundiak Javanese in ‘mistress,rich highlygun ḍ-voicingik table.of ofa word-finalinitial glottal/k/, see stop, cooked’ with rice,” Karo Batakconcubine’, spicedgule‘mistress, “meat, sauce’, Acehnese28 Acehnese gundeconcubine’, gulʔ ɛunder typically kaḍai (கலட written) in asthis table.. For the prepared meat as a side-dish,” Angkola- Mandailing Batak gule‘secondary‘k.o. “sideMinangkabau dishvegetable wife, concubine’, soup’,gundiak Gayo Gayo‘mistress, gule voicing of word-initial /k/, see with rice,” Tagalog gundikgulay‘meatconcubine’, “vegetable,” -‘concubbased side ine’,Acehnese-dish Karo with Batak gunderice’, ʔ under kaḍai (கலட) in this table. Maranao golay id. gundikKaro‘secondary ‘aBatak scapegoat’ gulewife, ‘meat, concubine’, prepared Gayo meatgundik as a‘concub side-dish’,ine’, KaroAngkola Batak- Mandailinggundik ‘a Batakscapegoat’ gule ‘side dish Table 2 – Early Tamil loanwords in WMP languages (attested in pre-modern texts) 21 The word may have previously denoted withother pulses,rice’, as Tagalogthe soya beangulay originates from East Asia. The word ‘vegetable’, Maranao golay id. kaḍəle is first attested in the Middle Javanese poem Sri Tañjung, where Prijono (1938: 105) leaves it untranslated. Later kuvatextualḷai attestations(埁ேலள) ‘widemust be-mouthed dated to colonialMalay times.kuali The word‘wide k-əmoutheddəlai occurs Cf. once Arokiaswamy in the Hikayat (2000: Abdullah 80). The, translated vessel, by cup’ Hill (1955: 118) as ‘soy beans’.cooking Von de-pot’, Wall Old (1877 Javanese-97/2: kawali 500) glosses rendering it as ‘k.o. of /ai/ gram, as /i/ small at the tree’, word - Van21 T derhe wordTuuk may(1897 have-1912/2: previously 145) as denoted ‘pulse‘cooking (soya)’other pulses, -andpot’, Wilkinson asJavanese the soya (1932/1: kuwalibean originates526) fin asal ‘mungposition from- beanEast implies (Asia.Vigna a The secondaryradiata word (L.)ka ḍR.Wilczek);ə le is first attested soya bean in the ( Glycine Middle max Javanese (L.) ‘earthen Merr.)’. poem orSri Mung Tañjungmetal-beans cooking, where are currently Prijonopot’, known(1938:distribution in105) Malay leavesvia asan itkacang earlyuntranslated. Malayhijau ic Tagalog kawalí ‘frying pan, language (cf. Wolff 2010/1: 480).29 (cf.Later Javanese21 textual T26.he Glossedwordkacang attestations may asijo have such), musta term bypreviously be Hunterabsent dated &itodenotedn earl Supomocolonialy literature. other (forthcoming)times. pulses, TheIt may wordas andbethe kpointed foundəsoyadəlai bean in occursout the originatesthat 12 once thboth-century in mung fromthe Hikayat- beansEast Asia. andAbdullah soyaThe ,word beanstranslated kcanaḍGhatoṭkacāśraya əbe leby usedis Hill first to (1955: attested make. 118)different in the as Middle‘soy types beans’. ofJavaneseskillet’ fermented Von, poem Tausugde Wallbean Sri kawali cakes,(1877Tañjung- ʔsuch97/2: ,‘a where as large500) tempe Prijono glosses, bongkrek (1938: it as ‘k.o. 105) and gram, oncomleaves small ;it the untranslated. tree’,two iron pot’ pulsesVan Later dermay27. T uuk textualhavePossibly (1897 been attestations rationalised- 1912/2:used interchangeably 145)asmust kayu asbe “wood, ‘pulse dated tree”into(soya)’ thecolonial + apungpast. and times. The Wilkinson“floating ‘ chickpea’The onword (1932/1:water.” iskə knowndAnalogously,ə 526)lai occurs asin ‘mungmodern onceMalay-bean in Malay the ( VignaHikayat as kacang radiata Abdullah , kuda(L.) muR.Wilczek);ortranslated kacangṟexhibitsi (믁잿 )byArabthe ‘piecesoya Hillsynonym. bean (1955:of cloth, (kiambangGlycine 118) rough as max, which‘soy (L.)Malay beans’. appears Merr.)’. muri Von to beMung ‘plain de a portmanteauxWall-beans white (1877 are linen -currently 97/2:of anor earlier 500) known glosses ⁺kiapu in andMalayit as ‘k.o. as kacanggram, small hijau tree’, ambang “to be afloat.” 22(cf. Also Javanesecloth’Van kārikka der Tkacangṉuuk (கா쎿埍கꟍ (1897 ijo),- )1912/2:a in term the absentsame 145) meaning.as incotton ‘pulseearly fabric’, literature.(soya)’ Acehnese and It mayWilkinson muribe pointed ‘fine (1932/1: out that526) both as ‘mung mung--beanbeans ( Vignaand soya radiata 23 28. Through reduplication and the additionfabric ofimported suffix –an . fromThe formIndia’, is attested in the Old beans Attested(L.) canJavanese R.Wilczek); inbe the used WangbangRāmāyaṇa to make soya (Zoetmulder bean differentWideha (Glycine (Zoetmuldertypes 1982: max of 551). fermented (L.) 1982: Merr.)’. 2038).bean Mung cakes, -beans such are as tempecurrently, bongkrek known in and Malay oncom as ;kacang the two hijau 24pulses Compare(cf. may Javanese Javanese have been kacang təlkun used ijo‘turkey’ interchangeably), a term from absent DutchMiddle inin kalkoenearlthe Javanes ypast. literature. id. Thee We mori ‘ chickpea’ mayIt may ‘undyedfurther be ispointed callknown attention out in thatmodern to both fluctuation Malay mung -asbeans between kacang and soya 29. There is some semantic overlap withcotton Malay cloth’, kari “curry30 Javanese (prepared inmori the Indian way)” and kəkudamɔnggbeans orJavanese ɔkacang ~ can təm be ɔkareArab nggused “aɔ. to ‘spider’, dish make of meatdifferent kle ḍ cookedek types~ tle inḍ of aek spicyfermented ‘female sauce, dancer’, bean curry,” cakes, bothkrə tsuch presumablyəg ~ as tr tempeətə g reflecting ‘bridge’,, bongkrek kr əandtəp oncom~ trət;ə pthe two ‘decorative22 Alsopulses kārikkaTamil buckle’ may kariṉ have (( கா쎿埍கꟍகறிand ) been kropos“chewing, )used in ~the eatingtroposinterchangeably same by ‘rotten,meaning. ‘whitebiting; porous,vegetables cotton in the hollow’.past.fabric, (raw The or unbleached Javaneseboiled); ‘chickpea’ meat truwelu (rawis known or ‘rabbit’ boiled); in modernand Malay Malay tərwelu as kacang (†23tə Attestedruilukudapepper,”) ~ or†inkuilu kacangthe either Wangbang go backdirectlyArab to. orPWidehaortuguese through (Zoetmulder English coelhoplain “curry.” id.cloth, 1982:and While inCham 2038). this largely case mrai similar,the ‘cottonfluctuation gulai and may kari be consist due to false association 24 22 of slightly different spice mixtures; theyarn’ latter (cf. often Thai contains mōrī daun (โมรี kari) ‘a “currykind leaves (Murraya between Compare Alsothekoenigii Malay Javanesekārikka (L.) verbal Spreng.).”ṉ t ə(lkunகா쎿埍கꟍ prefixes ‘turkey’) intər the -from and same kDutchə- ,meaning. both kalkoen expressing id. We accidental may further passives. call attention to fluctuation between 25k Glossedəmɔ23ngg Attested ɔas ~ such tə min byɔ thengg Hunter Wangbangɔ ‘spider’, & Supomo Widehakleḍek (forthcoming) of(Zoetmulder~ foreigntleḍek cloth,‘female and 1982: afound kind dancer’,2038). inof thesilk’ kr 12ə) tthə-gcentury ~ trət əGhatg ‘bridge’,oṭkacāśraya krətə. p ~ trətəp 26‘decorative Possiblymu24 Cḍompareukku rationalised buckle’ (믁翁埍埁 Javanese and as) kropos‘to tkayuə lkunplough’ ~‘wood, ‘turkey’ tropos tree’ Javanese‘rotten,from + Dutch apung porous, muluku kalkoen ‘floating hollow’. id.‘to We on Javaneseplough’, water’.may further truweluAnalogously,As call indicated ‘rabbit’ attention Malay and toin fluctuationMalay exhibitsthe tpreviousərwelu the between synonym(†təruilukəm kiambang)ɔ ngg~ †kuiluɔ ~ , t goəwhichm backɔngg appears toɔ ‘spider’,Portuguese to be kle a coelhoSundanese portmanteauxḍek ~ id.tle andḍ muluek inof‘female kuthis an id. earliercase dancer’, the kiapu fluctuation kr andətəsection,g ambang may~ tr ə betIə gdue‘toconsider ‘bridge’, be to afloat’.false Old associationkr ətJavaneseəp ~ tr ə təp waluku ~ wiluku ~ wuluku ‘a between‘decorativeArchipel the Malay 89, buckle’ Paris,verbal 2015and prefixes kropos tə r~- troposand kə -‘rotten,, both expressing porous, hollow’. accidental Javanese passives. truwelu ‘rabbit’ and Malay tərwelu 25 th plough’, Javanese wluku, Glossed(†təruilu as such) ~ † kuiluby Hunter go back & Supomoto Portuguese (forthcoming) coelho id. and and f oundin this in case the⁺ the12 fluctuation-century Ghat mayoṭkacāśraya be due to false. association6 26 Sundanese wuluku, and Angkola- Possiblybetween rationalised the Malay verbalas kayu prefixes ‘wood, tə rtree’- and + k əapung-, both ‘floatingexpressing on accidental water’. Analogously, passives. Malay exhibits the synonym25 Glossed kiambang as such, which by Hunter appears & toSupomo be a portmanteaux (forthcoming) of andan earlier found inkiapu the 12 andMandailingth- centuryambang Ghat ‘toBatak beoṭkacāśraya afloat’. luku id. . to be 26 Possibly rationalised as kayu ‘wood, tree’ + apung ‘floating on water’.back Analogously,-formations. Malay exhibits the pasynonymḍaku kiambang(பட埁) ‘, smallwhich appearsboat; toOld be a Javaneseportmanteaux parahu of an earlier‘boat’,⁺ kiapuCf. andVan ambang der Tuuk ‘to be(1897 afloat’.-1912/4: 6 dhoney, large boat’ ~ paḍavu Javanese prau ‘ship, boat’, Malay 159). The directionality of the 31 pərahu ‘undecked native ship’, transmission is uncertain; see (படퟁ) ‘small boat’ ⁺ 6 Toba Batak parau ‘boat, ship’ Mahdi (1994/2: 462), Hoogervorst

(2013: 83-84) and Blust & Trussell (2014 s.v.) for a more detailed discussion and more reflexes than can be included here.

27 Through reduplication and the addition of suffix –an. The form is attested in the Rāmāyaṇa (Zoetmulder 1982: 551). 28 There is some semantic overlap with Malay kari ‘curry (prepared in the Indian way)’ and Javanese kare ‘a dish of meat cooked in a spicy sauce, curry’, both presumably reflecting Tamil kari (க잿) ‘chewing, eating by biting; vegetables (raw or boiled); meat (raw or boiled); pepper’, either directly or through English ‘curry’. While largely similar, gulai and kari consist of slightly different spice mixtures; the latter often contains daun kari ‘curry leaves (Murraya koenigii (L.) Spreng.)’. 29 While the proto-Austronesian word-final diphthong /ay/ had already become /i/ in proto-Malayic (Adelaar 1992), I would argue that the rule was still partly in force during an earlier developmental stage of Malay, as evidenced by loanwords such as kalui ‘a freshwater perch (Osphronemus goramy)’ from Tamil kalavai ‘Indian rock-cod (Mycteroperca acutirostris)’, malai ~ mali ‘pendent flower ornament for the human head’ from mālai (மாலை) ‘garland, wreath of flowers’, mətərai ~ mətəri ‘seal’ from muttirai (믁鏍鎿லர) ‘seal, signet’ and sərunai .’a clarion‘ (سرنی) səruni ‘a sort of clarinet’ from Persian surnai ~ 30 Attested in the Wangbang Wideha (Zoetmulder 1982: 1148). 31 The colloquial pronunciations would have been /paɽaɦu/ and /paɽawu/ respectively.

7

Tamil WMP comments Tamil WMP comments kuḻai (埁லை) ‘to become soft, Old Javanese gulay-gulayan For the voicingTamil of word-initial /k/, WMP comments Tamil mashy, kupulpy,ḻai as(Tamil埁லை well )- cooked’‘to becoWMP me ‘currysoft, -dishes’,Old 27WMPJavanese Malay gulai gulay ‘wetcomments--gulayansee under For thekaḍcomments voicingai (கலட of) wordin this-initial /k/, Tamil WMP ‘curry-dishes’,27 Malay gulaicomments ‘wet- seeku ḻunderai (埁லை kaḍ)ai ‘to(கலட beco) mein thissoft, Old Javanese gulay-gulayan For the voicing of word-initial /k/, kuḻai (埁லை)mashy, ‘to beco kupulpy,ḻaime (as埁லைsoft, well )- cooked’Old‘to becocurrying;Javanese me soft, currying gulayOld -gulayanin Javaneserich highly For - gulaythetable. voicing-gulayan of wordFor-initial the voicing /k/, of word-initial /k/, 27 kuḻai (埁லை) ‘to become soft, Old Javanese 28 gulay-gulayan27 For the voicingmashy, of pulpy, word- initialas well /k/,-cooked’ ‘curry-dishes’, Malay gulai ‘wet- see under kaḍai (கலட) in this mashy, pulpy, as well-cooked’spiced currying;27 sauce’,27‘curry currying Acehnese-dishes’, in richgul Malayɛ highly gulai- ‘wettable.- see under kaḍai (கலட) in this mashy,mashy, pulpy, pulpy, as well as-cooked’ well-cooked’ ‘curry‘curry-dishes’,-dishes’, Malay Malay gulai gulai‘wet28 - ‘wetsee- undersee underkaḍai ka(கலடḍai ()கலட in )this in this currying; currying in rich highly- table. ‘k.o. vegetablespiced currying; sauce’,soup’, Gayo currying Acehnese gule in richgul ɛhighly - 28 currying;currying; currying currying in rich in highlyrich highly- table.- table. table. spiced sauce’, Acehnese gulɛ Tamil WMP‘k.o.28 vegetable soup’, 28Gayo gule comments spiced ‘meatsauce’,-based Acehnese sidespiced28 -dish sauce’,gulwithɛ rice’, Acehnese gulɛ kuḻai (埁லை) ‘to become soft,spiced Oldsauce’,‘meat Javanese-based Acehnese side -gulaydish gul -withgulayanɛ rice’, For the voicing of word-initial /k/, ‘k.o. vegetable soup’, Gayo gule ‘k.o. vegetableKaro Batak soup’, gule‘k.o. Gayo ‘meat, 27vegetable gule pr epared soup’, Gayo gule ‘meat-based side-dish with rice’, Tamilmashy, pulpy, as well-cooked’ ‘k.o.WMP vegetable‘curry Karo-dishes’, Batak soup’, gule MalayGayo ‘meat, gulaigule pr ‘weteparedcomments- see under kaḍai (கலட) in this ‘meat-‘meatbasedmeat- basedasside a- dish sideside‘meat -withdish-dish’,-based rice’,with Angkola siderice’,-dish - with rice’, Karo Batak gule ‘meat, prepared Old currying;meatJavanese as currying a sidegulay -indish’, -gulayanrich highlyAngkola For- - table.the voicing of word-initial /k/, kuḻai (埁லை) ‘to become Karosoft, BatakMandailing gule ‘meat,BatakKaro prgule Batak28epared ‘side gule dish ‘meat, prepared Karo Batakspiced gulesauce’,27 ‘meat, Acehneseprepared gulɛ meat as a side-dish’, Angkola- mashy, pulpy, as well-cooked’ with‘curry -Mandailingdishes’,rice’, meatTagalog Malay Batakas gulaia gulesidegulay ‘wet -‘sidedish’, - dish seeAngkola under- kaḍai (கலட) in this meat meatas a ‘k.o.asside a - vegetabledish’,side- dish’,Angkola soup’, Angkola- Gayo- gule Mandailing Batak gule ‘side dish Mandailing‘vegetable’currying; Batakwith , currying guleMaranaoMandailingrice’, ‘side in golay dishrichTagalog Batak id.highly gule- gulay table.‘side dish Mandailing‘meat -Batakbased 28 guleside -dish‘side withdish rice’, with rice’, Tagalog gulay 埁ேலள Malayspiced ‘vegetable’sauce’,kualiwith , ‘wide MaranaoAcehneserice’,-mouthed golay gulTagalog ɛ id. Cf. Arokiaswamygulay (2000: 80). The kuvaḷai ( ) ‘wide-mouthedwith withrice’, Karo rice’,Tagalog Batak Tagalog gule gulay ‘meat, gulay prepared ‘vegetable’, Maranao golay id. kuvaḷai (埁ேலள) ‘wide-mouthedcooking‘k.o. vegetableMalay-pot’, Old‘vegetable’ soup’, kualiJavanese Gayo, ‘wideMaranao kawali gule-mouthed golayrendering id.Cf. of Arokiaswamy /ai/ as /i/ at the (2000: word 80- ). The vessel, cup’ ‘vegetable’‘vegetable’, meatMaranao, Maranaoas golaya side golayid.-dish’, id. Angkola- kuvaḷai (埁ேலள) ‘wide-mouthed Malay kuali ‘wide-mouthed Cf. Arokiaswamy (2000: 80). The kuvaḷai (埁ேலளvessel,) ‘wide kuvacup’-mouthed ḷai (埁ேலள Malay) ‘wide ‘cooking‘meat-mouthedkuali-cookingbased -pot’, ‘wide sideMalay-pot’,Javanese--moutheddish Old kualiwith Javanesekuwali Cf.rice’, ‘wideArokiaswamy kawali fin-almouthed positionrendering ( 2000: impliesCf. of Arokiaswamy80 /ai/ ).a Theassecondary /i/ at the (2000: word 80- ). The kuvaḷai (埁ேலள) ‘wide-mouthed Malay Mandailing‘cookingkuali - pot’,Batak‘wide -Javanesegulemouthed ‘side kuwalidishCf. Arokiaswamy finvessel,al position cup’ (2000: implies 80). Thea secondary cooking-pot’, Old Javanese kawali rendering of /ai/ as /i/ at the word- vessel, cup’ vessel, cup’ cooking‘earthen-Karopot’, OldBatak or Javanese metalgulecooking ‘meat, cookingkawali-pot’, pr Oldeparedpot’,rendering Javanese distribution of kawali /ai/ as via/i/rendering at an the early word of Malay- /ai/ asic /i/ at the word- vessel, cup’ cookingwith-pot’, Oldrice’, Javanese Tagalog kawali gulayrendering of /ai/73 as /i/ at the word-29 ‘cooking-pot’, Javanese kuwali final position implies a secondary Detecting ‘cookingpre-modernTagalogmeat-pot’, lexical ‘earthenas Javanese kawalía influenceside‘cooking or - dish’, ‘fryingkuwalimetal from-pot’, Angkola cooking Southpan,finJavaneseal India -position languagepot’, kuwali impliesdistribution (cf. Wolfffin a alsecondary 2010/1:positionvia an 480).early implies Malay a secondaryic ‘cookingMandailing‘vegetable’Tagalog-pot’, BatakJavanese , Maranaokawalí gule ‘side kuwaligolay‘frying dish id. finpan,al position language implies (cf. Wolffa secondary 2010/1: 480).29 ‘earthen or metal cooking pot’, distribution via an early Malayic ‘earthen‘earthenskillet’ or metal, orTausug metalcooking‘earthen kawali cooking pot’,ʔor ‘a metal pot’,largedistribution cookingdistribution via pot’, an via early distributionan earlyMalay Malayic via anic early MalayTagalogic kawalí ‘frying pan, language (cf. Wolff 2010/1: 480).29 kuvaḷai (埁ேலள) ‘wide-mouthed Malayskillet’ , kualiTausug ‘widekawali-mouthedʔ ‘a large Cf. Arokiaswamy (2000:29 80). The 29 Tamil TagalogWMPironwith kawalípot’ rice’, ‘frying TagalogTagalog pan,kawalí gulaylanguagecomments ‘frying (cf. Wolffpan, 2010/1:language 480). (cf. Wolff29 2010/1: 480). vessel, cup’ Tagalogcooking kawalí-pot’, Old‘frying Javanese pan, kawali language rendering (cf. Wolff of /ai/2010/1: as /i/ 480). at the word- skillet’, Tausug kawaliʔ ‘a large 믁잿 Malay‘vegetable’ muriiron pot’ , ‘plainMaranaoskillet’ white, golayTausug linen id. kawalior ʔ ‘a large muṟi ( )kuvaḷai ‘piece of cloth,Malay kualiroughskillet’ “wide-mouthed skillet’, Tausug‘cooking, Tausug cooking- kawali-pot’, kawaliʔ ‘aCf. Javaneselarge ʔArokiaswamy ‘a large kuwali (2000: 80).fin Theal position implies a secondary iron pot’ kuvaḷaimu (埁ேலளṟi வைள(믁잿) )) ‘piece‘widepot,” - ofmouthedOld cloth, Javanese roughcotton kawaliMalay fabric’,“cooking- Malaykuali Acehneseironmuri pot’ rendering‘wide‘plain muri- mouthedwhite of ‘fine /ai/ aslinen /i/ atCf. theor Arokiaswamyword- (2000: 80). The cloth’ iron pot’iron pot’‘earthen or metal cooking pot’, distributionmuṟi (믁잿 via) ‘piecean early of cloth,Malay roughic Malay muri ‘plain white linen or vessel,cloth’ “wide-mouthedcup’ muṟi (믁잿pot,”) Javanese‘piece of kuwali cloth,fabriccooking “earthen roughcottonimported-pot’, or metal fabric’, MalayOld Javanesefromfinal Acehnesemuri position India’,‘plain kawali impliesmuri white ‘fine renderinga secondary linen or of /ai/ as /i/ at the word- muṟi mu(믁잿ṟi )( 믁잿‘piecevessel,) ‘piece of cup”cloth, of cloth,roughcooking rough pot,”Malay TagalogMalay muri kawalíTagalog muri‘plain “frying ‘plainwhite kawalí whitelinendistribution linenor‘frying via or an earlypan, Malayic language cloth’ ( cf. Wolff 2010/1: 480).29 cotton fabric’, Acehnese muri ‘fine fabric imported from India’, 30 cloth’ cloth’ pan, skillet,”cotton Tausug fabric’,Middle‘cooking kawaliʔ Acehnese Javanes“a- pot’,largecotton e muriJavanese morilanguage fabric’, ‘fine ‘undyed (cf. kuwaliAcehnese Wolff 2010/1:fin murial 480). position ‘fine implies a secondary cloth’ iron pot” cotton skillet’fabric’,, AcehneseTausug kawali muri ‘fineʔ ‘a large fabric imported from India’, fabric cotton‘earthenimported Middlecloth’, or frommetalfabric 30Javanes Javanese India’,cookingimportede mori moripot’, ‘undyed from distribution India’, via an early Malayic fabric ironimportedcotton pot’ cloth’, from30 JavaneseIndia’, mori 29 Middle Javanese mori ‘undyed muṟi Malay muriMiddle “plain‘white whiteTagalogJavanes linen cotton eor kawalícottonmori Middlefabric, ‘undyed ‘fryingunbleachedJavanes epan, mori language ‘undyed (cf. Wolff 2010/1: 480). 30 (முறி) fabric,” AcehneseMiddle muri “fine Javanes fabric e mori ‘undyed cotton cloth’, Javanese mori muṟi (믁잿) ‘piece of cloth, roughskillet’ Malay‘white, 30Tausug muri cotton ‘plainkawali fabric, whiteʔ ‘a 30 largeunbleachedlinen or “piece of cloth, imported cottonfrom India,” plaincloth’, Middle cloth, Javanese JavaneseCham30cotton mraicloth’,mori ‘cotton Javanese mori cloth’ cotton cottoncloth’,31 fabric’, Javanese Acehnese mori muri ‘fine ‘white cotton fabric, unbleached rough cloth” mori “undyed cottoniron cloth,” pot’plain Javanese cloth,‘white Chamโมรีcotton mraifabric, ‘cotton unbleached ‘white‘white yarn’cotton fabric(cf.cotton fabric, Thai importedfabric, mōrīunbleached (unbleached from) ‘a kind India’, plain cloth, Cham mrai ‘cotton muṟi (믁잿) ‘piece of moricloth, “white rough cotton fabric,Malay unbleached yarn’muri (cf.‘plainplain Thai cloth,white mōrī linen Cham(โมรี )or ‘a mrai kind ‘cotton plain cloth,”plain Cham plaincloth,of mrai foreign Middlecloth,“cottonCham cloth, yarn” Cham mraiJavanes a kind mrai‘cottone of mori silk’‘cotton ) ‘undyed yarn’ (cf. Thai mōrī (โมรี) ‘a kind cloth’ (cf. Thai mōrī (โมรี)cotton “a kind offabric’, of foreignforeignyarn’ Acehnese cloth, (cf. aThai murikind mōrī of‘fine silk’ (โมรี) ) ‘a kind muḍukku (믁翁埍埁) ‘to plough’yarn’ yarn’(cf.Javanese Thai (cf.cotton mōrī Thaimuluku cloth’, (mōrīโมรี) (‘a30โมรี‘to kind Javanese) plough’,‘a kind moriAs indicated in the previous of foreign cloth, a kind of silk’) muḍukku (믁翁埍埁cloth,) a‘to kind plough’ of silk”fabric) Javaneseimportedof foreignmuluku from cloth, ‘toIndia’, a kindplough’, of silk’ As) indicated in the previous of foreignofSundanese foreign cloth,‘white cloth,a mulukind cotton a ofku kind silk’id.fabric, of ) silk’ unbleached) section, Imu considerḍukku (믁翁埍埁Old Javanese) ‘to plough’ Javanese muluku ‘to plough’, As indicated in the previous muḍukkumuḍ ukkuJavanese (믁翁埍埁 muluku) ‘to “to Middleplough’ plough,”Sundanese JavanesJavanesee mulu Asmori indicated kumuluku id.‘undyed in the previous‘towaluku plough’, section, section,~ wiluku As I consider indicated~ wuluku Old in ‘a Javanese the previous muḍukkumuḍ ukku(믁翁埍埁 ((믁翁埍埁முடுக்க) ‘to plough’) ‘to plough’Sundanese Javanese mulukuJavanese id. mulukuplain muluku cloth, ‘to30 Champlough’,‘toI consider plough’,mrai OldAs Javanese‘cotton indicatedAs waluku indicated ~in thein previousthe previous Sundanese muluku id. section, I consider Old Javanese cotton cloth’,Sundanese Javanese mulu moriku id. plough’,waluku Javanesesection, ~ wiluku I consider wluku~ wuluku, Old ‘aJavanese “to plough” SundaneseSundanese muluyarn’ kumulu (cf. id. Thaiku id. wilukumōrī ~(โมรี wulukusection,) ‘a “akindsection, plough,” I consider JavaneseI consider Old JavaneseOld Javanese waluku ~ wiluku ~ wuluku ‘a ‘white cotton fabric,wluku unbleached, Sundanese wuluku Sundanese, andplough’, wulukuwaluku , andJavanese ~ Angkolawiluku - ~wluku wuluku, ‘a of foreign cloth, a kind ofwaluku silk’)waluku ~ wiluku ~ wiluku ~ wuluku ~ wuluku ‘a ‘a plough’, Javanese wluku, plain cloth, ChamAngkola-Mandailing mrai ‘cotton MandailingBatak lukuSundanese id. toBatak plough’, wulukuluku id., Javaneseandto beAngkola -wluku, muḍukku (믁翁埍埁) ‘to plough’ Javanese mulukube back-formations. ‘to plough’,plough’,plough’, AsJavanese indicatedJavanese wluku in thewluku, previous, Sundanese wuluku, and Angkola- yarn’ (cf. Thai mōrī (โมรี) ‘a kind back-formations.MandailingSundanese Batak wulukuluku id., and to beAngkola - paḍaku Old Javanese parahu “boat,”Sundanese Javanese muluCf.ku Van id. der TuukSundanese (1897-1912/4:Sundanese wulukusection, 159).wuluku, andI consider ,Angkola and Angkola Old- Javanese- Mandailing Batak luku id. to be பட埁 Oldof foreignJavanese cloth, aparahu kind of silk’‘boat’,) Cf. Vanback der- formations.TuukMandailing (1897 -1912/4:Batak luku id. to be paḍaku (( ) ‘smallprau “ship,boat; boat,” Malay pərahu The directionalityMandailing ofMandailing the transmission walukuBatak Batak luku ~ wiluku lukuid. to id.be~ towuluku be ‘a back-formations. dhoney,muḍukkupa “smalllargeḍ aku(믁翁埍埁 boat; boat’(பட埁 ) ‘to “undecked~) plough’ pa‘smallḍav native u ship,”boat;JavaneseJavanese TobaOld Batakprau mulukuJavanese ‘ship, is boat’, uncertain;‘to parahu plough’,Malay backsee Mahdi -‘boat’, formations.159).As (1994/2: indicatedTheCf. 462), Vandirectionality back derin- formations. Tuukthe previousof(1897 the - 1912/4: dhoney, large parau “boat, ship” Hoogervorst (2013: back83-84)-formations. andplough’, Blustpaḍ aku& Javanese(பட埁) ‘smallwluku boat;, Old Javanese parahu ‘boat’, Cf. Van der Tuuk (1897-1912/4: 31 SundaneseJavanese mulu prauku id. ‘ship, boat’, Malaysection, 159). I consider The directionality Old Javanese of the paḍaku( படퟁ(பட埁) dhoney,‘boat”small) ~‘ paḍavusmallboat’pa ḍlargeaku boat;boat’(பட埁 Old~) pa‘smallJavanesepḍəavrahuu boat; ‘undeckedparahu Old TrussellJavanesenative‘boat’, (2014 ship’, Cf. s.v.)parahu Van fortransmission ader more‘boat’, Tuuk detailed (1897 Cf.is Vanuncertain;-1912/4: der Tuuk see (1897-1912/4: paḍaku (பட埁) ‘small 31boat; Old Javanese parahu ‘boat’, Cf. VanSundanese derdhoney, Tuuk wuluku large(1897 , -1912/4:andboat’ Angkola ~ paḍ-avu Javanese prau ‘ship, boat’, Malay 159). The directionality of the ( ) “small pərahu ‘undeckeddiscussion nativeand more ship’, reflexeswaluku thantransmission ~ can wiluku ~is wulukuuncertain; ‘a see (படퟁ)dhoney, ‘small boat’ large Javaneseboat’ Toba~ praupa Batakḍ av‘ship,u parau Javaneseboat’, ‘boat, Malay prau ship’ ‘ship, 159). boat’,MahdiThe Malaydirectionality (1994/2: 159). 462), of TheHoogervorst the directionality 31 of the dhoney,dhoney, large largeboat’boat” boat’32~ pa ~ḍ avpau ḍavu Javanese prau ‘ship, beboat’, included Malay here. 159). MandailingThe( படퟁdirectionality) ‘Bataksmall boat’ lukuof theid. to be pərahu ‘undecked native ship’, transmission is uncertain; see 31 31 Toba Batakpərahu parau ‘undecked ‘boat, ship’ native(2013: plough’, ship’, 83Mahdi -84) andtransmission(1994/2:Javanese Blust 462),& Trussell wluku isHoogervorst uncertain; , see (படퟁ()படퟁ ‘small) ‘ smallboat’ boat’ (படퟁ31 ) ‘small boat’pərahup ə rahu‘undecked ‘undecked native native ship’, ship’,transmission transmissionback is -formations. uncertain;is uncertain; see see Toba Batak parau ‘boat, ship’ Mahdi (1994/2: 462), Hoogervorst paricai Old JavaneseToba parisya Batak ~ pariseparau ~ paresi‘boat,Toba ship’ Cf.Batak Van parauder TuukMahdi ‘boat, (1897-1912/4: (2014(1994/2:Sundanese ship’ s.v.) (2013: 97),462), wulukufor 83MahdiHoogervorst -a8 4)more, and(1994/2: BlustAngkoladetailed 462), & Trussell - Hoogervorst paḍaku(பரிைச (பட埁) ) “round‘small shield,” boat; MalayToba p BatakəOldrisai id., parauJavanese ‘boat,Van parahu Ronkelship’ (1902: ‘boat’, 110),Mahdi JonesCf. (1994/2: (2014(2007: Van ders.v.)462), Tuuk forHoogervorst a(1897 more-1912/4: detailed (2013: 83-84) and Blust & Trussell “shield, buckler” Minangkabau parisai ‘shield’, Acehnese 240). As the (2013:first author discussion83Mandailing -8makes4) and clear, andBlust Batak(2013: more & Trussell luku reflexes83-8 4)id. and thanto Blustbe & Trussell dhoney, large boat’ ~ paḍavu Javanese prau ‘ship, boat’, Malay(2013: 159). 83-8 4)The and Blustdirectionality & Trussell of the (2014 s.v.) for a more detailed pɯrisɛ ~ prisɛ id., Karo Batak pərise modern Javanese pariscanback “shield” be- formations.includeddiscussion goes (2014 here. and s.v.) more for reflexes a more than detailed “k.o.31 shield,” Angkola-Mandailingpərahu ‘undeckedback to nativean earlier(2014 ship’,*parise(2014 s.v.) , subsequently transmissions.v.)for a formore a moredetailedis uncertain;detailed see discussion and more reflexes than paḍaku(படퟁ )( பட埁‘small) boat’‘small boat; Old Javanese parahu ‘boat’, Cf. Vancan der be includeddiscussionTuuk (1897 here. and-1912/4: more reflexes than Batak parince “shield,” BalineseToba Batak paresi paraureanalysed ‘boat, as ship’discussion the would-be discussion and stemMahdi more parisand (1994/2: morereflexes reflexes 462), than Hoogervorst than can be included here. dhoney, large boat’ ~ presi ~ pa, Javanese ḍ av u parisJavanese id., Tagalog prau ‘ship,+ the boat’, possessive Malaycan suffix be included159). –e “his shield,The here. directionality can be included of here. the 31†palisay “k.o. shield used in dances” the shield” can be(2013: included 83 -here.84) and Blust & Trussell 27 (படퟁ ) ‘ small boat’ p ə rahu ‘undecked native ship’, transmission is uncertain; see Through reduplication and the addition of suffix –an. The form is attested in the(2014 Rāmāyaṇa s.v.) (Zoetmulderfor a more 1982: detailed 27 Through reduplication and the Tobaaddition Batak of suffixparau –‘boat,an. The ship’ form is attestedMahdi in (1994/2: the Rāmāyaṇa 462), Hoogervorst (Zoetmulder 1982: 551). discussion27 Through and reduplication more reflexes and than the addition of suffix –an. The form is attested in the Rāmāyaṇa (Zoetmulder 1982: 27 28 551). 27 (2013: 83-84) and Blust & Trussell Through27 There reduplication is some semanticThrough and the overlapaddireduplicationtion with of suffix Malay and –thean kari addi. The ‘currytion form of (prepared issuffix attested –an in in. the The the Indian formRāmāyaṇa isway)’can attested be (Zoetmulderand included inJavanese the Rāmāyaṇahere. 1982: kare ‘a dish(Zoetmulder 1982: Through28 Therereduplication is some andsemantic the addi overlaption of with suffix Malay –an .kari The ‘curry form is(prepared attested in (2014the RāmāyaṇaIndian 551).s.v.) way)’ for (Zoetmulder anda more Javanese detailed 1982: kare ‘a dish 551). 551).of meat cooked551). inTable a spicy 2 – Early sauce Tamil, curry’, loanwords both in presumablyWMP languages reflec (attestedting in Tamil pre-modern kari texts) (க잿)28 ‘ chewing,There is some eating semantic by biting; overlap with Malay kari ‘curry (prepared in the Indian way)’ and Javanese kare ‘a dish 28 of meat28 cooked There isin some a spicy semantic sauce, overlapcurry’, both with presumablyMalay kari ‘curryreflecting (prepared Tamildiscussion inkari the ( க잿Indianand) ‘morechewing, way)’ reflexes and eating Javanese than by biting; kare ‘a dish There28vegetables There is some is somesemantic (raw semantic or boiled); overlap overlap meat with Malay (raw with or Malay kari boiled) ‘curry kari; pepper’, ‘curry (prepared (prepared either in thedirectly inIndian the or Indian way)’ through way)’ and English ofJavanese and meat Javanese ‘curry’. cooked kare While ‘akare in dish a ‘aspicy largely dish sauce , curry’, both presumably reflecting Tamil kari (க잿) ‘chewing, eating by biting; vegetablesof meat (raw cooked or boiled); in a meatspicy (raw sauce or, boiled)curry’, ;both pepper’, presumably either directly refleccanting or bethrough Tamil included kariEnglish here. (க잿 ‘curry’. ) ‘chewing, While eating largely by biting; of meatofsimilar, cookedmeat27 cookedThrough gulai in a spicyand in reduplication akari spicysauce consist ,sauce curry’, ofand, curry’,slightly both the addi presumablyboth differenttion presumably of suffixspice reflec mixtures;– tingreflecan. TheTamilting theform Tamil kari latter is ( attestedக잿kari often) ‘(chewing,க잿 co inntains) thevegetables‘chewing, Rāmāyaṇa dauneating eatingkari (rawby (Zoetmulderbiting; ‘curry or by boiled); biting; leaves meat1982: (raw or boiled); pepper’, either directly or through English ‘curry’. While largely vegetables(Murraya (rawsimilar, or koenigii boiled);vegetables gulai (L.) meat and Spreng.)’. (rawkari consist oror boiled)boiled); of slightly; pepper’,meat (raw different either or boiled) directly spice; mixtures;pepper’, or through either the English latter directly often ‘curry’. or co throughntains While daun English largely kari ‘curry’. ‘curry Whileleaves largely vegetables29 551). (raw or boiled); meat (raw or boiled); pepper’, either directly or through Englishsimilar, ‘curry’. gulai Whileand kari largely consist of slightly different spice mixtures; the latter often contains daun kari ‘curry leaves While 28 ( Murraya the proto similar, koenigii - Austronesian gulai (L.) and Spreng.)’. kari word consist-final ofdiphthong slightly different/ay/ had spicealready mixtures; become the /i/ latter in proto often- Malayiccontains (Adelaardaun kari ‘curry leaves similar,similar, gulai27 gulaiandThere29 kari and is consistsome kari consistsemantic of slightly of overlapslightly different withdifferent spice Malay mixtures;spice kari mixtures; ‘curry the latter (prepared the oftenlatter incooften thentains Indiancontains daun(Murraya way)’ daunkari and‘curry kari koenigii Javanese ‘curry leaves (L.) leaves kare Spreng.)’. ‘a dish 1992) Through, I would While reduplication( Murrayaargue the proto that koenigii -andtheAustronesian therule (L.)addi was Spreng.)’.tion stillword of partly suffix-final in –diphthongan force. The during form /ay/ is anhad attested earlier already indevelo the become Rāmāyaṇa29pmental /i/ instage (Zoetmulder proto of- MalayicMalay, 1982: as (Adelaar (Murraya(Murraya koenigiiof meat koenigii (L.) cooked Spreng.)’. (L.) in Spreng.)’. a spicy sauce , curry’, both presumably reflecting Tamil kari (க잿 While) ‘chewing, the proto eating-Austronesian by biting; word-final diphthong /ay/ had already become /i/ in proto-Malayic (Adelaar 29 551). 1992), 29I would argue that the rule was still partly in force during an earlier developmental stage of Malay, as While29evidenced the proto by-Austronesian loanwords While the such word proto as- finalkalui-Austronesian diphthong ‘a freshwater word/ay/ perch-hadfinal already (diphthongOsphronemus become /ay/ goramy/i/had in already proto)’ from- Malayicbecome Tamil (Adelaarkalavai/i/ in proto ‘Indian -Malayic (Adelaar While28 vegetables 30.the While proto (raw the-Austronesian proto-Austronesianor boiled); meatword -(raw finalword-final or diphthong boiled) diphthong; pepper’, /ay/ /ay/had either hadalready already directly become become or through /i/ /i/ 1992)in in proto Englishproto-, I -wouldMalayic ‘curry’. argue (Adelaar While that largelythe rule was still partly in force during an earlier developmental stage of Malay, as rock There-codevidenced (isMycteroperca some1992) semanticby, loanwordsI would acutirostris overlap argue such with )’,that as malai Malay kaluithe rule~ ‘akari mali freshwaterwas ‘curry ‘pendent still (prepared partly perch flower in (Osphronemus inforce ornament the Indianduring for way)’angoramy the earlier human and)’ Javanesefromdevelo head’ Tamilpmental from kare kalavai mālai‘a stage dish ‘Indian of Malay, as 1992)1992), I would,similar, I Malayicwould argue gulai argue that(Adelaar and the that kari rule1992), the consistwas rule I would still was of partlyslightly arguestill partly thatin different force the in rule forceduring spicewas during still anmixtures; partlyearlier an earlierin thedevelo force latter develoduringpmental often pmentalanevidenced co stageearlierntains stage of daun byMalay, loanwordsof kari Malay, as ‘curry assuch leaves as kalui ‘a freshwater perch (Osphronemus goramy)’ from Tamil kalavai ‘Indian (மாலைof meatrockdevelopmental) ‘garlandcooked-codevidenced (in,Mycteroperca wreath a stagespicy byof ofsauce flowers’,loanwords Malay, acutirostris, curry’, as m evidenced suchə tbothərai)’, as ~presumablymalai kaluimbyə tloanwordsə ri~‘a ‘seal’mali freshwater reflec ‘pendent fromsuchting asmuttirai perch kaluiTamil flower (“aOsphronemus (kari 믁鏍鎿லர freshwaterornament (க잿)) ‘ ‘seal,chewing,perchfor goramy the signet’ human )’eating from and head’ by sTamilə runaibiting; from kalavai mālai ‘Indian evidencedevidenced by(Murraya loanwords by loanwords koenigii such as such(L.) kalui Spreng.)’.as kalui‘a freshwater ‘a freshwater perch perch(Osphronemus (Osphronemus goramy goramy)’ from)’ Tamilfromrock -Tamil codkalavai (Mycteroperca kalavai ‘Indian ‘Indian acutirostris )’, malai ~ mali ‘pendent flower ornament for the human head’ from mālai vegetables(மாலைOsphronemus (rawrock) ‘garlandor- codboiled); goramy (Mycteroperca, wreath meat)” from of(raw flowers’, Tamil or acutirostris boiled) kalavai mə;t əpepper’, rai)’,(கலைவ ~malai m əeithertə )~ ri “Indian mali‘seal’ directly ‘pendent from rock-cod or muttirai through flower (Mycteroperca (English 믁鏍鎿லரornament ‘curry’. ) for‘seal, the While signet’ human largely and head’ sə runai from mālai pendent) ‘aflower for clarion’. the flower ornamenthuman ornamenthead” for from the formālai human the( (மாலை human head’)) ‘garlandhead’from mālaifrom, wreath mālai of flowers’, mətərai ~ mətəri ‘seal’ from muttirai (믁鏍鎿லர) ‘seal, signet’ and sərunai‘ سرنی)rock-codrock~ s(ə-Mycteropercarunicod29 acutirostris( ‘aMycteroperca sort of ),” acutirostrisclarinet’ malai acutirostris ~ frommali)’, “pendentmalaiPersian)’, malai ~ flowersurnaimali ~ ‘pendentmali ornament ay/) ‘a clarion’. hadthe latteralready often become contains /i/ daunin proto kari-Malayic ‘curry leaves (Adelaar/ سرنی;30similar, While~ gulaisəruni theand ‘a protokarisort ofconsist-Austronesian clarinet’ of slightly from word Persian different-final surnai diphthong spice ( mixtures (மாலைமாலை) Attested‘garland“garland, ,in wreath the(மாலை wreath Wangbang of flowers’,) of ‘garland flowers,” Wideha m, əwreatht mətəraiərai (Zoetmulder ~ of m~ flowers’,əmətəritəri ‘seal’ 1982:“seal” m fromə tfrom1148).ərai muttirai ~muttirai mətəri (( 믁鏍鎿லர‘seal’믁鏍鎿லர from)) ‘seal,“seal, muttirai signet”signet’ (믁鏍鎿லர and sərunai) ‘seal, signet’ and sərunai .’a clarion‘ (سرنی) garland, I would, wreath argue of flowers’,that the rule mə təwasrai ~still m əpartlytəri ‘seal’ in force from duringmuttirai an ( earlier develo~) ‘seal,sərunipmental signet’ ‘a sort stageand of clarinet’ s əofrunai Malay, from as Persian surnai‘30 ((1992 31 ) .ɽawu) “a‘a / clarion.”clarion’.respectively 30.(1148سرنی MurrayaThe colloquialand Attested koenigiisərunai~ spronunciatioə inruni~ (L.) sərunithe ‘a Spreng.)’.Wangbang sort “a sortns of would clarinet’of clarinet”Wideha have from from(Zoetmulderbeen Persian Persian /paɽa ɦsurnai usurnai /1982: and (/pa ) .(a clarion’.) ‘a clarion’. perch ( Osphronemus goramy Attested)’ from inTamil the Wangbangkalavai ‘Indian Wideha (Zoetmulder 1982: 1148‘سرنی )a )freshwater‘ سرنی) səruni~ s29 ə‘aruni sortevidenced 31‘a of sort clarinet’ of by clarinet’ loanwords from Persianfrom such Persian surnai as kalui surnai ~ 30 While31. The theAttested colloquialproto30 Attested in-Austronesian the Wangbangpronunciatio in the Wangbang Widehawordns -wouldfinal (Zoetmulder Wideha diphthong have (Zoetmulder been 1982: /ay//pa 1148).ɽ ahadɦu 1982:/ andalready /pa1148). ɽawubecome / respectively /i/ in proto. -Malayic (Adelaar Attested30 Attested inrock the - incodWangbang the ( MycteropercaWangbang Wideha Wideha (Zoetmulderacutirostris (Zoetmulder)’, 1982: malai 1982:1148). ~ mali 1148). ‘pendent flower ornament31 for The the colloquial human head’ pronunciatio from mālains would have been /paɽaɦu/ and /paɽawu/ respectively. 31 1992), 32.I would The 31colloquial Theargue colloquial that pronunciations the pronunciatiorule was would still nshave partly would been in /paɽaɦu/have force been during and /pa /paɽawu/ ɽanaɦ uearlier/ and respectively /pa develoɽawu. pmental/ respectively stage. of Malay, as The31 colloquial The (colloquialமாலை pronunciatio) ‘garland pronunciatio,ns wreath wouldns ofwould have flowers’, beenhave /pambeenəɽtaəɦrai /pau/ ~andɽa mɦuə /pa/t əandriɽ awu‘seal’ /pa/ ɽrespectivelyawu from/ respectively muttirai. (믁鏍鎿லர. ) ‘seal, signet’ and sə7runai evidenced by loanwords such as kalui ‘a freshwater perch (Osphronemus goramy)’ from Tamil kalavai ‘Indian 7 pendent) ‘a clarion’. flower ornament for the human head’ from mālai 7‘سرنی ) rock~-cod səruni (Mycteroperca ‘a sort of clarinet’ acutirostris from )’,Persian malai surnai ~ mali 30 7 7 (மாலை Attested) ‘garland in ,the wreath Wangbang of flowers’, Wideha mə (Zoetmuldertərai ~ mətəri 1982: ‘seal’ 1148). from muttirai (믁鏍鎿லர ) ‘seal, signet’ and sərunai7 31 .pa ‘a ɽclarion’.aɦu/ and /paArchipelɽawu/ respectively 89, Paris, 2015/( سرنیsəruni The ‘a colloquial sort of clarinet’ pronunciatio from Persianns would surnai have (been ~ 30 Attested in the Wangbang Wideha (Zoetmulder 1982: 1148). 31 The colloquial pronunciations would have been /paɽaɦu/ and /paɽawu/ respectively. 7

7

Tamil WMP comments Tamil WMP comments paricai (ப쎿லச) ‘shield, buckler’ Old Javanese parisya ~ parise ~ Cf. Van der Tuuk (1897-1912/4: paricai (ப쎿லச) ‘shield, buckler’ Old Javanese parisya ~ parise ~ Cf. Van der Tuuk (1897-1912/4: paresi ‘round shield’, Malay 97), Van Ronkel (1902: 110), paresiTamil ‘round shield’, Malay 97WMP), Van Ronkel (1902: 110), comments Tamil WMP pərisai id., commentsMinangkabau parisai Jones (2007: 240). As the first Tamil pWMPparicaiərisai id.,(ப쎿லச Minang) ‘shield,kabau buckler’ parisai JonescommentsOld Javanese(2007: 240parisya). As ~ theparise first ~ Cf. Van der Tuuk (1897-1912/4: paricai (ப쎿லச) ‘shield, buckler’ Old Javanese parisya ~ ‘shield’,parise ~ Acehnese Cf. Van p ɯderris ɛT ~uuk pris (1897ɛ author-1912 /4:makes clear, modern paricai (ப쎿லச) ‘shield, buckler’ ‘shield’,Old Javanese Acehnese parisya pɯris ~ ɛ parise~ pris ɛ~ authorCf.paresi Van makes‘roundder T uuk clearshield’, (1897, -m1912odernMalay/4: 97), Van Ronkel (1902: 110), paresi ‘round shield’,id., Malay Karo Batak 97) ,p əriseVan ‘k.o.Ronkel shield’, (1902: Javanese 110) , paris ‘shield’ goes back id.,paresi Karo Batak‘round p əriseshield’, ‘k.o. shield’,Malay Javanese97pərisai), Van id.,paris RonkelMinang ‘shield’ kabau(1902: goes parisai back110) , Jones (2007: 240). As the first pərisai id., MinangkabauAngkola parisai-Mandailing Jones (2007: 240Batak). As tothe an firstearlier *parise, subsequently Angkolapərisai -id.,Mandailing Minang kabau parisaiBatak toJones‘shield’, an earlier (2007: Acehnese *parise 240 ),.p subsequentlyɯAsris ɛthe ~ prisfirstɛ author makes clear, modern ‘shield’, Acehnese pɯrisparinceɛ ~ pris ‘shield’,ɛ author Balinese makes paresi clear ~ , remanalysedodern as the would-be stem Tamilparince‘shield’, ‘shield’, Acehnese Balinese pɯris ɛparesi ~ pris ~ɛ WMP reauthorid.,analysed Karo Batakmakes as the p ə riseclearwould ‘k.o., -be mshield’, odernstem comments Javanese paris ‘shield’ goes back id., Karo Batak pərise ‘k.o.presi shield’,, Javanese Javanese paris parisid., Tagalog ‘shield’ goesparis back + the possessive suffix –e paricaipresiid., Karo, (ப쎿லசJavanese Batak) ‘shield, pparisərise id.,buckler’‘k.o. Tagalog shield’, Old parisJavaneseAngkola Javanese + the- Mandailingparis parisyapossessive ‘shield’ ~ parise goessuffixBatak back ~– e Cf. to Van an earlierder T uuk*parise (1897, subsequently-1912/4: Angkola-Mandailing †palisayBatak ‘k.o.to an shieldearlier *usedparise ,in subsequently ‘his shield, the shield’ †Angkolapalisay -Mandailing‘k.o. shield usedBatak in paresi ‘histoparince an shield, earlier‘round ‘shield’, the * pariseshield’shield’, Balinese, subsequently Malay paresi ~97 )re, analysedVan Ronkel as the ( 1902:would -be110 stem), parince ‘shield’, Balinesedances’ paresi ~ reanalysed as the would-be stem dances’parince ‘shield’, Balinese paresi ~p ərisairepresianalysed ,id., Javanese Minang as the pariskabau would id., parisai- beTagalog stem Jones paris (2007: + the 240possessive). As the suffix first –e taṇḍu (த迍翁presi) ‘palanquin’, Javanese paris id.,Middle Tagalog Javanese paris ta+ṇḍ theo ‘ carriedpossessive on Cf.suffix Van –e Ronkel (1903f: 542), taṇḍu (த迍翁) ‘palanquin’ Middlepresi, JavaneseJavanese paristaṇḍo id., ‘carried Tagalog on ‘shield’, Cf.paris†palisay Van Acehnese+ theRonkel‘k.o. possessive p shieldɯ(1903f:risɛ ~suffixused pris542) ɛ –in,e author ‘his shield,makes the shield’clear, modern †palisay ‘k.o. shield aused stretcher in or‘his chair shield, on the poles?’, shield’32 Jones (2007: 312). a† palisaystretcher ‘k.o.or chair shield on poles?’,used 32in id., Jones‘hisdances’ Karo shield, (2007: Batak the 312pə riseshield’). ‘k.o. shield’, Javanese paris ‘shield’ goes back dances’ Angkola-Mandailingdances’ Batak Javaneseto an earlier ta ṇḍ*pariseu ‘stretcher, subsequently-like Javanesetaṇḍu (த迍翁 taṇḍ) ‘palanquin’த迍翁u ‘stretcher -like Middle JavaneseMiddle Javanese taṇḍo ‘ carriedtaṇḍo ‘oncarried Cf. on Van Cf. RonkelVan Ronkel(1903f: (1903f:542), 542), taṇḍu (த迍翁) ‘palanquin’ 74Middle Javanesetaṇḍu ( taṇḍ)o ‘palanquin’ ‘carried onTomparince Cf. Hoogervorst Van‘shield’, Ronkel Balinese (1903f: paresi 542) ~ 32conveyance,re analysed foras transportingthe would-be things stem conveyance for transporting things a stretcher or chair on poles?’, Jones32 (2007: 312). 32 a stretcher or chair on poles?’,or persons’, Jones Balinese (2007: tandu312). ‘a ora stretcherpersons’, or Balinese chair on tandupoles?’, ‘a presi JonesJavanese, Javanese (2007: ta 312parisṇḍu) . id.,‘stretcher Tagalog-like paris + the possessive suffix –e Javanese taṇḍu ‘stretcherstretcher-like (for carrying an injured stretcherJavaneseTamil (forta ṇḍcarryingu ‘stretcher an injured-WMPlike † palisayconveyance ‘k.o. forshield transporting usedcomments thingsin ‘his shield, the shield’ conveyance for transportingperson) things’, Malay tandu ‘a person)conveyancetaṇḍu’, Malayfor transportingMiddle tanduJavanese things taṇḍo‘a dances’ “carriedor persons’, on a Cf.Balinese Van Ronkel tandu (1903f: ‘542),a Jones 33 or persons’, Balinese tanduhammock ‘a -litter’, Angkola- taṇḍhammockoru (persons’,த迍翁-litter’,) ‘palanquin’ Balinese stretcher orAngkolatandu chair on ‘poles?,”-aMiddle stretcher Javanese Javanese (for (2007:tacarryingṇḍo 312). ‘carried an injured on Cf. Van Ronkel (1903f: 542), stretcher“palanquin” (for carryingtaṇḍu “stretcher-like an injured conveyance stretcher (for carrying32 anMandailing injured Batak tandu ‘litter’ Mandailing Batakfor tandu transporting ‘litter things’ aor stretcherpersons,”person) ’, or chairMalay on poles?’,tandu ‘aJones (2007: 312). uṇḍai (உ迍லடperson)) ‘ball;’, dice’Malay tanduOld Javanese‘a uṇḍi ‘ball?’, 33 The innovation *ai > i/_# is uṇḍai (உ迍லட) ‘ball; dice’ Oldperson) Javanese’, Malay Balineseuṇḍ i tandu tandu‘ball?’, “a stretcher33‘a Javanese Thehammock (for carryinginnovation ta-litter’,ṇḍ u ‘stretcher*ai > Angkolai/_#-like is- hammock-litter’,an injured person),”Angkola Malay-conveyance tandu “ahammock for transporting-litter’, things JavaneseAngkola- uṇḍi ‘to decide by lot’, addressed under kuvaḷai (埁ேலள) Javanese uṇḍi ‘tohammock-litter,” decide by lot’, Angkola-Mandailing adMandailingdressedMandailing under Batak kuva tandu Batakḷai ( 埁‘ littertanduேலள’ ‘)litter ’ Mandailing Batak tandu ‘litter’ or persons’, Balinese tandu ‘a 33Malay undi ‘lot, die’ in Table 2. This Tamil etymon has Malay undi ‘lot, die’Batak tandu “litter” Old Javanese uṇḍi ‘ball?’, The33 innovation *ai > i/_# is uṇḍai (உ迍லடuṇḍai (உ迍லட) ‘ball; dice’) ‘ball; dice’33 in Table Old2. T hisJavanese Tamil etymon uṇḍi has‘ball?’, The innovation *ai > i/_# is உ迍லட Old Javanese uṇḍi ‘ball?’, The34 innovation *ai > i/_# is also been connected to a set of ball- uṇḍai ( ) ‘ball; dice’ uṇḍai Old Javanese uṇḍi “ball?,”stretcheralsoJavanese Javanese been (for connected u ṇḍcarryingThei ‘to innovation decideto an a setinjured *aiofby >ball lot’,i/_# - is addressedaddressed under kuvaḷai (埁ேலள) Javanese uṇḍi ‘to decide by lot’, addressed under kuvaḷai (shaped埁ேலள sweetmeats) (cf. Von de Javanese(உண்ைட uṇḍ) i ‘touṇḍi decide “to decide by by lot’, lot,”person) MalayshapedadMalaydressed undi’, undi sweetmeats Malayunder ‘lot,under kuvadie’ kuvaḷai tandu(cf. ḷai ( (Von埁 ேலள‘ ade ) in Tablein Table 2. This Tamil etymon has Malay“ball; undi dice” ‘lot, “lot,die’ die ” hammockin Table-litter’,Malay 2. This 2. undi This Tamil Tamil‘lot,Angkola etymon die’etymon -has also been in Table 2. This Tamil etymonWall 1877has -97/1: 125; Van Ronkel Wall 1877-97/1:connected 125; Van to a set Ronkel of ball-shaped also been connected to a set of ball- also been connected to a set1902: of ball 101;- Jones 2007: 226).34 Mandailing1902:also been 101; Batak connected Jonessweetmeats tandu 2007: to ‘ alitter226). (cf. set Von of’34 ballde Wall- 1877-97/1:shaped sweetmeats (cf. Von de uṇḍai (உ迍லட) ‘ball; dice’ vaciOld shaped( ே殿Javanese) ‘to sweetmeats split, 125;u toṇḍ Vancut’,i Ronkel(cf.‘ball?’, cf. vaciVon 1902:33 de101;MalayThe Jones innovationbaji shaped‘quoin, *ai sweetmeatswedge’, > i/_# Old (cf.is Cf.Von Van de Ronkel (1903f: 538); Old vaci (ே殿) ‘to split, to cut’, cf. vaci Malay baji ‘quoin, wedge’, Old Cf. Van Ronkel2007: (1903f: 226).35 538); Old Wall 1877Wall-97/1: 1877 125;-97/1: Van 125; Ronkel Van Ronkel (ே殿JavaneseWall) ‘cleft; 1877 u ṇḍpoint;-i97/1: ‘to pointed decide125; Van bystake; Ronkellot’, Javanesead dressed amaji under ‘tokuva split,ḷai ( 埁cleaveேலள34 ) Javanese paji ‘wedge’ appears to (ே殿) ‘cleft; point; pointed stake; Javanese amaji ‘to split, cleave Javanese paji ‘wedge’ appears to 1902: 101; Jones 2007: 226). 34 vaci Malay baji “quoin, wedge,”sword’Malay1902: Old undi 101; ‘lot, Jones Cf.die’ Van 2007: Ronkel 226). (1903f:34 538);(within Table Old a wedge)’2.1902: This Tamil 101;(from Jones etymon waji 2007: ?)has, 226). be a backformation based on the sword’ (withvaci ((ே殿a ))wedge)’ ‘to split,Javanese (fromto cut’, amaji wajicf. “to vaci?) split,, cleavebeMalay a (withbackformation baji a ‘quoin,Javanese based pajiwedge’, “wedge” on theOld appears Cf. to beVan a Ronkel (1903f: 538); Old ே殿 Malay“to split, baji vacito cut,” (‘quoin,ே殿 wedge)”) ‘to wedge’,split, (from to waji cut’,Old?), Gayo cf.Cf. vaci baji Van “keg,Malay Ronkel backformation baji (1903f: ‘quoin, 538); based wedge’, Oldon Gayothealso verb Oldbeen bajiamaji connected ,Cf. ‘keg, Van wedge’, Ronkel to a set of(1903f:Toba ball - 538);verb Oldamaji , presumably also vaci ( ) ‘to split, to cut’, cf. vaci Gayo(ே殿 ) baji‘cleft; ‘keg, point; wedge’, pointed Tobastake; verbJavanese amaji amaji, presumably ‘to split, cleavealso Javanese paji ‘wedge’ appears to Javanesecf. vaci( ( ே殿amaji)) ‘cleft; wedge,”‘to point;split, Toba Batakpointedcleave baji “splittingstake;Javanese Javanese paji presumably‘wedge’ amaji alsoappears ‘to yielding split, toBatak Balinese cleave baji paji ‘splitting Javanese wedge’,paji ‘wedge’ Karo appearsyielding to Balinese paji ‘wedge’ and (ே殿) ‘cleft; point; pointed stake; Batak“cleft; baji point; ‘splitting wedge,” wedge’, Karo Batak Karo basi yielding“wedge,(with kega Balinese wedge)’“wedge” paji (from and‘wedge’ Tagalog waji and †?)parí ,shaped “tobe cut a sweetmeatsbackformation (cf. based Von onde the sword’ sword’ (with a wedge)’ (fromBatak waji ?)basi, be‘wedge, a backformation keg (to split based Tagalog on the † parí ‘to cut wood with sword’ Batak(withpointed basia stake;wedge)’ ‘wedge, (to split (fromkeg something),” (to waji split?) Sundanese , TagalogbeGayo a bajibackformationbaji † parí ‘keg,wood ‘to withcutwedge’, based wedges.”wood on withToba the Wall verb 1877 amaji-97/1:, 125;presumably Van Ronkel also sword” “the filling (e.g. while using a thin Gayo baji ‘keg, wedge’,something)’, Toba verb Sundanese amaji ,baji presumably 34‘the wedges’ also. something)’,Gayo baji ‘keg,Sundanese wedge’, baji Toba‘the wedges’verbBatak bajiamaji. ‘splitting, presumably wedge’, Karoalso1902: yielding 101; JonesBalinese 2007: paji 226). ‘wedge’ and wedge),” Angkola-Mandailing BatakBatak baji ‘splitting wedge’,filling Karo (e.g. yieldingwhile Balineseusing a pajithin ‘wedge’ and vacifillingBatak (ே殿 )baji(e.g. ‘to ‘splittingsplit, while bajito cut’, “wedge” usingwedge’, cf. avaci Karothin Malay yieldingBatak baji basi Balinese ‘quoin, ‘wedge, pajiwedge’, keg ‘wedge’ (to Old split and Cf. Tagalog Van Ronkel †parí (1903f: ‘to cut 538); wood Old with Batak basi ‘wedge, keg wedge)’,(to split TagalogAngkola †-paríMandailing ‘to cut wood with (ே殿wedge)’,Batak) ‘cleft; basi point; ‘wedge,Angkola pointed keg-Mandailing stake;(to split Javanese Tagalogsomething)’, amaji †parí S ‘toundanese‘to split,cut wood cleavebaji with‘the Javanese wedges’ paji. ‘wedge’ appears to something)’, Sundanese baji ‘the(with wedges’ a wedge)’something)’,. (from S undanesewaji?), Batakbajibe a‘the bajibackformation ‘wedge’wedges’ . based on the sword’Batak bajiTable ‘wedge’ 2 – Early Tamil loanwords in fillingWMP languages (e.g. while(attested usingin pre-modern a thin texts). filling (e.g. while using a thinGayo bajifilling ‘keg, (e.g.wedge’, while Toba using verba thin amaji , presumably also wedge)’,wedge)’, Angkola Angkola-Mandailing-Mandailing wedge)’, Angkola-MandailingBatak Batak baji baji ‘splitting ‘wedge’ wedge’, Karo yielding Balinese paji ‘wedge’ and Batak baji ‘wedge’ Batak basiBatak ‘wedge, baji keg‘wedge’ (to split Tagalog †parí ‘to cut wood with something)’, Sundanese baji ‘the wedges’. filling (e.g. while using a thin wedge)’, Angkola-Mandailing Batak baji ‘wedge’

32 32 Attested in the Rangga Lawe (Zoetmulder 1982: 1931). Attested in the Rangga Lawe (Zoetmulder 1982: 1931). 33 33 33. Attested in the Rangga Lawe (Zoetmulder So glossed 1982: by 1931). Zoetmulder (1982/2: 2120) on account of its occurrence in the Ādiparwa as a rendering of So glossed by Zoetmulder (1982/2: 2120 ) on account of its occurrence in the Ādiparwa as a rendering of th 3234. Soth glossed by Zoetmulder (1982/2:Sanskrit 2120) vīonṭā account ‘a kind of of its metal occurrence ball’. inIn thethe Ādiparwa 15 c. CE as Tantu a Panggəlaran, however, the form huṇḍi definitely refers Sanskrit vīṭā ‘a kind of metal ball’. In the 15 c.32 CE Tantu Panggəlaran, however, the form huth ṇḍi definitely refers 32 rendering Attested Attestedof in Sanskrit the Rangga in vīṭā the “a RanggaLawe kind of(Zoetmulder Lawemetal ball.”(Zoetmulder In1982: the 15 1931). 1982: c. CE 1931).Tantu Panggəlaran , however, Attested in the Rangga Lawe (Zoetmulder33 1982: 1931). to a ‘lot (in a drawing)’. In this text, the ruler Kaṇḍyawan decides which of his five sons is to replace him as a to a ‘lot (in a drawing)’. In this text, the ruler 33Kaṇḍyawan decides which of his five sons is to replace him as a 33 the So form glossed huṇḍiSo glossedby definitely Zoetmulder by Zoetmulderrefers (1982/2: to a “lot ( 1982/2:2120 (in a) drawing).”on 2120 account) on In account thisof its text, occurrence of the its ruler occurrence Kaṇḍyawanin the Ādin iparwa the Ād iparwaas a rendering as a rendering of of So glossed by Zoetmulder (1982/2: 2120) on account of its occurrenceking: Winə kasantheth Ād taiparwa sira magaweas a rendering huṇḍi halangalang;of sing mandudut ikang winuntəlan, sira gumantyanana ratu king: Wəkasan ta sira magawe huṇḍi Sanskrithalangalang;decides vīwhichṭā ‘a singofkind his mandudutof five metal sons ball’. ikais tong In replace winuntthe 15 himə c.lan, CEas sira aTantuth king: gumantyanana Wəkasan Panggə laranta sira ratu, however, magawe huṇḍithe form huṇḍi definitely refers th Sanskrit vīṭā ‘a kind of metal(Pigeaud ball’. In1924: the 1562), c. which CE Tantu I would Pangg translateəlaran ,as however, ‘Eventually the form he made huṇḍ lotsi definitely of alang refers-alang grass; whoever pulled (SanskritPigeaud vī1924:ṭā ‘a kind62), whichof metal I wouldball’. In translate thetohalangalang; a 15 ‘lot asc. (in CE‘Eventually a Tantusingdrawing)’. mandudut Pangg he Inmadeə laranthisikang lotstext,, winuntəlan,however, of the alang ruler the -siraalang Kaform gumantyananaṇḍ grass;yawanhuṇḍ iwhoever definitelydecides ratu which(Pigeaudpulled refers of 1924:his five 62), sons is to replace him as a which Ito would a ‘lot translate (in a drawing)’. as “Eventually [theIn this lothe text, thatmade thewas] lots ruler rolledof alang-alang Ka up,ṇḍyawan he would grass; decides replacewhoever which him pulled of as his king.’. five sonsVan deris to Tuuk replace (1897 him-1912 as a/1: 52) doubtfully glosses [theto a lot‘lot that (in was]a drawing)’. rolled up, In he this would text, replaceking:the ruler W him ə kasanKa ṇḍas yawan king.’. ta sira decides Van magawe der which Tuuk hu ṇḍ (ofi1897 halangalang; his -five1912 sons/1: 52) singis todoubtfully mandudutreplace him gloss ika asnges a winuntəlan, sira gumantyanana ratu 32 [the lot king:that was] Wə kasanrolled up,ta sirahe would magawethe replace word hu as ṇḍhim ‘quiver’.i halangalang;as king.” Van dersing Tuuk mandudut (1897-1912/1: ikang 52)winunt əlan, sira gumantyanana ratu theking: word Wə askasan ‘quiver’. ta sira magawe huṇḍ Attestedi( Pigeauddoubtfullyhalangalang; in 1924: theglosses Rangga sing62 the), mandudutwhich word Lawe as I (Zoetmulder“quiver.”would ikang translate winunt 1982:ə aslan, 1931).‘Eventually sira gumantyanana he made lotsratu of alang-alang grass; whoever pulled 33 (Pigeaud 1924: 62), which34 I would arguetranslate that as attestations ‘Eventually such he madeas Malay lots ofonde alang-onde-alang ‘ball grass;-shaped whoever cake, dumpling’ pulled and Javanese onḍe ~ 34(Pigeaud I would 1924:argue 62that), whichattestations I would such translateSo[the as35. glossed Malay lotI would thatas ‘Eventuallyondeby arguewas] Zoetmulder-onde thatrolled attestations ‘ballhe up, made - (shapedhe1982/2: would suchlots cake, asof2120 replace Malayalang dumpling’) on onde-onde-him alangaccount as grass;andking.’. “ball-shapedof Javanese itswhoever Van occurrence der oncake, pulledTuukḍe dumpling”~ in ( 1897the Ād-1912 andiparwa /1: 52) as doubtfullya rendering gloss of es [the lot that was] rolled up, he wouldth replace him as king.’. Van der Tuuk (1897-1912/1: 52) doubtfully glosses [the lot that was] rolled up, he wouldSanskrit replaceJavanese vīṭ āhim ‘aonḍe kindas ~king.’. onḍe-onḍeof metal Van ball’. der“a round TuukInon the ḍfried e (15-1897on cakeḍc.e- CE1912‘a made roundTantu/1: from52) friedPangg doubtfullyrice cake əflourlaran made ,filledgloss however, fromes with rice thesweetened flourform hufilledṇḍi withdefinitely sweetened refers ground mung-beans sprinkled with onḍe-onḍe ‘a round fried cake made thefrom word ricethe as flour word‘quiver’. filled as ‘quiver’. with sweetened ground mung-beans sprinkled with the word as ‘quiver’. 34ground mung-beans sprinkled withsesame sesame seeds’ seeds” refl reflectect Tamil Tamil e ḷeḷ-ḷ-uṇḍai-ḷ-uṇḍai ((எ쿍쿁迍லட) ‘pastry balls made of sesame’, whereas Javanese ronḍe ‘hot sesame seeds’ reflect Tamil eḷ-ḷ-uṇḍtoai a( எ쿍쿁迍லட‘lot I would (in34 a arguedrawing)’.) ‘p thatastry attestations Inballs this made text, such ofthe sesame’, ruleras Malay Ka whereasṇḍ ondeyawan -Javaneseonde decides ‘ball ron which-shapedḍe ‘hot of cake, his five dumpling’ sons is to and replace Javanese him onas ḍae ~ 34 I would argue that attestations suchking: “pastryas W Malayəkasan balls I ondewould tamade sira-onde ofargue magawesesame,” ‘ball that- shaped whereashuattestationsṇḍgingeri halangalang;cake, Javanese-flavoured suchdumpling’ ronḍe as Malaysingdrink “hot and mandudut ginger-flavoured containingonde Javanese-onde ika smallon ‘ballngḍ e drinkwinunt -round~shaped containingə glutinouslan, cake, sira dumpling’ gumantyananarice-balls’ and goes Javanese ratuback to onuruḍeṇḍ ~ai (உ쏁迍லட) ‘mouthful ginger-flavoured drink containing smallonsmall roundḍe-on round ḍglutinouse ‘a glutinous round rice friedrice-balls”-balls’ cake goes goesmade back back from to to uru uruṇḍairiceṇḍ flourai ((உ쏁迍லட filled with)) “mouthful‘mouthful sweetened of foodground in the mung -beans sprinkled with onḍe-onḍe ‘a round fried cake made from riceon ḍfloure-on ḍfillede ‘a roundwith sweetened friedof cake food groundmade in the from shapemung rice -ofbeans aflour ball’. sprinkled filled with with sweetened ground mung-beans sprinkled with of food in the shape of a ball’. (Pigeaudsesameshape 1924:of seeds’ a ball.” 62 refl), ectwhich Tamil I would eḷ-ḷ-u ṇḍtranslateai (எ쿍쿁迍லட as ‘Eventually) ‘pastry he madeballs madelots of of alangsesame’,-alang whereas grass; Javanese whoever ron pulledḍe ‘hot sesame seeds’ reflect Tamil eḷ-ḷ-uṇḍ[theai ( lotஎ쿍쿁迍லட thatsesame was] )rolled seeds’‘pastry up, refl balls heect would madeTamil ofreplace e ḷsesame’,-ḷ-uṇḍ himai (whereas எ쿍쿁迍லடas king.’. Javanese Van) ‘p derastry ron Tuukḍ ballse ‘hot (1897 made -1912 of sesame’,/1: 52) doubtfully whereas Javanese glosses ronḍe ‘hot ginger-flavoured drink containing small round glutinous rice-balls’ goes back to uruṇḍai (உ쏁迍லடஉ쏁迍லட) ‘mouthful ginger-flavoured drink containing smallthe word round asginger ‘quiver’.glutinous-flavoured rice-balls’ drink goes containing back to small uruṇḍ roundai (உ쏁迍லட glutinous) rice‘mouthful-balls’ goes back to uruṇḍai ( ) ‘mouthful 8 of food in the shape of a ball’. 8 of food in the shape of a ball’. 34 I would ofargue food that in theattestations shape of sucha ball’. as Malay onde-onde ‘ball-shaped cake, dumpling’ and Javanese onḍe ~

onḍeArchipel-onḍe ‘a 89, round Paris, fried2015 cake made from rice flour filled with sweetened ground mung-beans sprinkled with sesame seeds’ reflect Tamil eḷ-ḷ-uṇḍai (எ쿍쿁迍லட) ‘pastry balls made of sesame’, whereas Javanese ronḍe ‘hot 8 8 8 ginger-flavoured drink containing small round glutinous rice-balls’ goes back to uruṇḍai (உ쏁迍லட) ‘mouthful of food in the shape of a ball’.

8

Tamil WMP Tamil comments WMP comments Tamil WMP comments Tamil WMP comments Tamil WMP vaṇṇāracomments– (ே迍ணார ) ‘(relating to Malay bənara ‘laundryman’, vaOldṇṇ āraCf.– (ே迍ணாரVan der )Tuuk ‘(relating (1897 to-1912 Malay/3: bənara ‘laundryman’, Old Cf. Van der Tuuk (1897-1912/3: vaṇṇāra– (ே迍ணார) ‘(relating to Malay bənara ‘laundryman’, Old Cf. Van der Tuukvaṇṇ āra(1897– (-ே迍ணார191235 /3: ) ‘(relating to Malay bənara ‘laundryman’, Old Cf. Van der Tuuk (1897-1912/3: vaṇṇāra– (ே迍ணார) ‘(relating to Malay bənara ‘laundryman’, a)Old washer Cf.man’ Van der Tuuk (1897-1912Javanese/3: banantən ~ walanta) əwashern 575,man’ 4: 584).35 Old Javanese has Javanesejuru banantən ~ walantən 575, 4: 584). Old Javanese has juru a) washerman’35 Javanese banantən ~ walantən 575, 4: 584). Olda) Javanese washerman’ has 35juru Javanese banantən ~ walantən 575, 4: 584). Old Javanese has juru a) washerman’35 Javanese banantən ~ walantən 575, 4: 584). Old Javanese has ‘clothjuru washed or prepared in a banantən in the meaning‘cloth of washed or prepared in a banantən in the meaning of ‘cloth washed or prepared in a banantən in the meaning of ‘cloth washed or prepared in a banantən in the meaning of ‘cloth washed or prepared in a banantən in the meaningspecial of way’, Javanese wlantən ‘to ‘laundryman’ (juru = ‘trainedspecial way’, Javanese wlantən ‘to ‘laundryman’ (juru = ‘trained special way’, Javanese wlantən ‘to ‘laundryman’ (juru = ‘trained special way’, Javanese36 wlantən ‘to ‘laundryman’ (juru = ‘trained 36 special way’, Javanese wlantən ‘to ‘laundryman’ (juru = ‘trainedwhiten, wash (clothes)’ (cf. Old worker’). whiten, wash (clothes)’ (cf. Old worker’). whiten, wash (clothes)’36 (cf. Old worker’). whiten, wash (clothes)’36 (cf. Old worker’). whiten, wash (clothes)’36 (cf. Old worker’). Khmer vannāra ‘unidentified Khmer vannāra ‘unidentified Khmer vannāra ‘unidentified Khmer vannāra ‘unidentified Khmer vannāra ‘unidentified slave function’) slave function’) slave function’) 37 slave function’) slave function’) viricu (ힿ쎿毁) ‘a kind of rocket’ Old Javanese mərəcu ~ mviricuərcu (Cf.ힿ쎿毁 ) Gomperts‘a kind of rocket’(unpublished).37 Old Javanese mərəcu ~ mərcu Cf. Gomperts (unpublished). viricu (ힿ쎿毁) ‘a kind of rocket’37 Old Javanese mərəcu ~ mərcu Cf. Gompertsviricu (unpublished). (ힿ쎿毁) ‘a kind of rocket’37 Old Javanese mərəcu ~ mərcu Cf. Gomperts (unpublished). viricu (ힿ쎿毁) ‘a kind of rocket’37 Old Javanese mərəcu ~ mərcu Cf. Gomperts (unpublished).‘fire- ball (from the sky)’, Malay Javanese mərcon ‘fireworks,‘fire- ball (from the sky)’, Malay Javanese mərcon ‘fireworks, ‘fire-ball (from the sky)’, Malay Javanese mərcon ‘fireworks, ‘fire-ball (from the sky)’, Malay Javanese mərcon ‘fireworks, ‘fire-ball (from the sky)’, Malay Javanese mərcon ‘fireworks,mərcu ‘pinnacle, highest point’ firecrackers’ consists of mərcumə rcu+ ‘pinnacle, highest point’ firecrackers’ consists of mərcu + mərcu ‘pinnacle, highest point’ firecrackers’ consists of mərcu Detecting+ pre-modernmə lexicalrcu ‘pinnacle, influence highest from poSouthint’ India firecrackers’75 consists of mərcu + mərcu ‘pinnacle, highest point’ firecrackers’ consists of mərcu + the suffix –an through vowel the suffix –an through vowel the suffix –an through vowel the suffix –an through vowel Tamilthe suffix –an through vowel WMP contractioncomments. It was presumably contraction. It was presumably contraction. It was presumably contraction. It was presumably vacontractionṇṇTamilāra– (ே迍ணார. It was) ‘(relatingpresumablyWMP to Malay bənara ‘laundryman’,comments Oldborrowed Cf. Vaninto derMalay Tuuk as (m1897ərcun-1912 /3: borrowed into Malay as mərcun borrowed into Malay as mərcun35 borrowed into Malay as mərcun a)borrowed washerman’ into Malay as mərcun Javanese banantən ~ walant‘firework’,ən 575, 4: 584).Makasar Old Javanesebaraccung has juru ‘firework’, Makasar baraccung ‘firework’, Makasar vaṇṇāra–baraccung Malay bənara “laundryman,” Old Cf. Van der Tuuk (1897-1912/3:‘firework’, 575, 4: Makasar baraccung ‘firework’,(வண்ணார) MakasarJavanese banantənbaraccung ~ walantən ‘cloth “cloth washed 584). or Oldprepared Javanese hasin‘k.o. jurua banantənbanantfireworks, ən firecrackers’in the meaning and of ‘k.o. fireworks, firecrackers’ and ‘k.o. fireworks, firecrackers’ and ‘k.o. fireworks, firecrackers’ and ‘k.o.“(relating fireworks, to a) washed firecrackers’ or prepared inand a special special way,” way’, Javanesein the meaning wlant of “laundryman”ən Bugis‘to ‘laundryman’ bar (juruɨccung id. The(juru otherwise = ‘trained Bugis barɨccung id. The otherwise Bugis barɨccung id. Thewasherman” otherwise36 Javanese wlantən “to whiten, wash = “trained worker”).36 Bugis barɨccung id. The otherwise Bugis barɨccung id. The37 otherwise whiten, wash (clothes)’ (cf. Oldirregular worker’) word. -initial /b/ in the irregular word-initial /b/ in the irregular word-initial /b/ in the (clothes)” (cf. Old Khmer vannāra irregular word-initial /b/ in the irregular word“unidentified-initial /b/ slavein function”the Khmer) vannāra ‘unidentifiedlatter two attestations may reflect latter two attestations may reflect latter two attestations may reflect latter two attestations may reflect latter two attestations may reflect slave function’) the /v/ of the Tamil precursor, the /v/ of the Tamil precursor, the /v/ of the Tamil precursor, 37 the /v/ of the Tamil precursor, viricuviricuthe /v/ (ힿ쎿毁 of )) the‘a Oldkind Tamil Javanese of rocket’precursor, mərəcu ~ mərcu Old “fire-ballJavanese Cf. m Gompertsərəcu ~(unpublished). mərcusuggesting JavaneseCf. anGomperts earlier b ərə(unpublished).cu. suggesting an earlier bərəcu. suggesting an earlier b“aə rkindəcu of. (from the sky),” Malay mərcu “pinnacle, mərcon “fireworks, firecrackers”suggesting an earlier bərəcu. suggestingrocket” 38 an earlierhighest point”bərəcu. ‘fire-ball (fromconsists the ofsky)’, mərcu Malay+ the suffix Javanese –an mərcon ‘fireworks,

In addition to the loanwords postulated in Tablemərcu 2, ‘pinnacle,some Tamilthrough highest borrowings vowelIn po additioncontraction.int’ feature to It thefirecrackers’was in loanwords Old Javanese, consists postulated⁺ but of remain inm əTablercu + 2, some Tamil borrowings feature in Old Javanese,⁺ but remain In addition to the loanwords postulated in Table 2, some Tamil borrowings feature in OldIn Javanese, addition⁺ butto the remain loanwords postulated in Table 2, somepresumably Tamil borrowings borrowed into feature Malay in Old Javanese,⁺ but remain In addition to the loanwords postulated in Table 2, some Tamil borrowingsunattested feature in (modern) in Old Malay.Javanese,⁺ A wellbut remain-known example is Old Javaneseunattested pane ~ in panay (modern)the ‘earthensuffix Malay. –vessel,an A throughwell pot’-known from vowel example is Old Javanese pane ~ panay ‘earthen vessel, pot’ from unattested in (modern) Malay. A well-known example is Old Javanese pane ~ panay ‘earthenunattested vessel, in pot’ (modern) from Malay. A well-known example isas Old mərcun Javanese “firework,” pane Makasar ~ panay ‘earthen vessel, pot’ from unattested in (modern) Malay. A well-known example is Old JavaneseTamil pane pāṉ ~ai panay (பாலை ‘earthen) ‘large vessel, earthen pot’ pot fromor vessel’ (Van derbaraccung Tuuk 1881: Tamil“k.o. 56; fireworks, pā Vanṉai R( பாலைonkelcontraction 1903f:) ‘large. 545 Itearthen ; wasGonda potpresumably 1973: or vessel’ (Van der Tuuk 1881: 56; Van Ronkel 1903f: 545; Gonda 1973: Tamil pāṉai (பாலை) ‘large earthen pot or vessel’ (Van der Tuuk 1881: 56; Van Ronkel 1903f:Tamil38 545 pā; ṉGondaai (பாலை 1973:) ‘large earthen pot or vessel’ (Van derfirecrackers” Tuuk 1881: and 56;Bugis Vanbarɨccung Ronkel id. 1903f: 545; Gonda 1973: Tamil pāṉai (பாலை) ‘large earthen pot or vessel’ (Van der Tuuk 1881:80) .56; Gomperts Van Ronkel (unpublished 1903f: 545); postulatesGonda 1973: other tentative Tamil loan80s), .38including Gomperts Oldborrowed (unpublished Javanese into kol )Malay postulates ‘measure as m otherofərcun tentative Tamil loans, including Old Javanese kol ‘measure of 80).38 Gomperts (unpublished) postulates other tentative Tamil loans, including Old Javanese80).38 kolGomperts ‘measure (unpublished of ) postulates other tentativeThe Tamil otherwise loan irregulars, including word-initial Old Javanese kol ‘measure of 80).38 Gomperts (unpublished) postulates other tentative Tamil loancircumference:s, including Old what Javanese can be encompassedkol ‘measure withof the arms extended’/b/ in the latterfromcircumference: two kō ḷattestations (வகா쿍‘firework’,) what may‘taking, can receiving,be Makasarencompassed accepting, baraccung with the arms extended’ from kōḷ (வகா쿍) ‘taking, receiving, accepting, circumference: what can be encompassed with the arms extended’ from kōḷ (வகா쿍) ‘taking,circumference: receiving, accepting, what can be encompassed with the arms extended’reflect the /v/ from of the kō Tamilḷ (வகா쿍 precursor,39 ) ‘taking, receiving, accepting, circumference: what can be encompassed with the arms extended’ fromseizing, kōḷ ( holding,வகா쿍) ‘taking, enveloping’, receiving, wuṅ accepting,kal ‘boulder’ from uṅkal (உ迍க쯍seizing,) ‘limestone’ holding,‘k.o. and en veloping’, fireworks,perhaps kori wu firecrackers’ ṅ‘door’kal ‘boulder’ from and from uṅkal (உ迍க쯍) ‘limestone’39 and perhaps kori ‘door’ from seizing, holding, enveloping’, wuṅkal ‘boulder’ from uṅkal (உ迍க쯍) ‘limestone’39 and perhapsseizing, kori holding, ‘door’ enfromveloping’, wuṅkal ‘boulder’ from uṅkalsuggesting (உ迍க쯍 an earlier) ‘limestone’ ⁺bərəcu. 39 and perhaps kori ‘door’ from seizing, holding, enveloping’, wuṅkal ‘boulder’ from uṅkal (உ迍க쯍kō) ‘limestone’ṭṭi (வகா翍羿39) ‘gatewayand perhaps under kori a temple‘door’ fromtower; door of a house’. To kōthisṭṭ ilist (வகா翍羿 can be) Bugis added‘gateway bar Middleɨ underccung Javanese a id. temple The ber otherwise tower;əm door of a house’. To this list can be added Middle Javanese berəm kōṭṭi (வகா翍羿) ‘gateway under a temple tower; door of a house’. To this list can be added Middlekōṭṭi ( வகா翍羿Javanese) ‘gatewayber40 əm under a temple tower; door of a house’. To this list can beirregular added Middleword-initial Javanese /b/ ber inə mthe kōṭṭi (வகா翍羿) ‘gateway under a temple tower; door of a house’. To this‘a part. list k.o.can befabric’ added fromMiddle Tamil Javanese vayiram ber ə(ே뾿ர믍m ) ‘woollen cloth’. ‘aSeveral part. k.o.mor fabric’e examples40 from may Tamil surface vayiram once (theே뾿ர믍 ) ‘woollen cloth’. Several more examples may surface once the ‘a part. k.o. fabric’40 from Tamil vayiram (ே뾿ர믍) ‘woollen cloth’. Several more examples‘a may part. surface k.o. fabric’ once 40the from Tamil vayiram (ே뾿ர믍) ‘woollen cloth’. Several morelatter examples two attestations may surface may once reflect the ‘a part. k.o. fabric’40 from Tamil vayiram (ே뾿ர믍) ‘woollen cloth’. Svasteveral Javanese more examplesliteratureTable 2 – mayisEarly examined surfaceTamil loanwords oncemore theclosely in WMP. languages (attested in vastpre-modern Javanese texts). literature is examined more closely. vast Javanese literature is examined more closely. vast Javanese literature is examined more closely. the /v/ of the Tamil precursor, vast Javanese literature is examined more closely. suggesting an earlier bərəcu. Alongside Inborrowings addition fromto the Tamil loanwords, a set of postulated loanwords inpresumably Table 2, someenteredAlongside Tamil Southeast borrowings borrowings Asia through from Tamil Malayāḷam, a set of, asloanwords presumably entered Southeast Asia through Malayāḷam, as Alongside borrowings from Tamil, a set of loanwords presumably entered Southeast Asia throughAlongside Malayāḷam borrowings, as from Tamil, a set of loanwords presumably entered Southeast Asia through Malayāḷam, as Alongside borrowings from Tamil, a set of loanwords presumably enteredpostulated Southeastfeature in Table in Asia Old 3. through Javanese, Malayāḷam but remain, as unattested in (modern)postulated Malay. in Table A well- 3. postulated in Table 3. postulatedIn addition in Table to the 3 . loanwords postulated in Table 2, some Tamil borrowings feature in Old Javanese,⁺ but remain postulated in Table 3. known example is Old Javanese pane ~ panay “earthen vessel, pot” from unattested in (modern) Malay. A well-known example is Old Javanese pane ~ panay ‘earthen vessel, pot’ from Tamil pāṉai (பாைன) “large earthen pot or vessel” (Van der Tuuk 1881: Tamil pāṉai (பாலை) ‘large earthen pot or vessel’ (Van der39 Tuuk 1881: 56; Van Ronkel 1903f: 545; Gonda 1973: 56;38 Van Ronkel 1903f: 545; Gonda 1973: 80). Gomperts (unpublished) 80postulates). Gomperts other (unpublished tentative Tamil) postulates loans, other including tentative Old Tamil Javanese loans, kolincluding “measure Old Javanese kol ‘measure of circumference: what can be encompassed with the arms extended’ from kōḷ (வகா쿍) ‘taking, receiving, accepting, of circumference: what can be encompassed with the arms extended” from39 kōḷ seizing,(ேகாள் holding,) “taking, en veloping’,receiving, wu accepting,ṅkal ‘boulder’ seizing, from holding, uṅkal (உ迍க쯍 enveloping,”) ‘limestone’ wuṅkal and perhaps kori ‘door’ from kō ṭṭ i ( வகா翍羿 ) ‘gateway under a temple tower; door of a house’ . To this list can be added Middle Javanese berəm 35 35 Van‘a Ronkel part. k.o. (1903b) fabric’ d40iscards from Tamil this etymology, vayiram (ே뾿ர믍 pointing) ‘wo outollen that cloth’ Tamil Van. S vaeveralRonkelṇṇāra mor (1903b)– ecan examples only discards occur may this assurface theetymology, first once the pointing out that Tamil vaṇṇāra– can only occur as the first 35 Van Ronkel (1903b) discards this etymology, pointing out that Tamil vaṇṇāra– can only35 Van occur Ronkel as the (1903b) first discards this etymology, pointing out that Tamil vaṇṇāra– can only occur as the first 35 Van Ronkel (1903b) discards this etymology, pointing out that Tamilelementvast 36.va ofṇṇ JavaneseVan aāra compound Ronkel– can literature (1903b)only; the occur form isdiscards examined raseflects the this first va etymology,moreṇṇ ā ṉclosely (ே迍ணாꟍ pointing. out) ‘washerman, thatelement Tamil vaṇṇāra aof person a compound– can belonging only; the toform the rwashermaneflects vaṇṇ āṉ (ே迍ணாꟍ) ‘washerman, a person belonging to the washerman element of a compound; the form reflects vaṇṇāṉ (ே迍ணாꟍ) ‘washerman, a person belongingelement to the of washermana compound ; the form reflects vaṇṇāṉ (ே迍ணாꟍ) ‘washerman, a person belonging to the washerman element of a compound; the form reflects vaṇṇāṉ (ே迍ணாꟍ) ‘washerman,caste, dhoby’,occur a person as theplural belonging first va elementṇṇ ārto the (ofே迍ணா쏍 washermana compound;). However the form, reflectsthere arevaṇṇāṉ severa caste,(வண்ணான்l similar dhoby’, ) “washerman,cases plural in whichva ṇṇār Malay (ே迍ணா쏍 has only). However , there are several similar cases in which Malay has only caste, dhoby’, plural vaṇṇār (ே迍ணா쏍). However, there are several similar cases in whichcaste,a Malaypersondhoby’, belonginghas plural only vato ṇṇtheār washerman (ே迍ணா쏍 caste,). Howeverdhoby,” plural, there vaṇṇār are severa(வண்ணார்l similar). However, cases there in which Malay has only caste, dhoby’, plural vaṇṇār (ே迍ணா쏍). However, there are severaadoptedl similarAlongside the casesfirst borrowingselement in which of fromaMalay Tamil Tamil has (or , only other)a set of compound, loanwords e.g.presumably kəndadoptedəri entered‘a measure the Southeastfirst ofelement weight’ Asia of fromthrough a Tamil ku ṉṟMalayāḷam (ori-ma other)ṇi ,compound, as e.g. kəndəri ‘a measure of weight’ from kuṉṟi-maṇi adopted the first element of a Tamil (or other) compound, e.g. kəndəri ‘a measure of weight’adopted arefrom severalthe ku firstṉṟ similari- maelementṇ casesi of in awhich Tamil Malay (or other)has only compound, adopted the e.g. first k elementəndəri ‘aof ameasure Tamil (or of other) weight’ from kuṉṟi-maṇi adopted the first element of a Tamil (or other) compound, e.g. kənd(埁ꟍ잿ம辿əri ‘apostulated compound,measure) ‘a standardofin e.g. weight’Table kəndəri weight3 . from “a measureforku ṉṟgold’,i-ma of (batu)ṇweight”i canai from ‘whetstone’kuṉṟi-maṇi ( (from埁ꟍ잿ம辿 cāṇai)-) k ‘a“a-kal standardstandard (சாலண埍க쯍 weight) for‘grindstone gold’, (batu), canai ‘whetstone’ from cāṇai-k-kal (சாலண埍க쯍) ‘grindstone, (埁ꟍ잿ம辿) ‘a standard weight for gold’, (batu) canai ‘whetstone’ from cāṇai-k-kal (சாலண埍க쯍(埁ꟍ잿ம辿) ‘grindstone) ‘a standard, weight for gold’, (batu) canai ‘whetstone’ from cāṇai-k-kal (சாலண埍க쯍) ‘grindstone, (埁ꟍ잿ம辿) ‘a standard weight for gold’, (batu) canai ‘whetstone’ whetstone,from cāweightṇai hone’,-k -forkal gold,”k(சாலண埍க쯍əluli ‘steel’(batu) ) canaifrom ‘grindstone kallu“whetstone”ḷi-,y -urukku from (க쯍쯁쾿뿁쏁埍埁cāṇai-k-kal (whetstone,சாைணக்கல்) ‘a kind )hone’,of “grindstone, very k hardəluli steel‘steel’ used from for kallu cuttingḷi-y -urukku (க쯍쯁쾿뿁쏁埍埁) ‘a kind of very hard steel used for cutting whetstone, hone’, kəluli ‘steel’ from kalluḷi-y-urukku (க쯍쯁쾿뿁쏁埍埁) ‘a kind of very hardwhetstone, steelwhetstone, used hone’, for hone,”cutting kəluli kəluli ‘steel’ “steel” from from kallu kalluḷi-y-urukkuḷi-y-urukku ((க쯍쯁쾿뿁쏁埍埁)) “a‘a kindkind of of very very hard hard steel used for cutting whetstone, hone’, kəluli ‘steel’ from kalluḷi-y-urukku (க쯍쯁쾿뿁쏁埍埁stones’) ‘a kind and of (Penang very hard dial.) steel sand usedərom for cutting‘necklace worn by women’ fromstones’ cantira and (Penang-mālai ( சꏍ鎿ரமாலைdial.) sandə)rom ‘a kind‘necklace of worn by women’ from cantira-mālai (சꏍ鎿ரமாலை) ‘a kind of stones’ and (Penang dial.) sandərom ‘necklace worn by women’ from cantira-mālai (சꏍ鎿ரமாலைstones’steel and used) ‘a(Penang forkind cutting of dial.) stones” sand andərom (Penang ‘necklace dial.) wornsandərom by women’ “necklace from worn cantira by women”-mālai from (சꏍ鎿ரமாலை ) ‘a kind of stones’ and (Penang dial.) sandərom ‘necklace worn by women’ fromnecklace’. cantiracantira-mālai -mālai ((சꏍ鎿ரமாலை) “a‘a kindkind of of necklace.” necklace’. necklace’. 36 necklace’. 36 necklace’. Substitution37. Substitution of the offinal the finalsyllable syllable by the by thesegment segment -ntən -ntən isis commoncommon inSubstitution in Javanese Javanese and of and merits the merits final a syllablea more elaborateby the segment -ntən is common in Javanese and merits a more elaborate 36 Substitution of the final syllable by the segment -ntən is common in Javanese and merits36 Substitution a more elaborate of the final syllable by the segment -ntən is common in Javanese and merits a more elaborate 36 Substitution of the final syllable by the segment -ntən is commontreatise in Javanesemore elsewhere. elaborate and meritstreatise aelsewhere. more elaborate treatise elsewhere. treatise elsewhere. 37 treatiseThe 38.Tamil elsewhere.The Lexicon Tamil Lexicon (1924 (1924-36)-36) also alsolists lists the the synonyms synonyms vi viṟicuṟicu ((ힿ잿毁37 ) “rocket”‘rocket’ andand purucu purucu (ꯁ쏁毁) ‘a kind of 37 treatise elsewhere. 37 The Tamil Lexicon (1924-36) also lists the synonyms viṟicu (ힿ잿毁) ‘rocket’ and purucu (ꯁ쏁毁) ‘a kind of The Tamil Lexicon37 (1924-36) also lists the synonyms viṟicu (ힿ잿毁) ‘rocket’ and purucu The (( ꯁ쏁毁 Tamil ) ‘a ‘a Lexiconkind kind of of rocket.” (1924 - 36) also lists the synonyms viṟicu (ힿ잿毁) ‘rocket’ and purucu (ꯁ쏁毁) ‘a kind of The Tamil Lexicon (1924-36) also lists the synonyms viṟicu (ힿ잿毁rocket’.) ‘35rocket’ and purucu (ꯁ쏁毁) ‘a kind of rocket’. rocket’. 38 rocket’.39. Van Cf. Ronkel Javanese (1903b) (dial.) pane discards “large thisflat etymology,bowl for cooking,” pointing Ngaju out panai38 that “large Tamil earthen vaṇṇ ārabowl,”– can only occur as the first rocket’. Cf. Javanese (dial.) pane ‘large flat bowl for cooking’, Ngaju panai ‘largeCf. Javanese earthen (dial.) bowl’, pane Makasar ‘large panne flat bowl ‘plate for cooking’, Ngaju panai ‘large earthen bowl’, Makasar panne ‘plate 38 Cf. Javanese (dial.) pane ‘large flat bowl for cooking’, Ngaju panai ‘large earthen bowl’, 38Makasar Celementf.Makasar Javanese panne of panne a (dial.) compound‘plate “plate pane ; made ‘thelarge form of flat porcelain,” r bowleflects for va cooking’,Cebuanoṇṇāṉ (ே迍ணாꟍ panay Ngaju “earthenwarepanai) ‘washerman, ‘large vessel,earthen a person usually bowl’, belonging Makasar to panne the washerman ‘plate 38 Cf. Javanese (dial.) pane ‘large flat bowl for cooking’, Ngaju panaimade ‘large of earthenporcelain’, bowl’, Cebuano Makasar panay panne ‘earthenware ‘plate vessel, usually hemisphericalmade of porcelain’, but shallow, Cebuano used panayto hold ‘earthenware liquids’. vessel, usually hemispherical but shallow, used to hold liquids’. made of porcelain’, Cebuano panay ‘earthenware vessel, usually hemispherical but shallow,made usedcaste,hemispherical of to porcelain’,hold dhoby’, liquids’. butplural Cebuano shallow, vaṇṇ panayusedār (toே迍ணா쏍 ‘earthenware hold liquids.”). However vessel, Also see, usually there Blust are &hemispherical Trussell severa l(2014 similar but s.v.), shallow,cases who in used which to holdMalay liquids’. has only made of porcelain’, Cebuano panay ‘earthenware vessel, usually hemisphericalAlso seereconstruct Blust but shallow,& PMPTrussell * usedpanay (2014 to “dish, hold s.v.), liquids’. bowl who (of reconstruct clay or wood)” PMP and*panay attributeAlso ‘dish, see the bowl Blust similarity (of & clay Trussell to theor wood)’ (2014 ands.v.), attribute who reconstruct PMP *panay ‘dish, bowl (of clay or wood)’ and attribute Also see Blust & Trussell (2014 s.v.), who reconstruct PMP *panay ‘dish, bowl (of clay orAlso wood)’adopted see Blustand the attribute & first Trussell element (2014 of a s.v.), Tamil who (or reconstruct other) compound, PMP *panay e.g. k ə‘dish,ndəri bowl‘a measure (of clay of or weight’ wood)’ from and attributekuṉṟi-ma ṇi Also see Blust & Trussell (2014 s.v.), who reconstruct PMP *panaythe ‘dish, similarity Dravidianbowl (of to attestationsDravidianclay or wood)’ attestationsto chance. and attribute to chance. the similarity to Dravidian attestations to chance. the similarity to Dravidian attestations to chance. 39 the similarity埁ꟍ잿ம辿 to Dravidian attestations to chance. 39 சாலண埍க쯍 the similarity to Dravidian attestations to chance. Cf. (Javanese wungkal) ‘a standard ‘a flat weight grindstone’ for gold’,. In word(batu)-initial canai position, ‘whetstone’ theCf. roundedJavanesefrom cā ṇvowels aiwungkal-k-kal /o/, ( ‘a /ō/, flat /u/ grindstone’ and) /ū/‘grindstone are. In word, -initial position, the rounded vowels /o/, /ō/, /u/ and /ū/ are 39 Cf. Javanese wungkal ‘a flat grindstone’. In word-initial position, the rounded vowels /o/,39 Cf. /ō/, Javanese /u/ and wungkal/ū/ are ‘a flat grindstone’. In word-initial position, the rounded vowels /o/, /ō/, /u/ and /ū/ are 39 Cf. Javanese wungkal ‘a flat grindstone’. In word-initial position,preceded the roundedwhetstone, with vowelsan hone’, “automatic /o/, kə luli/ō/, w ‘steel’/u/-glide” and from /ū/in spokenare kallu ḷ iTamil-y-urukku (Schiffman (க쯍쯁쾿뿁쏁埍埁 1999:preceded 16).) with‘a kind an of“automatic very hard w steel-glide” used in for spoken cutting Tamil (Schiffman 1999: 16). preceded with an “automatic w-glide” in spoken Tamil (Schiffman 1999: 16). 40 precededstones’ with and an (Penang “automatic dial.) w sand-glide”ərom in spoken‘necklace Tamil worn (Schiffman by women’40 1999: from 16). cantira -mālai (சꏍ鎿ரமாலை) ‘a kind of preceded with an “automatic w-glide” in spoken Tamil (Schiffman 1999: 40Attested 16). in the Wangbang Wideha (Zoetmulder 1982: 240). Attested in the Wangbang Wideha (Zoetmulder 1982: 240). 40 Attested in the Wangbang Wideha (Zoetmulder 1982: 240). Attested in the Wangbang Wideha (Zoetmulder 1982: 240). Archipel 89, Paris, 2015 40 Attested in the Wangbang Wideha (Zoetmulder 1982: 240). necklace’. 36 Substitution of the final syllable by the segment -ntən is common in Javanese and merits a more elaborate9 9 treatise elsewhere.9 9 9 37 The Tamil Lexicon (1924-36) also lists the synonyms viṟicu (ힿ잿毁) ‘rocket’ and purucu (ꯁ쏁毁) ‘a kind of rocket’. 38 Cf. Javanese (dial.) pane ‘large flat bowl for cooking’, Ngaju panai ‘large earthen bowl’, Makasar panne ‘plate made of porcelain’, Cebuano panay ‘earthenware vessel, usually hemispherical but shallow, used to hold liquids’. Also see Blust & Trussell (2014 s.v.), who reconstruct PMP *panay ‘dish, bowl (of clay or wood)’ and attribute the similarity to Dravidian attestations to chance. 39 Cf. Javanese wungkal ‘a flat grindstone’. In word-initial position, the rounded vowels /o/, /ō/, /u/ and /ū/ are preceded with an “automatic w-glide” in spoken Tamil (Schiffman 1999: 16). 40 Attested in the Wangbang Wideha (Zoetmulder 1982: 240).

9

Tamil WMP comments Tamil WMPva ṇṇāra– (ே迍ணார) ‘(relating tocomments Malay bənara ‘laundryman’, Old Cf. Van der Tuuk (1897-1912/3: vaṇṇāra– (ே迍ணார) ‘(relating to Malaya) washerbənaraman’ ‘laundryman’,35 Old Cf. JavaneseVan der Tuukbanant (1897ən -~1912 walant/3: ən 575, 4: 584). Old Javanese has juru a) washerman’35 Javanese banantən ~ walantən 575,‘cloth 4: 584). washed Old Javanese or prepared has juru in a banantən in the meaning of ‘cloth washed or prepared in a banantspecialən way’,in the Javanese meaning wlant ofən ‘to ‘laundryman’ (juru = ‘trained special way’, Javanese wlantən ‘to ‘laundryman’whiten, wash (juru (clothes)’ = ‘trained36 (cf. Old worker’). whiten, wash (clothes)’36 (cf. Old worker’)Khmer. vannāra ‘unidentified Khmer vannāra ‘unidentified slave function’) slaveviricu function’ (ힿ쎿毁) ) ‘a kind of rocket’37 Old Javanese mərəcu ~ mərcu Cf. Gomperts (unpublished). viricu (ힿ쎿毁) ‘a kind of rocket’37 Old Javanese mərəcu ~ mərcu Cf. ‘fireGomperts-ball (from (unpublished).the sky)’, Malay Javanese mərcon ‘fireworks, ‘fire-ball (from the sky)’, Malay Javanesemərcu ‘pinnacle,mərcon highest‘fireworks, point’ firecrackers’ consists of mərcu + mərcu ‘pinnacle, highest point’ firecrackers’ consists of mərcu + the suffix –an through vowel the suffix –an through vowel contraction. It was presumably contraction. It was presumably borrowed into Malay as mərcun borrowed into Malay as mərcun ‘firework’, Makasar baraccung ‘firework’, Makasar baraccung ‘k.o. fireworks, firecrackers’ and ‘k.o. fireworks, firecrackers’ and Bugis barɨccung id. The otherwise Bugis barɨccung id. The otherwise irregular word-initial /b/ in the irregular word-initial /b/ in the latter two attestations may reflect latter two attestations may reflect the /v/ of the Tamil precursor, the /v/ of the Tamil precursor, suggesting an earlier bərəcu. suggesting an earlier bərəcu. In addition to the loanwords postulated in Table 2, some Tamil borrowings feature in Old Javanese,⁺ but remain In addition to the loanwords postulated inunattested Table 2, somein (modern) Tamil borrowingsMalay. A well feature-known in Old example Javanese, is⁺ Old but Javanese remain pane ~ panay ‘earthen vessel, pot’ from unattested in (modern) Malay. A well-knownTamil example pāṉai ( பாலைis Old Javanese) ‘large earthen pane ~pot panay or vessel’ ‘earthen (Van vessel, der Tuuk pot’ 1881:from 56; Van Ronkel 1903f: 545; Gonda 1973: Tamil pāṉai (பாலை) ‘large earthen pot or8076 vessel’).38 Gomperts (Van der (unpublished Tuuk 1881: 56;) postulates VanTom RHoogervorstonkel other 1903f: tentative 545; GondaTamil loan1973:s, including Old Javanese kol ‘measure of 80).38 Gomperts (unpublished) postulates circumference:other tentative whatTamil can loan be sencompassed, including Old with Javanese the arms kol extended’ ‘measure from of kōḷ (வகா쿍) ‘taking, receiving, accepting, circumference: what can be encompassed withseizing,“boulder” the holding,arms from extended’ en uṅkalveloping’, from (உண்கல் kōwuḷ ṅ(வகா쿍kal) “limestone” ‘boulder’) ‘taking, from 40receiving, and uṅ kalperhaps ( accepting,உ迍க쯍 kori) ‘limestone’ “door” from39 and perhaps kori ‘door’ from seizing, holding, enveloping’, wuṅkal ‘boulder’kōkōṭṭiṭṭi (( வகா翍羿from uṅ))kal “gateway‘gateway (உ迍க쯍 under under) ‘limestone’ a atemple temple 39tower; and tower; perhaps door door of koria of house’ a‘door’ house.”. To from this To list this can list be can added Middle Javanese berəm kōṭṭi (வகா翍羿) ‘gateway under a temple tower;‘abe part. added door k.o. ofMiddle fabric’ a house’40 Javanese from. To thisTamil listberəm vayiram can be“a added part.(ே뾿ர믍 Middlek.o.) ‘wo fabric” ollenJavanese41 cloth’ from ber. S əTamilmeveral morvayirame examples may surface once the ‘a part. k.o. fabric’40 from Tamil vayiram vast(ே뾿ர믍 Javanese) ‘wo“woollenollen literature cloth’ cloth.” is. Sexaminedeveral Several mor more emore examples closely examples .may surface may surface once the once the vast vast Javanese literature is examined more Javaneseclosely. literature is examined more closely. AlongsideAlongside borrowings borrowings from Tamilfrom , Tamil,a set of aloanwords set of loanwords presumably presumably entered Southeast entered Asia through Malayāḷam, as Alongside borrowings from Tamil, a set ofpostulatedSoutheast loanwords inAsia presumably Table through 3. entered Malayāḷam, Southeast as Asia postulated through inMalayāḷam Table 3. , as postulated in Table 3.

Table 3: Malayāḷam loanwords in WMP languages TableMalayāḷam 3: Malayāḷam loanwords in WMP languages WMP comments MalayāḷamMalayāḷam WMP comments comments kāccu (kāccuകാച്ചുkāccu ((കാകാച്ചു) ‘cutch) ‘cutch (Areca (OldAreca Javanese Old Javanese Javanese kacu kacu, Malay,kacu Malay, kacukacuMalay id.,Tamil kacu has kācuTamil (கா毁) hasin the kācu same ((கா毁 ) inin thethe samesame catechu L.)’ Acehneseid., AcehnesekacuAcehnese “black kacu kacu‘black Aloe Aloe‘blackextract,” meaning, Aloe whichmeaning, would whichwhichhave would would have haveyielded the catechu “cutchL.)’ (Areca extract’, Gayo kacu ‘gambir’ yielded the unattested **kasu. catechu L.)” Gayo kacuextract’, “gambir” Gayo kacu ‘gambir’Both forms reflectyieldedunattested the Dravidianthe ** kasuunattested . Both forms**kasu reflect. Table 3 : Malayāḷam loanwords in WMP languages the Dravidian root √kāy “to grow hot, Malayāḷam35 WMP comments root √kāy ‘toBoth grow hot,forms burn; reflect be the Dravidian kāccu (കാച്ചുVan ) Ronkel‘cutch (Areca (1903b) Old Javanese d iscardskacu, Malay thiskacu Tamiletymology, has kācudried (கா毁 up, ) etc.’pointingin therootburn; (Burrow same √ bekāy & outdriedEmenau ‘to that growup, etc.” Tamilhot, (Burrow burn; va beṇṇ & āra– can only occur as the first 35 catechu L.)’ id., Acehnese kacu ‘black Aloe meaning, which1984 #1458).would Emenau have 1984 #1458). Van Ronkel (1903b) discards this etymology,elementmalayāḷa pointingof( മലയാളa compound ) outextract’,‘the that Gayo;Old the kacuJavaneseTamil form ‘gambir’ m alyāla va reflectsṇṇ ‘a countryyieldedāra va –inthe ṇṇcan Cf.unattested āHoogervorst ṉonly (ே迍ணாꟍ dried* *kasuoccur (2013: . up, 25). etc.’as )Also ‘washerman, the(Burrow first & Emenau a person belonging to the washerman malayāḷaMalabar Coast’ Old JavaneseSouth India malyāla and its people; “a Bothcountry steel forms (a comparereflect the the Dravidian Karo1984Cf. BatakHoogervorst #1458). clan name (2013: 25). Also element of a compound; the form reflects vacaste,ṇṇā ṉdhoby’, (ே迍ணாꟍ plural) ‘washerman, vapartic.ṇṇ ārkind (ofே迍ணா쏍 steel)’, a person rootJavanese √).kāy belonging However‘toM əgrowliala hot, ‘aburn; , tothere subgroupbe the washerman areof several similar cases in which Malay has only malayāḷa(മലയാള (മലയാള) ) in‘the South Oldmalel India ɔJavanese ‘steel’, and Malay its m people;alyālamǝleladried ‘dark, ‘aup, steel country etc.’ S ə (Burrowmbiring in ’,&41 EmenauCf.comparewhich Hoogervorst is presumably the Karo (2013: Batak 25). clan Also name caste, dhoby’, plural vaṇṇār (ே迍ணா쏍).adopted However the, firstthere element are severa of al Tamilsimilar (or cases other) in compound,which Malay e.g. has kə ndonlyəri ‘a measure42 of weight’ from kuṉṟi-maṇi Malabar “theCoast’ Malabar (a partic.Southundamasked kind India of steel),”steel’, and itsSundanese Javanese1984 people; #1458). asteel lexical (a doublet compareMəliala of malela “athe. subgroup Karo Batak of clanSəmbiring name ,” malayāCoast”ḷa (മലയാള) ‘the Oldmalelɔ Javanesepartic. malela“steel,” malyāla ‘shining kind‘a Malay country (steel)’,of in mǝlela steel)’, Cf.Balinese Hoogervorst “dark, Javanese (2013: 25).Mwhich əAlsoliala is presumably‘a subgroup a lexical doubletof adopted the first element of a Tamil (or other)(埁ꟍ잿ம辿 compound,) ‘a standard Southe.g. India kə andnd weight itsə people;ri ‘a steelfor measure (a gold’, compare ofthe(batu) Karoweight’ Batak canai clan namefrom ‘whetstone’ kuṉṟi-ma fromṇi cāṇai-k-kal (சாலண埍க쯍) ‘grindstone, Malabar Coast’ undamaskedmalela ‘steel’,steel,” Acehnese Sundanese mɯlila ,malela of malela. 41 partic. kindmalelGayo of steel)’,mǝlɔ ‘steel’,ɛla , JavaneseToba Malay Batak M əmalelaliala mǝlela ‘a ‘dark,subgroup S əmbiringof ’, which is presumably (埁ꟍ잿ம辿) ‘a standard weight for gold’,whetstone, (batu) canai hone’, ‘whetstone’ kəluli ‘steel’ from fromcāṇai kallu-k-kalḷi- 41y(சாலண埍க쯍-urukku (க쯍쯁쾿뿁쏁埍埁) ‘grindstone,) ‘a kind of very hard steel used for cutting malel“shiningɔ ‘steel’,undamaskedid., (steel),” MalayKaro mǝlelaBatak Balinese ‘dark,malelasteel’, S‘aə mbiringmalela wordSundanese ’, which is presumablya lexical doublet of malela. whetstone, hone’, kəluli ‘steel’ from kalluḷi-y-urukku (க쯍쯁쾿뿁쏁埍埁undamasked“steel,”often Acehnesesteel’, used) in‘aSundanese mantras’ mɯlilakind ofa, lexicalGayo very doublet mǝlɛla hard of malela, steel. used for cutting stones’ and (Penangmalela dial.) ‘shiningmalela (steel)’,sand ‘shining Balineseərom (steel)’, ‘necklace Balinese worn by women’ from cantira-mālai (சꏍ鎿ரமாலை) ‘a kind of paṇikkar (പണിക്കർ) ‘a Tobatitle or BatakMalay malelapəndekar id., ‘leader Karo of Batak a In Malay, the insertion of a post- malela ‘steel’,malela Acehnese ‘steel’, mɯlila Acehnese, mɯlila, stones’ and (Penang dial.) sandərom ‘necklacenecklace’.last name worn in Keral bya traditionally women’malela charge, “a from word fighter, oftencantira swashbuckler’, used- mālaiin mantras” nasal (சꏍ鎿ரமாலை epenthetic homorganic) ‘a kind of Gayo mǝlɛJavanesela, Toba panBatakḍekar malela ‘champion of a voiced stop is regular if followed 36 associated with teachers of id.,martial Karo BatakGayo malela mǝl ɛ‘ala word, Toba Batak malela necklace’. Substitution42 of the finalcause, syllableskilled byfighter’, the segmentby /r/ or /l/ in the-ntən lending languageis common in Javanese and merits a more elaborate paṇikkararts’ oftenMalay used inid.,pəndekar mantras’ Karo Batak“leader malela of a charge, ‘a word In Malay, the insertion of a post-nasal 36 Minangkabau pandeka ‘champion, (Adelaar 1988: 65). Malay pəndekar ‘leader of a In Malay, the insertion of a post- Substitution of the final syllable by patheṇikkartreatise (segmentപണി (പണിക്കർ elsewhere. ) -‘antən title or isfighter, commonoftenmaster, swashbuckler,” usedexpert in (ininJavanese silatmantras’)’, AcehneseJavanese and meritsepenthetic a more homorganicelaborate voiced stop is ർ charge, fighter, swashbuckler’, nasal epenthetic homorganic last 37name“a titlein Keral ora lasttraditionally panḍekarpanika “champion ‘agile, a fence of amaster’, cause, regular if followed by /r/ or /l/ in the treatise elsewhere. paṇikkar The(പണിക്കർ Tamil )Lexicon ‘a titleJavanese or (1924panMalayḍekar ‘champion- 36)pəndekar also of a voicedlists‘leader stop the is ofregular synonyms a if followedIn Malay, vi ṟticuhe insertion (ힿ잿毁 of) a‘ rocket’post- and purucu (ꯁ쏁毁) ‘a kind of associatedname with inteachers Kerala of martial skilledKaro fighter,” Batak pMinangkabauəndikar ‘fencepandeka lending language (Adelaar 1988: 65). 37 arts’42 cause, charge,skilled fighter,fighter’, byswashbuckler’, /r/ or /l/ in the lending languagenasal epenthetic homorganic The Tamil Lexicon (1924-36) alsolast lists namerocket’. traditionallythe in synonymsKeral a traditionally viMinangkabauṟ“champion,icu (master’,ힿ잿毁 pandeka master, ) ‘champion, Angkola‘rocket’ expert- Mandailing(Adelaar (inand silat),”1988: purucu 65). (ꯁ쏁毁) ‘a kind of JavaneseBatak pandikar panḍ ekarid., ‘championTausug of a voiced stop is regular if followed associated38associated with teachers with of martialmaster,Acehnese expert (in panika silat)’, Acehnese “agile, a fence rocket’. arts’42 Cf. Javanese (dial.)panika pane‘agicause,pandikalle, a ‘fence la rge‘wise, master’, skilledflathaving bowl great forfighter’, cooking’, by /r/ orNgaju /l/ in the panai lending ‘large language earthen bowl’, Makasar panne ‘plate teachers of martial Karomaster,” Batakmental Karopə ability,ndikar Batak intelligent,‘fence pəndikar genius’ “fence 38 43 Minangkabau pandeka ‘champion, (Adelaar 1988: 65). Cf. Javanese (dial.) pane ‘large flat bowlmade arts”forparavadāni cooking’, of porcelain’, (പരവതാനി Ngajumaster’,master,”) Cebuano‘a panai Old AngkolaAngkola-Mandailing Javanese ‘large panay-Mandailing paramadani earthen ‘earthenware ‘carpet, bowl’,Batak From the Makasarvessel, root parava usually panne(പരവ) hemispherical ‘plate but shallow, used to hold liquids’. made of porcelain’, Cebuano panay ‘earthenwareAlsocarpet’ see vessel, Blust usually& BatakTrussellpandikar pandikarhemisphericalmaster,floor id.,-(2014rug, id.,Tausugexpert rug’, Tausugs.v.), (in pandikal silatbut Javanesewho)’, shallow, Acehnese “wise,reconstruct‘spreading’ used. Cham toPMP holdparmadani * panayliquids’. ‘dish, bowl (of clay or wood)’ and attribute pandikalhaving panikaprangw ‘wise,great ə danihavingmental ‘agi ‘a le,carpet,great ability, a floorfence intelligent,rug master’,‘rug, tapestry’, Tausug Also see Blust & Trussell (2014 s.v.), whothe reconstruct similarity PMPto Dravidianmental *panay ability,(flo ralintelligent, attestations‘dish,or embroidered genius’ bowl with togold)’,(of chance. clay palmaddani or wood)’ʔ ‘carpet, rug,and floor attribute Oldgenius” JavaneseKaroMalay paramadani pəBatakrmadani ‘carpet, p ‘floorəndikar-rug’, ‘fence paravadāni39 (പരവതാനി) ‘a From the rootcovering’, parava (Javaneseപരവ) pərmɔdani the similarity to Dravidian attestations tocarpet’ chance. Cf. Javanese wungkalfloor-rug, master’,Acehnese ‘arug’, flat pɯ Javanesegrindstone’rɯmadaniAngkola ‘spreading’ ‘rug’,-Mandailing .. ‘carpet’InCham word and parmadani Angkola-initial -Mandailing position, the rounded vowels /o/, /ō/, /u/ and /ū/ are 39 prangwədaniBatakAngkola ‘a carpet, -Mandailingpandikar floor rug ‘rug,id.,Batak tapestry’,TausugBatak parmadani Tausug ‘rug’ appear to Cf. Javanese wungkal ‘a flat grindstone’preceded. In word with-initial an (flo“automatic position,ral orTable embroideredsordamaudani 3 the– w Malayāḷamwith -rounded glide”‘rug, gold)’, floor palmaddani- rugi nloanwords vowelsspokenʔbe ‘carpet, secondary in/o/,Tamil rug, WMP /ō/, borrowingsfloor (Schiffmanlanguages. /u/ and from /ū/ 1999:are 16). 40 Malay pəpandikalrmadani ‘floor ‘wise,-rug’, covering’,having JavaneseMalay.great pərmɔdani preceded with an “automatic w-glide” in spoken Attested Tamil in (Schiffmanthe WangbangAcehnese mentalp ɯ1999:rɯmadani Widehaability, 16).‘rug’, intelligent, (Zoetmulder‘carpet’ and genius’ Angkola -Mandailing1982: 240). 40 Angkola-Mandailing Batak Batak parmadani ‘rug’ appear to Attested in the Wangbang Wideha paravadāni(Zoetmulder (പരവതാനി 1982: 240).sordamaudani) ‘a Old ‘rug, Javanese floor-rug paramadanibe secondary ‘carpet, borrowings F romfrom the root parava (പരവ) carpet’ floor-rug, rug’,Malay. Javanese ‘spreading’. Cham parmadani 9 prangwədani ‘a carpet, floor rug ‘rug, tapestry’, Tausug (floral or embroidered with gold)’, palmaddaniʔ ‘carpet, 9rug, floor Malay pərmadani ‘floor-rug’, covering’, Javanese pərmɔdani Acehnese pɯrɯmadani ‘rug’, ‘carpet’ and Angkola-Mandailing Angkola-Mandailing Batak Batak parmadani ‘rug’ appear to 40. Cf. Javanese wungkal sordamaudani“a flat grindstone.” ‘rug, floor In-rug word-initial be secondary position, theborrowings rounded from vowels /o/, /ō/, /u/ and /ū/ are preceded with an “automatic w-glide” in Malay.spoken Tamil (Schiffman 1999: 16). 41. Attested in the Wangbang Wideha (Zoetmulder 1982: 240).

42.41 Several Several other clanother names clan in North names Sumatra in have North South Indian Sumatra origins (Joustra have 1902). South Indian origins (Joustra 1902). 43.42 Not Not attested attested in Gundert in (1962), Gundert but glossed (1962), in Yule & butBurnell glossed (1903: 669) in as ‘aYule fencing &-master, Burnell a teacher’ (1903: (but 669) as “a fencing- at present it mor e usually means ‘an astrologer’)”. 41 Severalmaster, other clan a names teacher in North (but Sumatra at have present South Indian it more origins (Joustra usually 1902). means ‘an astrologer’)”. 42 Not attested in Gundert (1962), but glossed in Yule & Burnell (1903: 669) as ‘a fencing-master, a teacher’ (but 10 at present it more usually means ‘an astrologer’)”.

10

Archipel 89, Paris, 2015

41 Several other clan names in North Sumatra have South Indian origins (Joustra 1902). 42 Not attested in Gundert (1962), but glossed in Yule & Burnell (1903: 669) as ‘a fencing-master, a teacher’ (but at present it more usually means ‘an astrologer’)”.

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Detecting pre-modern lexical influence from South India 77

Malayāḷam WMP comments paravadāni Old Javanese paramadani “carpet, From the root parava (പരവ) (പരവതാനി) floor-rug, rug,” Javaneseprangwədani “spreading.” Cham parmadani “rug, “a carpet” “a carpet, floor rug (floral or tapestry,” Tausug palmaddaniʔ embroidered with gold),” Malay “carpet, rug, floor covering,” Javanese pərmadani “floor-rug,” Acehnese pərmɔdani “carpet” and Angkola- pɯrɯmadani “rug,” Angkola- Mandailing Batak parmadani “rug” Mandailing Batak sordamaudani “rug, appear to be secondary borrowings floor-rug” from Malay. Malayāḷam WMP comments saṟāmbisaṟāmbi (സറാꅍപിOld) ‘a Javanesehouse Old surambyan Javanese suramb“outeryan ‘outer Cf.Cf. Wilkinson Wilkinson (1932/2: (1932/2: 446). 446). Tamil has Malayāḷam WMP 45 comments (സറാന്പി ) 43veranda, frontveranda, porch,” front Malay porch’, sərambi44 Malay ciṟāmbiTamil has (சிறாம்பி ciṟāmbi) “a(殿றா믍ꮿ loft or) platform‘a saṟāmbi standing(സറാꅍപി on four) ‘a posts’ house Old Javanese surambyan ‘outer Cf. Wilkinson (1932/2: 446). “a house standing43 “a Malay opensərambi veranda,” ‘a Malay44 Acehnese open veranda’, forloft keeping or platform watch.” for keeping If this watch’. word is standing on four posts’ 44 veranda, front porch’, Malay Tamil has ciṟāmbi (殿றா믍ꮿ) ‘a on four posts” sɯramɔəsərambi “gallery‘a AcehneseMalay openof asɯ house,”veranda’,ramɔə ‘gallery Tobaloft or ofplatform a indeedIf for this keeping wordof Dravidian iswatch’. indeed ofprovenance, Dravidian high- BatakAcehnese surambi shouse’,ɯram “pillarsɔə ‘galleryToba under ofBatak arice If surambithis word orderisprovenance, indeed Austronesian of Dravidian reconstructionshigh-order such barn,”house’, Karo Toba ‘pillarsBatak Batak surambihunder surambi rice “a barn’, kindprovenance, Karo as Austronesian proto-Hesperonesianhigh -reconstructionsorder *surambiq such of gallery‘pillars underorBatak annex,” rice surambih barn’, Ngaju ‘aKaro sarambi kind Austronesianof gallery “eaves” asreconstructions proto -(ZorcHesperonesian 1994:such 556) *surambiq and “annexBatak atsurambih theor frontannex’, ‘a kindor Ngajuback of gallery ofsarambi a house,”as proto ‘annex- Hesperonesian proto-WMP‘eaves’ (Zorc*surambiq *surambi 1994: 556)~ *surambiq and Tagalogor annex’, sulambí Ngajuat the ~sarambifront sulambî or ‘annexback “eaves of ‘eaves’a house’,(the (Zorc “extensionproto 1994:-WMP 556) to house”and*surambi (Blust &~ Trussell lower,at the projecting frontTagalog or back end sulambí of of a ahouse’, roof); ~ sulambî smallproto ‘eaves-WMP 2014 *surambiq* s.v.)surambi should ‘extension ~be revised. to house’ annexTagalog to a sulambí house(the lower,”~ sulambî projecting ‘eaves *endsurambiq of a ‘extension(Blust & Trussellto house’ 2014 s.v.) should (the lower,roof); projecting small annexend of to a a house’(Blust & Trussellbe revis 2014ed s.v.). should tengara Malayroof); tənggara small annex “southeast,” to a house’ Acehnesebe revised . tengara (തതന്‍കര) ‘southeast’ Malay tənggara ‘southeast’, fromfrom ten ten ((െതതതന്‍ )) “south”‘south’ + karakara (കര) tengara( (െതതതന്‍നകര് ) ‘southeast’ tungaraMalay ~ tunggaratənggara , ‘southeast’,Javanese (dial.)from ten (തതന്‍) ‘south’ + kara Acehnese tungara ~ tunggara, “shore(കര);” ‘shore’ also ;compare also compare Tamil Tamil teṉ “southeast” tunggɔrɔAcehnese, Makasar tungaraJavanese tunggara(dial.)~ tunggara tungg id.,,ɔ rɔ( ,കര Makasar) ‘shore’ (ெதன்; also compare) “south” Tamil + karai (கைர) “shore Javanese (dial.) tunggɔrɔ, Makasar teṉ (சதꟍ) ‘south’ + karai (கலர) Tausug tunggaraʔtunggara “the id., name Tausug of atunggarate windṉ (சதꟍ ʔ) ‘south’of a sea” + karai (Adelaar (கலர) 1992: 115 fn. 161).46 tunggara id., Tausug tunggaraʔ ‘shore of a sea’ (Adelaar 1992: 115 that blows from‘the namethe Southeast” of a wind that‘shore blows of a sea’ (Adelaar 1992: 115 ‘the name of a wind that blows 45 fn. 161).45 fn. 161). from the Soutfromheast’ the Southeast’

Most of theMost loanwords of the loanwords postulated postulatedthus farTable occur thus 3 in –far pre Malayāḷam occur-modern in preJavanese- modernloanwords literature Javanese in, testifying WMPliterature languages. to ,their testifying relatively to their relatively early transmissionearly transmission. Alternatively,. Alternatively, we may look we atmay the lookgeographical at the geographical distribution ofdistribution tentative Dravidian of tentative etyma. Dravidian etyma. Several TamilSeveral loanwords Tamil loanwords have been havedisseminated been disseminated beyond the Malaybeyond core the area Malay, inter core alia area to Madagascar, inter alia to and Madagascar the and the Philippines.Philippines. WhileMost Malay Whileof i s theno Malay longer loanwords is spoken no longer in these spoken postulatedregions in these, the Italianregions thus scholar, the Italian farand explorer scholaroccur Antonio and in explorer pre-modernPigafetta Antonio Pigafetta Javanese documentedliterature,documented that it was that used testifying it aswas a lingua used asfranca ato lingua when their franca he visited relatively when the he Philippines visited earlythe in Philippines the earlytransmission. 16 inth centurythe early (cf. 16 Wolffth centuryAlternatively, (cf. Wolff we 1976: 3451976:-346). 34546 As-34 argued6).46 As in arguedthe introduction, in the introduction, I consider Tamil I consider loans Tamilwith a loanswide geographicalwith a wide distributiongeographical distribution across Maritimemayacross look MaritimeSoutheast at SoutheastAsia the to geographical be Asiapre-modern to be pre borrowings,-modern distribution borrowings,as postulated asin of postulatedTable tentative 4. in Table Dravidian 4. etyma. Several Tamil loanwords have been disseminated beyond the Malay core area, inter Table 4: widespreadTable 4: widespread Tamil loanwords Tamil loanwordsin WMP lan inguages WMP languages Tamilalia Tamil to MadagascarWMP and theWMP Philippines. commentsWhile Malaycomments is no longer spoken in appamthese (appamஅꯍப믍 regions,) (‘roundஅꯍப믍 )cake ‘round the of ItalianMalaycake ofapam Malayscholar ‘steamed apam riceand ‘steamed flour explorer Cf.rice Van flour der Antonio Cf.Tuuk Van (1897 der Pigafetta-1912 Tuuk/1: (1897 -documented1912/1: rice flourrice and floursugar and fried sugar in ghee; fried incake ghee;’, Javanese cake ’,ap Javaneseəm ‘a rice ap flourəm ‘a330 rice), flourVan Ronkel330), Van(1902: Ronkel 101), (1902: 101), cake usually served as a Blust & Trussell (2014 s.v.). thin cake,thatthin wafer, cake,it bread’was wafer, usedbread’ as a linguacake usuallyfranca servedwhen as he a visitedBlust & Trussell the (2014Philippines s.v.). in the ceremonial food’, Gayo apam ‘k.o. th ceremonial food’, Gayo apam ‘k.o.47 early 16 century (cf.pastry’, Wolff Karo Batak 1976: ampam 345-346). ‘k.o. As argued in the introduction, I consider Tamil loanscake’, Makasarwithpastry’, aapang wideKaro ‘k.o. Batak geographical rice ampam ‘k.o. distribution across Maritime cake’, Maranaocake’ apang, Makasar ‘pancake’ apang, ‘k.o. rice Southeast Asia to beTausug pre-modern apamcake’, id. Maranao borrowings, apang ‘pancake’ as, postulated in Table 4. kappal (கꯍப쯍) ‘ship, sailing Malay kapalTausug ‘decked apam id.ship’, Cf. Van der Tuuk (1897-1912/2: vessel’ kappal (கꯍப쯍) ‘ship, Javanesesailing kapalMalay ‘ship’, kapal Toba Bata‘deckedk 301), ship’, Van Ronkel Cf. (1902:Van der 111 Tuuk-112), (1897-1912/2: vessel’ hopal id., AcehneseJavanese kapalkapay ‘ship’,‘large TobaJones Bata (2007:k 301),143), Van Hoogervorst Ronkel (1902: 111-112), ship’, Makasarhopal id.,kappala Acehneseʔ ‘big kapay (2013: ‘large 86). Jones (2007: 143), Hoogervorst ship’, Chamship’, kapal ‘boat,Makasar ship withkappala ʔ ‘big (2013: 86). 44. Also saṟāmbi (സറാന്പി) ~ srāmbi (�സാന്പി ) ~ śrāmbi (�ശാന്പി ). The word can also denote “a prayer-housequadrangular of Māppiship’, sail’,ḷas Cham Tausug(a Muslim kapal kappal ‘boat, community ship with in Kerala)” or “small mosque.” A ‘a ship (of modernquadrangular times, withsail’, iron Tausug kappal more specific definitionhull)’ is given‘a ship by (of Yule modern and times, Burnell with (1903:iron 181): “a gatehouse with a room over the gate, and generally fortified.hull)’ This is a feature of temples, &c., as well as of private houses, in Malabar. The word is also applied to a chamber raised on four posts.” Upper class houses in Kerala were traditionally equipped with such a fortified gateway (Logan 2007: 82-83). 43 Also saṟāmbi (സറാꅍപി) ~ srāmbi (സാꅍപി) ~ śrāmbi (രാꅍപി). The word can also denote ‘a 45. Consisting of surambi + suffix –an. prayer-house43 Also of Māppisaṟāmḷabis (a(സറാꅍപി Muslim community) ~ srā minbi Kerala)’ (സാꅍപി or ‘small) ~ mosqśrāmue’.bi ( രാꅍപിA more specific). The definition word can is also denote ‘a given by46. Yule However, and Burnell (1903:Tamil 181): sailors “a gatehouse use withthe a roomterm over Cōḻa the gate, koṇḍal and generally (ே௧ாழ fortified. ெகாண்டல் This is a ) for “southeast” feature ofprayer temples,-house &c., ofas wellMāppi as ḷofas private(a Muslim houses, community in Malabar. in The Kerala)’ word isor also ‘small applied mosq to ue’.a chamber A more rai sedspecific on definition is four posts”.(Arunachalamgiven Upper by Yuleclass housesand 1996: Burnell in Kerala 265),(1903: were 181):making traditionally “a gatehouse a Malayāequipped with withḷam a room such etymology overa fortified the gate, gateway more and generally(Loganplausible. 2007: fortified. This is a 82-83). 47.feature This of temples,development &c., as well may as ofbe private connected houses, inwith Malabar. the expansionThe word is also of appliedthe Brunei to a chamber Sultanate raised inon the late 44 Consisting15fourth ofcenturyposts”. surambi Upper CE+ suffix class and – anhouses perhaps. in Kerala with were commercial traditionally contacts,equipped with if suchnot aslave fortified trade, gateway in (Loganearlier 2007: times. 45 However,82- Tamil83). sailors use the term Cōḻa koṇḍal (வசாை சகா迍ட쯍) for ‘southeast’ (Arunachalam 1996: 265), making a44 Malayāḷam Consisting etymology of surambi more + suffixplausible. –an . 46 This development45 However, may Tamil be connected sailors use with the theterm expansion Cōḻa koṇḍal of the ( வசாைBrunei சகா迍ட쯍 Sultanate in) thefor late‘southeast’ 15th century (Arunacha CE andlam 1996: 265), perhaps withmaking commercial a Malayāḷam contacts, etymology if not slave more trade, plausible. in earlier times. 46 This development may be connected with the expansion of the Brunei Sultanate in the late 15th century CE and perhaps with commercial contacts, if not slave trade, in earlier times. Archipel11 89, Paris, 2015

11

Tamil WMP comments kaḍai (கலட) ‘shop, bazaar, Malay kədai ‘shop’, Minangkabau Cf. Jones (2007: 148); also cf. market’ kadai ‘shop’, Acehnese kɯdɛ kaḍai (கலட) in the meaning of Tamil WMP comments‘shop, booth, stall’, Tausug kadday ‘pawning’ (Table 2), which could kaḍai (கலட) ‘shop, bazaar, Malay kədai ‘shop’, Minangkabau Cf. ‘aJones restaurant, (2007: 148); eatery, also cf. small be a lexical doublet. market’ kadai ‘shop’, Acehnese kɯdɛ kaḍairefreshment (கலட) in stand’the meaning of ‘shop,kāval booth, (காே쯍 stall’,) ‘watchman, TausugTamil kadday guard’ ‘pawning’ Malay ( Tablekawal 2 )‘watchman,, whichWMP could patrol, Cf. Van Ronkelcomments (1902: 111) , Jones ‘a restaurant, eatery, kaḍsmallai (கலடbe a) guard’,lexical‘shop, doublet. Javanesebazaar, kawalMalay ‘tokədai guard, ‘shop’, (2007:Minangkabau 148). PossiblyCf. Jones from (2007: Hindi 148); also cf. refreshment stand’ market’ escort’, Karo Batakkadai kawal ‘shop’, ‘guard’, Acehnese qarāval k ɯ‘guard,dɛ ka ḍaiwatchman’, (கலட) in theof meaning of ‘shop, booth, stall’, Tausug kadday kāval (காே쯍) ‘watchman, guard’ Malay kawal ‘watchman, patrol, Cf. VanTagalog Ronkel kawa (1902:l ‘soldier; 111), Jones warrior; ultimate Turkish‘pawning’ origins. ( Table 2), which could guard’, Javanese kawal ‘to guard, (2007: 148). Possibly from‘a Hindirestaurant, eatery, small be a lexical doublet. troops’ refreshment stand’ escort’, Karo Batak kawal ‘guard’, qarāval ‘guard, watchman’, of kommaṭṭikkāy (சகா믍ம翍羿埍கா뿍kāval (காே쯍) ) ‘watchman,Malay k əguard’məndikai Malay ‘watermelon kawal ‘watchman, Cf. Van patrol, Ronkel Cf. Van(1903e). Ronkel Malay (1902: 111), Jones Tagalog kawal ‘soldier; warrior; ultimate Turkish origins. ‘unripe water melon’47 (Citrullus 78 lanatusguard’, (TJavanesehunb.) kawalalso ‘to displays Tomguard, Hoogervorst (2007:təmbikai 148) . Possiblythrough from Hindi troops’ Matsum. & Nakai)’,escort’, Minangkabau Karo Batak kawalmetathesis. ‘guard’, qarāval ‘guard, watchman’, of kommaṭṭikkāy (சகா믍ம翍羿埍கா뿍) Malay kəməndikai ‘watermelon Cf. Vankamandiki Ronkel, Karo(1903e). BatakTagalog Malay mandike kawa l ‘soldier;, warrior; ultimate Turkish origins. 47 (Citrullus lanatus (Thunb.) also displays təmbikaiTamil through WMP comments ‘unripe water melon’ Makasar mandike id.troops’ Matsum. & Nakai)’, Minangkabau metathesis. appam Malay apam “steamed rice flour Cf. Van der Tuuk (1897-1912/1: kommaṭṭikkāy (Malayசகா믍ம翍羿埍கா뿍 məmp) əlamMalay k‘mangoəməndikai Cf.‘watermelon Van der TuukCf. Van (1897 Ronkel-1912/1: (1903e). Malay kamandikimāmpaḻ,am Karo (மா믍பை믍 Batak mandike) ‘mango, 47 (அப்பம்) cake,” Javanese apəm “a rice flour 330), Van Ronkel (1902: 101), Blust 48 ‘unripe water melon’ (Citrullus lanatus (Thunb.) also displays təmbikai through Makasarfruit’ mandike id. (Mangifera“round indica cake Matsum.L.)’, of rice Javanese & Nakai)’,cake usually 407Minangkabau served-408) ,as Van a ceremonial metathesis.Ronkel (1902: & Trussell 115) ,(2014 s.v.). pələm, Acehneseflour and sugar mamplamfried food,”, GayoJones apam (2007: “k.o. pastry,”199). ThKaroe first author māmpaḻam (மா믍பை믍) ‘mango Malay məmpəlam ‘mango Cf. Van der Tuukin ghee; (1897 thinkamandiki -cake,1912/1: , KaroBatak Batakampam mandike “k.o. cake,”, Makasar fruit’48 (Mangifera indica L.)’, Javanese 407-Minangkabau408), Van Ronkelwafer, bread” marapalam(1902:Makasar 115) mandike, apangid., id. “k.o.glosses rice cake,” Old Maranao Javanese hampləm pələm, Acehnese mamplammāmpaḻ,am Jones (மா믍பை믍Angkola (2007:) 199-Mandailing‘mango). Th e firstMalay author mBatakapangəmpə lam “pancake,”‘small ‘mango type Tausug of apam Cf.mangga Van id. der, about Tuuk the (1897 -1912/1: 48 (Mangifera indica L.)’, Javanese 407-408), Van Ronkel (1902: 115), Minangkabau marapalamfruit’ id., glossesmarapolom Old Javanesekappal ‘a smaller hampl ətypem Malay of kapalsize “decked of a goose ship,” egg, Javanese with a Cf.very Van thin der Tuuk (1897-1912/2: Angkola-Mandailing Batak ‘smallmangga type of with mangga(கப்பல் a more) , paboutələ mrefined, theAcehnese kapaland “ship,” andmamplam Tobaeasily Batak removable, hopalJones (2007: yellow301), 199 peel )Van. Th ’Ronkele first author(1902: 111-112), marapolom ‘a smaller type of size ofsweeter a goose egg,“ship,taste’, with sailing aMinangkabau very vessel” thinMaranao id., Acehnesemarapalam (not kapayattested id.,“large in glossesship,” Zoetmulder OldJones Javanese1982), (2007: 143),hampl Hoogervorstəm mangga with a more refined and and easilymampalang removable ‘red yellow-fleshedAngkola peel mango’,-Mandailing’ Makasar implying kappalaʔBatak “big that ship,” ‘smallthe Cham word type originally(2013:of mangga 86). , about the marapolom kapal‘a smaller “boat, ship type with of quadrangular size of a goose egg, with a very thin sweeter taste’, Maranao (not attested in Zoetmulder 1982), Tausug mampallammangga ‘a withsmallsail,” a more Tausugreferred refined kappal and “ato shipaand (ofspecific easily removable mango yellow peel’ mampalang ‘red-fleshed mango’, Tamilimplyingvariety that theof wordmango’ sweeteroriginally, Subanon modernWMPtaste’, times,varietyMaranao with. iron hull)”(not attested in commentsZoetmulder 1982), Tausug mampallam ‘a small kareferredḍaimapalam (கலடto a )‘mango kaḍaispecific‘shop, ’ mampalang bazaar,mango Malay‘redMalay-fleshed kədai kədai “shop,” mango’, ‘shop’, Minangkabau Minangkabauimplying thatCf. the JonesCf. word Jones(2007: originally 148);(2007: also 148);cf. kaḍai also cf. varietymāṅ gāyof ( மா柍கா뿍mango’), ‘unripeSubanon mango market’variety Malay. (கைடmangga) Tausug ‘mangomampallamkadaikadai “shop,” Cf.‘shop’, ‘aJones Acehnese small Acehnese(2007: kɯdɛreferred “shop,193 k ).ɯ todTɛ (his கைடa kaworspecificḍ) aiind the (கலட meaning mango) in of t “pawning”he meaning of mapalamfruit’, (colloquial) ‘mango’ maːŋgaː id. (Mangifera“shop, indica bazaar, varietyL.)’, Maranaoof booth,‘shop,mango’ stall,” booth,may, Tausug Subanonhave stall’, kaddayoriginally Tausug variety “a kadday .referred ( Table‘pawning’ to 2 ),an which (couldTable be 2a) lexical, which could māṅgāy (மா柍கா뿍) ‘unripe mango Malay mangga ‘mango Cf. Jones (2007:market” 193). Tmapalamhis wor d‘mango restaurant,‘a ’ restaurant, eatery, small eatery, refreshment small doublet. manggaʔ, Tagalog manggá stand”id., introduced cultivar. Wild mangobe a lexical doublet. fruit’, (colloquial) maːŋgaː id. (Mangifera indica L.)’, Maranaomāṅgāy (மா柍கா뿍may Tausughave) ‘unripe originally mangga mango referred ‘commonMalay to an Cebumanggarefreshment populations stand’‘mango occurCf. Jones naturally (2007: 193in). This word manggaʔ, Tagalog manggáfruit’, id., (colloquial) kāvalintroduced ( காே쯍maːŋgaː cultivar.49) ‘watchman, id.kāval Wild(Mangifera guard’mango indicaMalayMalay kawalL.)’, kawal “watchman,Maranao ‘watchman, patrol,may have patrol, originallyCf. VanCf. RonkelVan referred Ronkel (1902: to an (1902:111), Jones 111) , Jones mango’ (காவல்) guard,” JavaneseMaritime kawal Southeast “to guard, Asia(2007: and 148).of Possibly from Hindi Tausug mangga ‘common Cebu populations occur naturallymangga ʔin, Tagalogguard’, manggáJavanese id.,kawal introduced ‘to guard, cultivar. (2007: W 148ild )mango. Possibly from Hindi 49 “watchman, guard” escort,” Karoproto Batak-Malayo kawal- Polynesian“guard,” qarāval*pahuq “guard, watchman,” of mango’ Maritime Southeast AsiaTausug and manggaof escort’, ‘common Karo Batak Cebu kawalpopulations ‘guard’, occurqarāval naturally ‘guard, in watchman’, of mango’49 Tagalog ‘mango’kawal “soldier; are widespread.warrior;Maritime Southeast ultimate Turkish Asia andorigins. of proto-Malayo-Polynesian *pahuq troops”Tagalog kawal ‘soldier; warrior; ultimate Turkish origins. mettai (சம鏍லத) ‘bed, cushion; Malay metai ‘a thin cushion-quilt Cf. Van Ronkelproto (1902:-Malayo 115)-Polynesian, Jones *pahuq ‘mango’ are widespread. troops’ quilt stuffed with cotton’ for sitting kommaṭṭikkāyon’, Tagalog †mitayMalay kəməndikai(2007: 201 “watermelon). ‘mango’ are Cf.widespread. Van Ronkel (1903e). Malay mettai (சம鏍லத) ‘bed, cushion; Malay metai ‘a thin cushion-quilt kommaCf. Vanṭṭ Ronkelikkāy ( (சகா믍ம翍羿埍கா뿍(1902: 115), Jones)்) (MalayCitrullus klanatusəməndikai (Thunb.) ‘watermelon Matsum. also Cf. displays Van təmbikai Ronkel through (1903e). Malay mettai (சம鏍லத‘mattress’) ‘bed, cu shion; Malay metai ‘a thin cushion-quilt Cf. Van Ronkel (1902: 115), Jones quilt stuffed with cotton’ for sitting on’, Tagalog †mitay ‘unripe(2007: 201water). melon’“unripe47 water &(Citrullus Nakai),” Minangkabau lanatus kamandiki(Thunb.), metathesis. also displays təmbikai through quilt stuffed with cotton’ 48 for sitting on’, Tagalog †mitay (2007: 201). ‘mattress’mīcai (므லச ) ‘moustache’ Malay melon”misai ‘moustache’;KaroMatsum. BatakCf. &mandike Van Nakai)’, Ronkel, Makasar Minangkabau (1902: 116) , metathesis.Jones Acehnese misɛ id.,‘mattress’ Karo Batakmandike (2007: id. 204). mīcai (므லச) ‘moustache’ Malay misai ‘moustache’; Cf. Van Ronkel (1902: 116)Malay, Jones misaikamandiki ‘moustache’;, Karo Batak Cf. mandike Van Ronkel, (1902: 116), Jones mīcai (므லச) ‘moustache’mise ‘moustache, pointed beard, Acehnese misɛ id., Karo Batak (2007: 204). māmpaḻamAcehnese misMalayMakasarɛ id., məmpəlam Karo mandike Batak “mango id. ((2007:Mangifera 204 ).Cf. Van der Tuuk (1897-1912/1: 407- mise ‘moustache, pointed beard, goatee’, மா믍பை믍(மாம்பழம்Angkola) -MandailingindicaMalay L.),” Javaneseməmp əpələmlam , Acehnese‘mango 408), Cf. Van Van Ronkel der (1902: Tuuk 115), (1897 Jones-1912/1: māmpaḻam ( “mango fruit”)mise ‘mango49 ‘moustache, mamplam pointed, Minangkabau beard, marapalam (2007: 199). The first author glosses Batak48 mise ‘moustache’, Tagalog goatee’, Angkola-Mandailing fruit’ goatee’, id.,(AngkolaMangifera Angkola-Mandailing-Mandailing indica L.)’,Batak JavaneseOld 407Javanese-408) hampləm, Van Ronkel “small (1902: type 115), Batak mise ‘moustache’, Tagalog misay, Tausug misayBatak id. mise ‘moustache’,marapolompələm, “aAcehnese smallerTagalog type ofmamplam mangga of, mangga,Jones (2007: about the 199 size). ofTh ae goose first author misaymuru, Tausugṅgai misay(믁쏁柍லக id. ) ‘horse- Malay mərunggaimisay , TausugTagalogwithMinangkabau misay a moreCf. id. refined Van Ronkel marapalamand sweeter (1902: taste,” id.,115) egg, , glosses Joneswith a very Old thin Javaneseand easily hampləm muruṅgai (믁쏁柍லக) ‘horse- Malayradish mtreeərunggai (Moringa Tagalogmuru oleiferaṅgai Cf. (믁쏁柍லக Vanmalunggáy Ronkel) ‘horse (1902:, Ilokano- 115)Malay ma, Jones runggáym əMaranaoAngkolarunggai, (2007: mampalang -MandailingTagalog 200 “red-fleshed). MalayCf. Van Batakalso Ronkel removable displays ‘small(1902: yellow 115)type , ofpeel”Jones mangga (not attested, about the mango,” Tausug mampallam “a small in Zoetmulder 1982), implying that radish tree (Moringa oleifera malunggáyLam.)’ , Ilokano marunggáyradish , tree(2007: (MoringaTausug 200) . Malayoleiferakalamunggay also malunggáy displays id. , Ilokanomarapolom(cf. r əmamunggairunggáy ‘a smaller ,through (2007: type metathesis. 200 of). Malaysize ofalso a goose displays egg, with a very thin Lam.)’ Tausug kalamunggayvariety of mango,” id. Subanon(cf. r əmapalammunggai throughthe word metathesis. originally referred to a Lam.)’ Tausug kalamunggay id. (cf. rəmunggaiSwahili through mlonge metathesis. ~ mronge id.) “mango”mangga with a more refined andspecific and easilymango removablevariety. yellow peel’ Swahili mlonge ~ mronge id.) Swahili mlongesweeter ~ mronge id.)taste’, Maranao (not attested in Zoetmulder 1982), Tablemampalang 4 – Widespread ‘red Tamil-fleshed loanwords mango’, in WMP implying languages. that the word originally Tausug mampallam ‘a small referred to a specific mango 47 This form is absent in47 the This dictionaries form is absent consulted, in the dictionaries48. but This would form consulted, evidently is absent but varietyinconsist would the dictionaries evidently ofof komma mango’ consist consulted,ṭṭi (,சகா믍ம翍羿 of Subanonkomma but wouldṭṭ i) ( சகா믍ம翍羿‘avariety evidently small. )consist ‘a small of kommaṭṭi 47 This form is absent in the dictionaries consulted, but would evidently consist of kommaṭṭi ((சகா믍ம翍羿)) “a‘a small water-melon, climber (Citrullus); country cucumber, climber (Cucumis water-melon, climber (Citrulluswater-melon,); country climber cucumber, (Citrullus); climbercountry cucumber, (Cucumismapalam climber melo L.)’ (Cucumis ‘mango + kāy ’melo (கா뿍 L.)’) ‘unripe + kāy ( கா뿍fruit’.) ‘unripe The fruit’. The water-melon, climber (Citrullus); country cucumber, climber (Cucumis melo L.)’ + kāy (கா뿍melo) ‘unripe L.)” + fruit’. kāy ( காய்The ) “unripe fruit.” The WMP attestations suggest that the segment <ṭṭ> WMP attestations suggestWMP that attestations the māsegmentṅgāy suggest ( மா柍கா뿍<ṭṭ >that (翍羿 the) )‘unripe segmentin thethe envisioned mangoenvisioned <ṭṭ> (翍羿 Malay Tamil) inTamil the precursor envisioned precursormangga may Tamil may have precursor havebeen‘mango voiced,been may Cf.voiced, athave Jonesleast been in (2007: avoiced, particular 193 ). variety. This wor d WMP attestations suggest that the segment <ṭṭ> (翍羿) in the envisionedat least in Tamil a particularfruit’, precursor (colloquial) variety. mayThis This havemaːŋgaː is issupported beensupported id. voiced, by by TeluguTelugu(Mangifera gummaḍi indica (( L.)’,) ) Maranao‘a “a gourd, gourd, a apumpkinmay pumpkin have (Cucurbita originally (Cucurbita referred maxima to an at least in a particular variety. This is supported by Telugu gummaḍi (屁롍మ萿) ‘a gourd,屁롍మ萿 a pumpkin (Cucurbita at least in a particular variety. This is supported by Telugu gummaḍi (屁롍మ萿) ‘a gourd, aDuchesne)” pumpkin ( Cucurbitaand Koṇḍa manggagumeṇḍiʔ ,“a Tagalogpumpkin (C.manggá maxima; id., C. pepointroduced L.).” cultivar. Wild mango maxima Duchesne)’ andmaxima Koṇḍa Duchesne)’ gumeṇḍi and‘a pumpkin Koṇḍa gumeṇḍi (C. maxima ‘a pumpkin; C. pepo (C. maxima L.)’. ; C. pepo L.)’. maxima Duchesne)’ and Koṇḍa gumeṇḍi ‘a pumpkin (C. maxima48; TC.he pepo form L.)’. consists of mā (49.மா )The ‘mango’ form consists+ paḻam of (Tausug பை믍mā (மா) ‘fruit, )mangga “mango” ripe fruit’. ‘common+ paḻam Colloquial ( பழம்Cebu) Tamil“fruit, populations hasripe maːmbafruit.” occurColloquialʐam naturally Tamil in 48 has maːmbaʐam “mango (ripe),”49 displaying regular voicing of post-nasal stops. However, the 48 The form consists of mā (மா) ‘mango’ T+he pa formḻam (பை믍consists) ‘fruit, of ‘mangomā ripe (மா fruit’. (ripe)’,) ‘mango’ Colloquial displaying + pa Tamil ḻregularam ( பை믍has voicing maːmba) ‘fruit, of postʐ amripe-nasal mango’ fruit’. stops. Colloquial However, Tamilthe WMP has attestations maːmbaMaritime ʐsuggestam Southeast that the Asia and of WMP attestations suggest that the

(ப) was voiceless in theproto Tamil-Malayo variety-Polynesian through which *pahuq ‘mango (ripe)’, displaying regular voicing‘mango of post (ripe)’,-nasal displayingstops. However,

regular(ப) was the voicelessvoicing WMP attestations ofin thepost theTamil-nasal word suggest variety stops.has spread throughthat However, the eastwards. which the the WMPword has attestations spread eastwards. suggest that the

(ப) was voiceless in the Tamil variety

through (ப) was which voiceless the word in49 Alsothe has Tamil knownspread variety aseastwards. ‘Carabao through mango’ which (Mangifera the word indica has spreadL. cultivar eastwards. Carabao ). ‘mango’ are widespread. 49 49 Also known as ‘Carabao mango’ (Mangifera Also indicaknown L. as cultivar ‘Carabao Carabao mango’). mettai (Mangifera (சம鏍லத indica) ‘bed, L. cultivar cushion; Carabao Malay). metai ‘a thin cushion-quilt Cf. Van Ronkel (1902: 115), Jones quilt stuffed with cotton’ for sitting on’, Tagalog †mitay (2007: 201). 12 ‘mattress’ Archipel 89, Paris, 201512 12 mīcai (므லச) ‘moustache’ Malay misai ‘moustache’; Cf. Van Ronkel (1902: 116), Jones

Acehnese misɛ id., Karo Batak (2007: 204). mise ‘moustache, pointed beard, goatee’, Angkola-Mandailing Batak mise ‘moustache’, Tagalog misay, Tausug misay id. muruṅgai (믁쏁柍லக) ‘horse- Malay mərunggai Tagalog Cf. Van Ronkel (1902: 115), Jones radish tree (Moringa oleifera malunggáy, Ilokano marunggáy, (2007: 200). Malay also displays Lam.)’ Tausug kalamunggay id. (cf. rəmunggai through metathesis. Swahili mlonge ~ mronge id.)

47 This form is absent in the dictionaries consulted, but would evidently consist of kommaṭṭi (சகா믍ம翍羿) ‘a small water-melon, climber (Citrullus); country cucumber, climber (Cucumis melo L.)’ + kāy (கா뿍) ‘unripe fruit’. The WMP attestations suggest that the segment <ṭṭ> (翍羿) in the envisioned Tamil precursor may have been voiced, at least in a particular variety. This is supported by Telugu gummaḍi (屁롍మ萿) ‘a gourd, a pumpkin (Cucurbita maxima Duchesne)’ and Koṇḍa gumeṇḍi ‘a pumpkin (C. maxima; C. pepo L.)’. 48 The form consists of mā (மா) ‘mango’ + paḻam (பை믍) ‘fruit, ripe fruit’. Colloquial Tamil has maːmbaʐam ‘mango (ripe)’, displaying regular voicing of post-nasal stops. However, the WMP attestations suggest that the

(ப) was voiceless in the Tamil variety through which the word has spread eastwards. 49 Also known as ‘Carabao mango’ (Mangifera indica L. cultivar Carabao).

12

Tamil WMP comments kaḍai (கலட) ‘shop, bazaar, Malay kədai ‘shop’, Minangkabau Cf. Jones (2007: 148); also cf. market’ kadai ‘shop’, Acehnese kɯdɛ kaḍai (கலட) in the meaning of ‘shop, booth, stall’, Tausug kadday ‘pawning’ (Table 2), which could ‘a restaurant, eatery, small be a lexical doublet. refreshment stand’ kāval (காே쯍) ‘watchman, guard’ Malay kawal ‘watchman, patrol, Cf. Van Ronkel (1902: 111), Jones Tamil guard’, Javanese kawalWMP ‘to guard, (2007: 148). Possibly fromcomments Hindi puṭṭu (ꯁ翍翁) ‘a escort’,kind Karo of Batak Malay kawal ‘guard’,putu ‘gen. qarāval for a ‘guard,number watchman’,of Cf. Vanof Ronkel (1903f: 547), confectionery’50 Tagalog kawal ‘soldier;sweetmeats’, warrior; ultimateJavanese Turkish puorigins.ṭu Jones (2007: 256), Blust & troops’ ‘cylindrical dumpling of rice flour Trussell (2014 s.v.). kommaṭṭikkāy (சகா믍ம翍羿埍கா뿍) Malay kəməndikaiin a‘watermelon sauce of saltedCf. Van coconut Ronkel milk (1903e). Malay ‘unripe water melon’47 (Citrullus lanatus (Thunb.) also displays təmbikai through Matsum. & Nakai)’,with Minangkabau a lump of brownmetathesis. sugar in the kamandiki, Karo Batakcentre’, mandike Acehnese, putu ‘a Makasar mandike sweetmeat’,id. Tagalog puto ‘k.o. māmpaḻam (மா믍பை믍) ‘mango Malay məmpəlamwhite cake‘mango made Cf. from Van riceder Tuukflour’, (1897 -1912/1: fruit’48 (Mangifera indicaIlokano L.)’, Javanese púto ‘rice407 cake-408) , madeVan Ronkel with (1902: 115), pələm, Acehneseeggs, mamplam grounded, Jonessugar, (2007: rice, 199 water). The first author Minangkabau marapalam id., glosses Old Javanese hampləm Angkola-Mandailingand coconut’,Batak ‘smallTausug type putuof mangga ‘a , about the marapolom ‘a smallerconfection type ofmade size ofby a goose steaming egg, with a very thin mangga with a moregrated refined cassava’ and and easily removable yellow peel’ 79 tālam (தாை믍Detecting) ‘sweetereating pre-modern -plate,taste’, Malaylexical Maranao talam influence ‘platter, (not from attested tray South ( inwithout ZoIndiaetmulder Van 1982), Ronkel (1902: 105), Jones mampalang ‘red-fleshedpedestal)’, mango’, Javaneseimplying that thetalam word originally(2007: 311 ). porringer (usually of metal)’Tausug mampallam ‘a small referred to a specific mango Tamil variety of mango’WMP‘serving, Subanon tray, platter’,variety. Acehnesecomments māṅgāy Malaymapalam mangga ‘mango “mango’talam (Mangifera ‘big, roundCf. Jones tray’, (2007: Cham 193). This word māṅgāy (மா柍கா뿍(மாங்காய) ‘unripe்) mango indicaMalay L.),” Maranaomanggatalam manggaʔ ‘plate’,‘mango, SubanonCf.may Jones have (2007:originallytalam 193 ‘areferred). This to wor an d fruit’, (colloquial)“unripe maːŋgaː mango id. fruit,” Tagalog(Mangifera manggá indica id.,brass TausugL.)’, Maranao manggaserving mayintroducedplatter’, have originally cultivar.Tausug Wild referred mango to an (colloquial) maːŋgaː “common Cebu mango”50 populations occur naturally in manggaʔ, Tagalogtalam manggá ‘a brass id., trayintroduced (without cultivar. legs)’ W ild mango id. Tausug mangga ‘common Cebu populationsMaritime Southeast occur Asianaturally and of in vagai (ேலக) ‘kind, mango’class,49 sort; Malay bagai Maritimeproto-Malayo-Polynesian‘kind, Southeastvariety, Asia C*pahuq f.and Van of Ronkel (1903d), Jones goods; property; means of species’, Acehneseproto“mango”- Malayobag are ɔəwidespread.-Polynesian id., (2007:*pahuq 30 ), Blust & Trussell (2014 livelihood’mettai (ெமத்ைத ) Malay metai “a thinAngkola cushion-quilt-Mandailing ‘mango’Cf. Van Batak Ronkelare widespread. (1902:bage 115), s.v Jones.). mettai (சம鏍லத“bed,) cushion;‘bed, cu quiltshion; forMalay sitting metai on,” ‘aTagalog thin‘various, cushion †mitay -etcetera’,quilt Cf.(2007: VanTagalog 201). Ronkel bagay (1902: 115), Jones quilt stuffed withstuffed cotton’ with cotton” “mattress”for sitting on’, Tagalog‘thing; object,†mitay article’,(2007: 201 Bikol). bágay mīcai Malay‘mattress’ misai “moustache;”‘things, stuff; item,Cf. Vanmatter, Ronkel object’ (1902: 116), mīcai (므லச) ‘moustache’(மீைச) AcehneseMalay misɛmisai id., Karo‘moustache’; Batak mise Cf.Jones Van (2007: Ronkel 204). (1902: 116), Jones va“moustache”ḍi (ே羿) ‘sharpness’,“moustache,Acehnese cf. Telugu mis pointedɛ id.,Malay beard, Karo goatee,” Batakbadik (2007:‘k.o. 204 ). dagger’, Cf. Hoogervorst (2013: 22). If this Angkola-MandailingSundanese Batak mise badi ~ badi-badi ‘k.o. etymology is correct, the vaḍi (వ萿) ~ vāḍi (퐾萿)mise id. ‘moustache, pointed beard, “moustache,”goatee’, TagalogAngkolacut misay-andMandailing,- Tausugthrust weapon (from reconstruction of PMP *badiq misayBatak id.mise ‘moustache’,Sumatra) Tagalog’, Acehnese badeʔ ‘k.o. ‘dagger’ must be revised (cf. muruṅgai Malaymisay ,mərunggai Tausug misay Tagalogknife’, id. Cham Cf.padaik Van Ronkel ‘short (1902: 115),Mahdi 1994: 173-175, Blust & 믁쏁柍லக Malay mərunggai Tagalog Cf. Van Ronkel (1902: 115), Jones muruṅgai (( )) “horse-‘horse- malunggáy, Ilokanoponiard, marunggáy Malay, Joneskəris (2007:’, Makasar 200). Trussell 2014 s.v.); iron metallurgy radish tree radish(Moringa tree ( Moringaoleifera Tausugmalunggáy kalamunggay, Ilokano id.ma (cf.runggáy Swahili, (2007:Malay 200also) displays. Malay rəmunggaialso displays Lam.)’ oleifera Lam.)” mlongeTausug ~ mrongekalamunggay id.)badi ʔ id.‘k.o. (cf. thrustingrəthroughmunggai metathesis. weapon’,through metathesis. is not indigenous to Maritime Tamil puṭṭu MalaySwahili WMPputu mlonge “gen. ~ for mrongeCebuano a number id.) barì ‘k.o.Cf. sickle’Vancomments Ronkel (1903f: 547),Southeast Asia. puṭṭu vari((ꯁ翍翁 (ே쎿) ) ‘paddy’‘a kind ofof sweetmeats,” Malay putu Javanese Malay‘gen. puṭu for kadut a number bariJones of ‘dried(2007:Cf. Van 256),pulut Ronkel- Cf. (1903f: Hoogervorst 547), (2013: 42-43). confectionery’“a kind50 of “cylindricalsweetmeats’, dumplingrice’, of riceJava Bugis flournese inkado puBlustṭʔu bari &Jones Trussell ‘cooked, (2007: (2014 s.v.).Malay256), Blustkadut & = ‘sack-cloth; 51 47 This form is absentconfectionery” in the dictionariesa consulted, sauce‘cylindrical of salted but would coconut sundumpling evidently- driedmilk withof consist rice’,rice a flour ofMalagasy komma Trussellṭṭi ( சகா믍ம翍羿 (2014vary s.vglutinous.)) .‘a small rice dried but uncooked’. lump ofin brown a sauce sugar of in salted the centre,” coconut milk water-melon, climber (Citrullus); countryAcehnese cucumber, putu climber“a sweetmeat,”‘rice’ (Cucumis (cf. Swahilimelo L.)’ +wali kāy (கா뿍‘cooked) ‘unripe Furtherfruit’. The a ttestations from Bornean WMP attestations suggest that the segment (翍羿 a lump) in the of envisionedbrown sugar Tamil in the precursor may have been voiced, Tagalogcentre’, puto “k.o. Acehnesewhiterice’) cake madeputu ‘a languages given in Adelaar (1989: at least in a particular variety. This is supportedfrom rice flour,” by Telugu Ilokano gummaḍipúto “rice (屁롍మ萿 ) ‘a gourd, a pumpkin (26).Cucurbita cake madesweetmeat’, with eggs, Tagaloggrounded sugar,puto ‘k.o. maxima Duchesne)’veḍil ( சே羿쯍and Koṇḍa) ‘explosion’ gumeṇḍi ‘a pumpkin white cake (C. mademaximaMalay from ; bC.ə dilpeporice ‘firearm’, flour’,L.)’. Acehnese Cf. Kern (1902), Blust & Trussell 48 rice, water and coconut,” Tausug The form consists of mā (மா) ‘mango’putu + “a paIlokano confectionḻam (பை믍 púto madeb) ɯ ‘rice‘fruit,de by ,cake steamingTobaripe madefruit’. Batak with Colloquial bodil , MTamilakasar has maːmba(2014ʐ ams.v .). ‘mango (ripe)’, displaying regular voicinggrated of eggs,cassava” post- nasalgrounded stops.baʔ dilisu However,gar,ʔ, Bugis rice, the waterbalili WMP ʔ id.,attestations Tagalog suggest that the

(ப) was voiceless in the Tamil variety throughand coconut’, which the wordTausug has spreadputu eastwards.‘a 49 Also known astālam ‘Carabao mango’ (MangiferaMalay talam indica “platter, L. cultivarbarí trayl (without‘gun’, Carabao Cebuano). Van Ronkel baril (1902: ‘shoot 105), (தாலம்) pedestal),”confection Javanese someone talammade “servingby or somethingsteaming Jones (2007: with 311).a gun’, “eating-plate, tray, platter,”grated Acehnese cassava’ talam “big, tālam porringer(தாை믍) (usually‘eating of -plate,round tray,”Malay Cham talam talamBikol ‘platter, “plate,” badíl tray ‘gun, (without shotgun, Van pieceRonkel of (1902: 10512), Jones porringermetal)” (usually of metal)’ Subanonpedestal)’, talam “a brassartillery’Javanese serving talam (2007: 311). vilaṅgu (ힿை柍埁)platter,” ‘serving‘fetters, Tausug talam tray,M alay‘aplatter’, brass bə trayl əngguAcehnese ‘fetters, shackles Cf. Van der Tuuk (1897-1912/4: shackles, manacles’ (withouttalam legs)’ ‘big,for round the tray’, feet’, Cham Minangkabau 1010), Van Ronkel (1902: 103), vagai Malay talambagai “kind,‘plate’, pilangguvariety, Subanon species,” id., talam AcehneseCf. ‘a Van Ronkel blangku (1903d), Jones (2007: 36), Blust & Trussell (வைக) Acehnesebrass bagɔə serving id.,‘shackles’, Angkola- platter’, TausugIlokanoJones (2007: bilánggo 30), (2014 s.v.). “kind, class, sort; Mandailing Batak bage “various, Blust & Trussell (2014 s.v.). talam ‘a brass‘bailiff’, tray (without Tagalog legs)’ bilanggô vagai (ேலகgoods;) property;‘kind, class, sort;etcetera,” Malay Tagalog bagai bagay “thing;‘kind, variety, Cf. Van Ronkel (1903d), Jones means of livelihood” object, article,” Bikol bágay “things, species’, Acehnese‘prisoner, bagɔəcaptive’, id., (2007:Maranao 30), Blust & Trussell (2014 goods; property; means stuff;of item, matter, object” livelihood’ Angkola-Mandailingbilanggo ʔBatak ‘jail, bage prison’, s.v.). Tausug bilangguʔ ‘a chain, shackle, fetter’ Table 4 –‘various, Widespread etcetera’, Tamil loanwords Tagalog inbagay WMP languages. ‘thing; object, article’, Bikol bágay ‘things, stuff; item, matter, object’ vaḍi (ே羿) ‘sharpness’, cf. Telugu Malay badik ‘k.o. dagger’, Cf. Hoogervorst (2013: 22). If this 50. Also known as “Carabao mango” (Mangifera indica L. cultivar Carabao). Sundanese badi ~ badi-badi ‘k.o. etymology is correct, the vaḍi (50వ萿) ~ vāḍi (퐾萿) id. The51. The more more common common form form is iscut pi piṭṭu-ṭṭandu ((-ꮿ翍翁thrust ).). weapon (from reconstruction of PMP *badiq Sumatra)’, Acehnese badeʔ ‘k.o. ‘dagger’ must be revised (cf. knife’, Cham padaik ‘short Mahdi 1994: 173-175, Blust & 13 poniard, Malay kəris’, Makasar Trussell 2014 s.v.); iron metallurgy badiʔ ‘k.o. thrusting weapon’, is notArchipel indigenous 89, Paris, to 2015Maritime Cebuano barì ‘k.o. sickle’ Southeast Asia. vari (ே쎿) ‘paddy’ Malay kadut bari ‘dried pulut- Cf. Hoogervorst (2013: 42-43). rice’, Bugis kadoʔ bari ‘cooked, Malay kadut = ‘sack-cloth; sun-dried rice’, Malagasy vary glutinous rice dried but uncooked’. ‘rice’ (cf. Swahili wali ‘cooked Further attestations from Bornean rice’) languages given in Adelaar (1989: 26). veḍil (சே羿쯍) ‘explosion’ Malay bədil ‘firearm’, Acehnese Cf. Kern (1902), Blust & Trussell bɯde, Toba Batak bodil, Makasar (2014 s.v.). baʔdiliʔ, Bugis baliliʔ id., Tagalog baríl ‘gun’, Cebuano baril ‘shoot someone or something with a gun’, Bikol badíl ‘gun, shotgun, piece of artillery’ vilaṅgu (ힿை柍埁) ‘fetters, Malay bələnggu ‘fetters, shackles Cf. Van der Tuuk (1897-1912/4: shackles, manacles’ for the feet’, Minangkabau 1010), Van Ronkel (1902: 103), pilanggu id., Acehnese blangku Jones (2007: 36), Blust & Trussell ‘shackles’, Ilokano bilánggo (2014 s.v.). ‘bailiff’, Tagalog bilanggô ‘prisoner, captive’, Maranao bilanggoʔ ‘jail, prison’, Tausug bilangguʔ ‘a chain, shackle, fetter’

50 The more common form is piṭṭu (ꮿ翍翁).

13

Tamil WMP comments puṭṭu (ꯁ翍翁) ‘a kind of Malay putu ‘gen. for a number of Cf. Van Ronkel (1903f: 547), confectionery’50 sweetmeats’, Javanese puṭu Jones (2007: 256), Blust & Tamil ‘cylindricalWMP dumpling of rice flour Trussellcomments (2014 s.v.). puTamilṭṭu (ꯁ翍翁) ‘a kind inof a sauceMalayWMP of putu salted ‘gen. coconut for a number milk of Cf. commentsVan Ronkel (1903f: 547), confectionery’50 with asweetmeats’, lump of brown Java sugarnese in thepu ṭu Jones (2007: 256), Blust & Tamil puṭṭu (ꯁ翍翁Tamil) ‘a kind WMPof Malay putuWMP ‘gen. for a numbercomments of Cf. Vancomments Ronkel (1903f: 547), confectionery’50 centre’,‘cylindrical sweetmeats’,Acehnese dumpling putuJava ofnese rice‘a flour pu ṭuTrussell Jones (2014 (2007: s.v.) . 256), Blust & puṭṭu (ꯁ翍翁) pu‘aṭṭ u kind(ꯁ翍翁 of) ‘aMalaysweetmeat’, kindin putu a sauce of‘gen.Tagalog ofMalay for salted a putoputunumber coconut ‘gen.‘k.o. of milk forCf. a numberVan Ronkelof Cf. (1903f:Van Ronkel 547) , (1903f: 547), 50 50 ‘cylindrical dumpling of rice flour Trussell (2014 s.v.). confectionery’ confectionery’ sweetmeats’,white withcake a madelump Javasweetmeats’, offrom brownnese rice sugar flour’, pu ṭinuJava theJonesnese (2007:puṭu Jones256), (2007:Blust 256& ), Blust & in a sauce‘cylindrical of salted dumplingcoconut milk of rice flour Trussell (2014 s.v.). ‘cylindricalIlokanocentre’, púto dumpling ‘riceAcehnese cake of made rice putu flourwith ‘aTrussell (2014 s.v.). with a lumpin aof sauce brown of sugarsalted in coconut the milk ineggs, a sauce sweetmeat’,grounded of salted su Tagaloggar, coconut rice, puto watermilk ‘k.o. centre’, withAcehnese a lump of putubrown sugar‘a in the withand acoconut’,white lump cake of brown Tausugmade sugarfrom putu ricein the flour’,‘a sweetmeat’,centre’, Tagalog Acehnese puto ‘k.o.putu ‘a centre’,confectionIlokano Acehnese madepúto ‘rice by cakeputusteaming made ‘a with white cakesweetmeat’, made from Tagalog rice flour’, puto ‘k.o. sweetmeat’,gratedeggs, cassava’ grounded Tagalog su putogar, rice,‘k.o. water white cakeIlokano made pútowhite from ‘rice cakerice cake flour’,made made from with rice flour’, tālam (தாை믍) ‘eating-plate, Malayand talam coconut’, ‘platter, Tausugtray (without putu ‘aVan Ronkel (1902: 105), Jones Ilokanoconfection eggs,púto ‘ricegrounded Ilokanomade cake madesu pútobygar, steamingwith‘rice rice, cake water made with porringer (usually of metal)’ pedestal)’, Javanese talam (2007: 311). gratedand cassava’coconut’,eggs, groundedTausug suputugar, rice,‘a water eggs,‘serving grounded tray, platter’,sugar, rice,Acehnese water tālam (தாை믍) ‘eating-plate, Malayconfection talamand ‘platter, madecoconut’, trayby ( withoutsteamingTausug Vanputu Ronkel ‘a (1902: 105), Jones andtalam coconut’, ‘big, round Tausug tray’, putu Cham ‘a porringer (usually of metal)’ pedestal)’,grated cassava’ confectionJavanese madetalam by (2007:steaming 311 ). confectiontalam ‘plate’, made Subanon by steamingtalam ‘a tālam (தாை믍) ‘eating-plate, ‘servingMalay talamtray,grated platter’,‘platter, cassava’ Acehnesetray (without Van Ronkel (1902: 105), Jones gratedbrass cassava’serving platter’, Tausug tālam porringer(தாை믍) (usually tālam‘eating of( தாை믍-metal)’plate,) Malay‘eatingtalam talampedestal)’,-plate, ‘big,‘platter, Malay round trayJavanese talam (tray’,without ‘platter, Cham talamVan tray (Ronkelwithout(2007: (1902:311Van). Ronkel105), Jones(1902: 105), Jones talam ‘a‘serving brass tray pedestal)’,tray, (without platter’, legs)’ JavaneseAcehnese talam (2007: 311). porringer (usually porringerof metal)’ (usually ofpedestal)’, metal)’talam ‘plate’,Javanese Subanon talamtalam ‘a(2007: 311). vagai (ேலக) ‘kind, class, sort; Malay bagai ‘serving‘kind, tray,variety, platter’, Cf. AcehneseVan Ronkel (1903d), Jones ‘servingbrasstalam tray, serving ‘big,platter’, roundplatter’, Acehnese tray’, Tausug Cham goods; property; means of species’, Acehnesetalam bag‘big,ɔə roundid., (2007:tray’, 30Cham), Blust & Trussell (2014 talamtalam ‘big,talam ‘a roundbrass‘plate’, tray tray’, Subanon (without Cham legs)’talam ‘a livelihood’ Angkola-Mandailingtalam Batak ‘plate’, bage Subanon s.v. ).talam ‘a vagai (ேலக) ‘kind, class, sort;talam Malay ‘plate’,brass bagaiservingSubanon ‘kind, platter’,talam variety, ‘a Tausug C f. Van Ronkel (1903d), Jones ‘various,species etcetera’,’, Acehnesebrass Tagalog serving bag bagayɔə platter’, id., (2007: Tausug 30), Blust & Trussell (2014 goods; property; means brassof servingtalam ‘a brassplatter’, tray (withoutTausug legs)’ ‘thing;Angkola object,- article’,Mandailingtalam Bikol ‘a brassBatak bágay tray bage (without s.v .legs)’). livelihood’vagai (ேலக ) ‘kind, class, talamsort; ‘aMalay brass traybagai (without ‘kind, legs)’ variety, Cf. Van Ronkel (1903d), Jones vagai (ேலக) ‘kind,‘things, class,‘various, stuff; sort; item, etcetera’,Malay matter, Tagalogbagai object’ bagay ‘kind, variety, Cf. Van Ronkel (1903d), Jones vagai (goods;ேலக) ‘kproperty;ind, class, sort;means Malayof speciesbagai’, ‘Acehnesekind, variety, bagɔə Cf.id., Van (2007: Ronkel 30), (1903d)Blust &, TrussellJones (2014 vaḍi (ே羿livelihood’) ‘sharpness’,80 goods; cf. Teluguproperty; Malaymeans‘thing; AngkolaTom badik ofobject, Hoogervorst -speciesMandailing‘k.o. article’, ’, dagger’, BikolAcehnese Batak bágay Cf.bage bag Hoogervorst ɔəs.v id.,.). (2007: (2013: 30 22).), Blust If this & Trussell (2014 goods; property;livelihood’ means of speciesSundanese‘things,’, Acehnesebadi stuff; Angkola~ item,badi bag -matter,badi-Mandailingɔə ‘k.o. id.,object’ (2007:etymology Batak 30 bage), Blust iss.v &.). Trussellcorrect, (2014the vaḍi (వ萿) ~ vāḍi (퐾萿) id. ‘various, etcetera’, Tagalog bagay livelihood’vaḍ i (ே羿) ‘sharpness’, cf. TeluguAngkola Malay-Mandailing badik‘various, Batak‘k.o. etcetera’, bagedagger’, Tagalogs.v .).Cf. bagayHoogervorst (2013: 22). If this Tamil cut-and-‘thing;WMPthrust object,weapon article’, ( fromBikol bágayreconstructioncomments of PMP *badiq ‘various,Sundanese etcetera’, badi‘thing; Tagalog ~ object,badi -bagaybadi article’, ‘ k.o. Bikoletymology bágay is correct, the vaḍi (వ萿) ~ vāḍi (퐾萿) id. Sumatra)‘things,’, Acehnese stuff; item,bade matter,ʔ ‘k.o. object’‘dagger’ must be revised (cf. vaḍi Malay‘thing; badik cut“k.o. object,-and dagger,”-thrust article’,‘things, weaponBikol stuff;Cf. bágay item,Hoogervorst(from matter, reconstruction(2013: object’ 22). If of PMP *badiq vaḍi ((ே羿) ‘sharpness’, cf.Sundanese Teluguknife’, badi Malay ~ Chambadi- badi badik “k.o.padaik cut- ‘k.o.this‘short etymologydagger’, Mahdi is correct, Cf.1994: theHoogervorst 173-175, (2013:Blust 22).& If this vaḍi (ே羿) ‘sharpness’,‘things, cf.Sumatra) Telugustuff; item,’, AcehneseMalay matter, badik object’bade ʔ ‘k.o.‘k.o. ‘dagger’dagger’, mustCf. Hoogervorstbe revised (2013:(cf. 22). If this vaḍi (“sharpness,”) ~ vāḍ icf. ( ) id.and-thrust poniard, weaponSundanese Malay (from Sumatra) k əbadiris’,,” ~ Makasarbadireconstruction-badi Trussell‘k.o. of PMP etymology 2014*badiq s.v.); ironis metallurgycorrect, the vaḍi (ே羿) ‘sharpness’,వ萿 cf.퐾萿 Telugu Malayknife’, badik Cham Sundanese‘k.o. padaikdagger’, badi ‘short~ badiCf. - badiHoogervorstMahdi ‘k.o. 1994: etymology (2013: 173-17 22).5 , BlustIfis this &correct, the Teluguva vaḍḍii ((వ萿)) ~~ vāḍAcehnesei (퐾萿badi) id. badeʔʔ cut‘k.o. “k.o.-and knife,”thrusting-thrust Cham weaponweapon’,“dagger” must(isfrom benot revised reconstructionindigenous (cf. Mahdi to ofMaritime PMP *badiq vāḍi ( ) id. padaikSundanese “shortponiard, poniard, badi MalayMalay ~ badikəris k,”-əbadi ris’,1994: ‘Makasark.o. 173-175, etymology BlustTrussell & Trussell 2014is s.v.);correct, iron metallurgy the vaḍi (వ萿) ~ vāḍi (퐾萿) id. Cebuano barì ‘k.o.cut sickle’-and-thrust weaponSoutheast (from Asia. reconstruction of PMP *badiq Makasarcut badiʔ-andbadi -“k.o.Sumatra)thrustʔ thrusting‘k.o. ’, weapon thrustingAcehnese 2014( fromweapon’,bade s.v.); ʔ ironreconstruction‘k.o. metallurgyis not‘dagger’ indigenousis not of must PMP tobe *Maritimebadiqrevised (cf. vari (ே쎿) ‘paddy’ Malay kadut bariSumatra) ‘dried’, Acehnesepulut- Cf. bade Hoogervorstʔ ‘k.o. ‘dagger’ (2013: must42-43). be revised (cf. weapon,”Sumatra) CebuanoCebuanoknife’,’, barìAcehnese barì“k.o.Cham ‘k.o.sickle” bade sickle’padaikʔindigenous ‘k.o. ‘short to‘dagger’ MaritimeSoutheast Mahdi Southeastmust Asia. 1994:be re173vised-17 5(cf., Blust & rice’, Bugis kadoknife’,ʔ bari ‘cooked,ChamAsia. padaikMalay ‘shortkadut Mahdi= ‘sack1994:-cloth; 173- 175, Blust & vari (ே쎿) ‘paddy’ Malayponiard, kadut Malay bari k‘driedəris’, pulutMakasar- Cf. TrussellHoogervorst 2014 s.v.);(2013: iron 42 metallurgy-43). knife’,sun-dried Chamrice’, poniard,Malagasypadaik Malay ‘shortvary k ərisMahdiglutinous’, Makasar 1994: rice dried173Trussell- 17but5 uncooked’., 2014 Blust s.v.); & iron metallurgy vari Malay kadut rice’,baribadi “dried Bugisʔ ‘k.o.pulut-rice,” kado thrustingʔ bariCf. ‘cooked, Hoogervorstweapon’, Malay(2013: is 42-43). notkadut indigenous = ‘sack to- cloth;Maritime (வரி) Bugisponiard, kadoʔ bari “cooked,Malay badisun-kərisʔ ’, ‘k.o.MakasarMalay thrusting kadut Trussell = “sack-cloth;weapon’, 2014 glutinous s.v.);is ironnot metallurgyindigenous to Maritime ‘rice’ sun(cf.Cebuano-dried Swahili rice’,barì wali ‘k.o.Malagasy ‘cookedsickle’ vary Further glutinous Southeastattestations rice dried Asia. from but Borneanuncooked’. “paddy” dried badirice,”rice’)ʔ Malagasy ‘k.o. varythrusting Cebuano“rice” weapon’, barìrice ‘k.o. dried sickle’butislanguages uncooked.”not indigenous given FurtherSoutheast in Adelaarto MaritimeAsia. (1989: vari (ே쎿) ‘paddy’ (cf. Swahili wali‘rice’Malay “cooked (cf. kadut rice”Swahili) bari wali attestations‘dried ‘cooked pulut from Further -BorneanCf. languagesaHoogervorstttestations from (2013: Bornean 42 -43). vari (ே쎿) ‘paddy’ Cebuano barì ‘k.o.Malay sickle’ kadut bari Southeast26).‘dried pulut Asia.- Cf. Hoogervorst (2013: 42-43). Malayrice rice’,kadut’) Bugisbaririce’, kado‘dried Bugisʔ arebaripulut kado given ‘cooked,-ʔ in bariCf. Adelaar languagesHoogervorst‘cooked, (1989:Malay 26). givenMalaykadut (2013: in Adelaar kadut =42 - ‘sack(1989:43). = -cloth; ‘sack -cloth; variveḍil ( ே쎿(சே羿쯍) ‘paddy’) ‘explosion’ Malay bədil ‘firearm’, Acehnese Cf. Kern (1902), Blust & Trussell veḍil Malay bədil “firearm,”sun-dried Acehnesesun rice’,-dried MalagasyCf.rice’, Kern Malagasy(1902), vary 26). glutinousvary glutinous rice dried rice but dried uncooked’. but uncooked’. rice’,bɯde , BugisToba Batakkadoʔ bodilbari, ‘cooked,Makasar Malay(2014 s.v.)kadut. = ‘sack-cloth; veḍil ((சே羿쯍) ‘explosion’ bɯde,sun Toba-dried BatakMalay‘rice’ bodilrice’, b ə(cf., dilMakasar ‘rice’ Malagasy‘firearm’,Swahili (cf. Blust SwahiliwaliAcehnesevary & ‘cooked Trussell waliglutinous Cf. (2014 ‘cooked KernFurther s.v.).rice (1902) dried Furtherattestations ,but Blust uncooked’.attestations & from Trussell Bornean from Bornean “explosion” baʔdiliʔba, ʔBugisdiliʔ baliliʔ, Bugis id., balili Tagalogʔ id., Tagalog ‘rice’ b(cf.ɯricede ,’) SwahiliToba rice Batak ’)wali bodil ‘cooked, Makasar Further (2014 languagesattestations s.v.). languages given from in Borneangiven Adelaar in Adelaar (1989: (1989: baríl “gun,”baríl Cebuanoba‘gun’,ʔdili ʔ Cebuanobaril, Bugis “shoot balili barilʔ id., ‘shoot Tagalog someonerice or’) something with a gun,” languages26). given 26). in Adelaar (1989: someonebarí orl ‘gun’, something Cebuano with baril a gun’, ‘shoot veḍil (சே羿쯍veḍil) ‘explosion’(சே羿쯍) Bikol‘explosion’ badíl “gun, Malay shotgun, bə Malaypiecedil ‘firearm’,of bədil ‘firearm’, Acehnese26). Acehnese Cf. Kern Cf. (1902) Kern, (1902)Blust &, Blust Trussell & Trussell artillery”Bikol someonebadíl ‘gun, or somethingshotgun, piece with aof gun’, veḍil (சே羿쯍) ‘explosion’ Malay bəɯdilde , ‘firearm’,Tobabɯ deBatak, TobaAcehnese bodil Batak, M bodilakasarCf. ,Kern M akasar(2014 (1902) s.v(2014,.) Blust. s.v &.) .Trussell vilaṅgu Malayartillery’ bələngguBikolba “fetters, ʔ dilibadílʔ shackles, Bugis‘gun,baʔdili shotgun, baliliʔ, BugisCf.ʔ id., Vanpiece balili Tagalogder of ʔTuuk id., (1897-1912/4: Tagalog bɯde,artillery’ Toba Batak bodil, Makasar (2014 s.v.). vilaṅgu ((ힿை柍埁) ‘fetters,for theM feet,”alay Minangkabau bbaríələnggul ‘gun’, pilanggubarí‘fetters, Cebuanol ‘gun’, shackles1010), Cebuanobaril Van ‘shoot RonkelCf. baril Van (1902: ‘shoot der 103), Tuuk (1897-1912/4: “fetters, shackles, id., Acehnesebaʔdili blangkuʔ, Bugis “shackles,” baliliʔ id., TagalogJones (2007: 36), shackles,vila manacles’ṅgu ( ힿை柍埁) ‘fetters,for Mthesomeonealay feet’,bələ nggusomeoneor somethingMinangkabau ‘fetters, or something withshackles a gun’,1010), withCf. a Vangun’, dRonkel er Tuuk (1902: (1897 -103)1912/4:, manacles” Ilokanobarí bilánggol for‘gun’, “bailiff,”the Cebuano Tagalogfeet’, baril Minangkabau Blust‘shoot & Trussell 1010),(2014 s.v.). Van Ronkel (1902: 103), shackles, manacles’ pilangguBikol id., badíl AcehneseBikol ‘gun, badíl shotgun,blangku ‘gun, shotgun,piece Jones of piece (2007: of 36), Blust & Trussell bilanggôsomeone “prisoner,pilanggu or captive,” something id., Maranao Acehnese with a gun’,blangku Jones (2007: 36), Blust & Trussell bilanggoʔ‘shackles’, “jail, artillery’prison,” IlokanoTausug artillery’ bilánggo (2014 s.v.). Bikol ‘shackles’,badíl ‘gun, shotgun,Ilokano piecebilánggo of (2014 s.v.). ힿை柍埁bilangguʔ‘bailiff’, “a chain, shackle,TagalogM fetter”alay bəbilanggôlənggu ‘fetters, shackles Cf. Van der Tuuk (1897-1912/4: vilaṅgu vila(ힿை柍埁ṅgu ) ( ‘fetters,artillery’) ‘bailiff’,‘fetters,M alay bəlTagalogənggu ‘fetters, bilanggô shackles Cf. Van der Tuuk (1897-1912/4: ‘prisoner, captive’,for theMaranao feet’, Minangkabau 1010), Van Ronkel (1902: 103), vilaṅgushackles, (ힿை柍埁 manacles’shackles,) ‘fetters, manacles’ Malay‘prisoner, bforələ ngguthe ‘fetters,captive’,feet’, shackles MinangkabauMaranao Cf. Van 1010), der Tuuk Van (1897Ronkel-1912/4: (1902: 103), Table 4 –bilanggo Widespreadʔ Tamil‘jail, loanwords pilangguprison’, in WMPid.,Tausug Acehnese languages. blangku Jones (2007: 36), Blust & Trussell for bilanggothepilanggu feet’,ʔ ‘jail, id.,Minangkabau prison’,Acehnese Tausug blangku 1010), JonesVan Ronkel (2007: 36(1902:), Blust 103) & ,Trussell shackles, manacles’ bilangguʔ ‘a chain,‘shackles’, shackle, fetter’Ilokano bilánggo (2014 s.v.). Indirect borrowings pilanggubilanggu‘shackles’, id., ʔAcehnese ‘a chain, Ilokano shackle, blangku fetter’bilánggo Jones (2007:(2014 36 s.v),.) Blust. & Trussell ‘bailiff’, Tagalog bilanggô ‘shackles’,‘bailiff’, Ilokano Tagalog bilánggo bilanggô (2014 s.v.). In addition to the direct loans from‘prisoner, Tamil andcaptive’, Malayā ḷamMaranao addressed in Indirect borrowings ‘bailiff’,‘prisoner, Tagalog captive’,bilanggô Maranao In addition to the direct loans from Tamilbilanggo and ʔMalayā ‘jail, ḷamprison’, addressed Tausug in the previous section, this section calls the previous section, this ‘prisoner, sectionbilanggo callscaptive’,ʔ attention‘jail, prison’,Maranao to Indo-Aryan Tausug vocabulary 50 bilangguʔ ‘a chain, shackle, fetter’ The more50 commonthatattention reached form to is SoutheastIndopiṭṭu- (Aryaꮿ翍翁n Asiaꮿ翍翁).vocabulary bilangguthrough thatʔ ‘aDravidian reached chain, shackle, Southeast sources. fetter’ Asia Such through “northern Dravidian sources. Such ‘northern The more common form is piṭṭubilanggo ( ).ʔ ‘jail, prison’, Tausug loanwords,”loanwords ’known, known as as vaḍamoḻivabilangguḍamoḻiʔ ( (‘aேடசமா펿 chain, shackle, )) inin Tamil, fetter’ areare prone prone to to phonotactic phonotactic conditioning . In the case of Tamil this often involves the addition of a gender suffix – i.e. female –ai, male –aṉ or neutral –am (cf. Van Ronkel conditioning. In the case of Tamil this often involves the addition of a gender 1313 suffix—i.e. 1902: 102) female – to loans–ai , male displaying –aṉ or a neutral word-final –am /a/ (cf.. In Van additi Ronkelon, word 1902:-initial 102)— and geminated stops are usually 50 50 Theto more loansdevoiced, commonThe displaying more whereas form common is aword piword-final ṭṭformu-medial (ꮿ翍翁 is pi ṭṭ).andu /a/. (ꮿ翍翁 post In -).nasaladdition, consonants word-initial are voiced and, ingeminated accordance with Tamil phonology (cf. Table 1 ) . Other characteristics hinting at Tamil intermediacy are the insertion of epenthetic vowels (svarabhakti) 50 stops are usually devoiced, whereas word-medial and post-nasal consonants The more commonin certain form consonant is piṭṭu (ꮿ翍翁 clusters). and the rendering of , , , , <ś>, <ṣ>, and to (ச).51 Table are voiced, in accordance with Tamil phonology (cf. Table 1). Other 13 13 5 lists Indo-Aryan loanwords in WMP languages whose transmission presumably took place via Tamil or other characteristics hinting at Tamil intermediacy are the insertion of epenthetic vowelsDravidian (svarabhakti languages) inbased certain on these consonant sound innovations clusters and. the rendering of , 13 , , , <ś>, <ṣ>, and to (ச).52 Table 5 lists Indo-Aryan Table 5: Indo-Aryan borrowings transmitted through Dravidian languages Indo-Aryan Dravidian WMP 52. AsHindi indicated bāzār before, ‘market, its exact pronunciationmarket- Tamil differs acrosspacār the( Tamilபசா쏍 )varieties. ‘bazaar, In varietiesMalay pasar ‘bazaar; market; spoken by Brahmins, Sanskrit loanwords tend to be pronounced more authentically (cf. Zvelebil 52 1964:place, 253-256). bazar, mart’ (or directly permanent market or street of fair’, Middle Javanese pasar a shops’ ‘market, bazaar’, Karo Batak pasar‘ (بازار) from Persian bāzār market; a market-day’) ‘big road’, Cham pasā ~ pasar ‘market’ (cf. Old Mon pṣā ‘market, Archipel 89, Paris, 2015 market place’) Hindi turś ~ turuś ‘sour, acid’ (or Tamil turuci (鏁쏁殿) ‘blue Malay tərusi ‘copper vitriol; directly from Persian turš ~ turuš vitriol’53 copper sulphate; bluestone’, 54 ;acid, tart, sour’) Javanese trusi ~ prusi ‘verdigris‘ (ترش) an ointment made from verdigris for healing sores’, Sundanese trusi ‘green mineral, verdigris’, Balinese trusi ‘green vitriol (iron sulphate)’, Acehnese turusi ‘copper vitriol’ Hindi vijay ‘conquest, victory, Tamil vicai (ힿலச) ‘victory’ Malay †bisai ‘gallant, victorious’ triumph’ (from Sanskrit vijaya ‘contest for victory, victory’) Kāśmīrī (Ḍoḍī dial.) jōṛō ‘pair of Tamil cōḍu (வசா翁) ‘pair, couple, Malay jodoh ‘twin-soul, affinity, 55 shoes’, Sindhī joṛo ‘pair, pair of set’, Malayāḷam jōḍu (ജ ാടു) ‘a second self, match’, Acehnese shoes’, Kumaunī joṛo ‘pair’, pair, match, couple; a pair of judo ‘pair, couple’, Javanese joḍo Gujarātījo ṛũ ‘pair, a shoe’ (Turner ‘marriage partner; the right match shoes’, Kannaḍa jōḍu ( ) ‘a 1966 #10496) ಜ ೋಡು (for); etc.’, Karo Batak jodu ‘a pair or couple, a match’, Tuḷu jōḍu pair’ (ಜ ೋಡು) ‘a pair, match, couple’,

Telugu jōḍu (灋葁) ‘a pair, a couple’ Sanskrit bandha ‘binding, tying, a Tamil pandam (பꏍத믍) ‘tie, Middle Javanese pandam ‘lamp’, bond’ attachment, link; torch, flambeau; Javanese (lit.) pandam ‘light, lamp’ lamp’, Malay pandam ‘fixing in resin’, 56 Acehnese panam ‘mixture of resin with wax and oil’

51 As indicated before, its exact pronunciation differs across the Tamil varieties. In varieties spoken by Brahmins, Sanskrit loanwords tend to be pronounced more authentically (cf. Zvelebil 1964: 253-256). 52 Cf. Adelaar (1996: 697). 53 Also written as turicu (鏁쎿毁) ~ turucu (鏁쏁毁). 54 Cf. Van Ronkel (1902: 105), Jones (2007: 321). 55 Van Ronkel (1903c) argues that Malay jodoh is a Telugu loan, apparently unaware that the etymon is attested in all major Dravidian languages. In fact, even Tamil cōḍu (வசா翁) may have given rise to the WMP attestations if it was pronounced as /ʤoːɖu/ ~ /ʤoːɽu/ in the lending variety; this level of phonetic detail cannot be indicated in the script. 56 Cf. Gonda (1973: 161), Van Ronkel (1903f: 545-546), Jones (2007: 232).

14

IndirectIndirect borrowings borrowingsIndirect borrowings InIn addition addition Into to theaddition the direct direct to loans theloans directfrom from Tamilloans Tamil fromand and MalayāTamil Malayā ḷandamḷam Malayāaddressed addressedḷam in addressedin the the previous previous in the section, section, previous this this section, section section thiscall call ssection s calls attentionattention to to attentionIndo Indo-Arya-Arya ton Indonvocabulary vocabulary-Aryan vocabularythat that reached reached that Southeast Southeast reached Asia SoutheastAsia through through Asia Dravidian Dravidian through sources. Dravidiansources. Such Suchsources. ‘northern ‘northern Such ‘northern Indirect borrowings loanwordloanwords’s, loanword’known, known as ass va’, vaknownḍamoḍamoḻi as ḻ(iேடசமா펿 (vaேடசமா펿ḍamoḻi )( ேடசமா펿in) in Tamil, Tamil, are) are in prone Tamil,prone to to arephonotactic phonotactic prone to phonotacticconditioning conditioning conditioning. In. In the the case case .of In of Tamil the Tamil case of Tamil In addition to the direct loansthis fromthis often oftenTamil involves thisinvolves and often Malayā the the involves addition additionḷam addressed the of of aaddition agender gender in the ofsuffix suffixaprevious gender – –i.e. i.e. section,suffixfemal femal e– e–thisi.e. ai–ai, femalsectionmale, male e– a –callṉaai ṉor, smaleor neutral neutral –aṉ – amor–am neutral ( cf.(cf. Van Van –am Ronkel Ronkel (cf. Van Ronkel attention to Indo-Aryan vocabulary1902:1902: 102) that102) 1902:reached– –to to loans 102)loans Southeast displaying– displaying to loans Asia adisplaying awordthrough word-final-final Dravidiana /a/word /a/. .In -In finaladditi sources.additi /a/on,.on, In word Such wordadditi- initial-‘northerninitialon, wordand and -geminatedinitial geminated and stopsgeminated stops are are usually usuallystops are usually loanwords’,Indirect known as borrowings vaḍamoḻdevoiced,i devoiced,( ேடசமா펿 Indirectwhereas devoiced,whereas) in Tamil, borrowingsword word whereas -aremedial-medial prone word and andto -phonotacticpostmedial post-nasal-nasal and consonants postconditioningconsonants-nasal areconsonants are. Invoiced voicedthe case, inare, in ofaccordance voicedaccordance Tamil, in accordancewith with Tamil Tamil phonolowith phonolo Tamilgygy (cf.phonolo (cf. gy (cf. In addition to the direct loansIn Table fromaddition Tamil1). toOther the and directcharacteristics Malayā loansḷam from addressed hinting Tamil atand in Tamil Malayāthe previousintermediacyḷam addressed section, are in thethis the insertion sectionprevious callof section, epenthetics this section vowels call (svarabhaktis ) this oftenIndirect involves borrowings the addition Table Tableof a 1gender )1. )Other. OtherIndirect suffix characteristics characteristics –borrowings i.e. femal hinting hintinge –ai ,at maleat Tamil Tamil –a intermediacyṉ intermediacy or neutral –aream are the (thecf. insertion insertionVan Ronkel of of epenthetic epenthetic vowels vowels (svarabhakti (svarabhakti) ) attention to Indo-Aryan vocabularyattentionin certain thatto consonantIndo reached-Arya n clustersSoutheast vocabulary and Asia thethat ren throughreacheddering Southeast Dravidianof , , Asia sources. ,through ,Such Dravidian <ś>, ‘northern <ṣ >,sources. and Such 51 ‘northernto51 (ச ).51 Table 1902: 102)In addition – to loans to the displaying direct inloansin certain certaina fromword consonant consonantTamil-Infinal addition and/a/ clusters. clustersMalayāIn to additi the andḷ am anddirecton, theaddressed the wordren loansrendering-deringinitial infrom the of of and ,Tamilprevious , geminated , ,and section, ,Malayā , stops , this ,ḷam section are<ś>, addressed<ś>, usually < ṣ,ṣ>, s in andthe and previous to to section, (ச ()ச.). Table thisTable section calls loanwordேடசமா펿s’, known as vaḍamoḻi (ேடசமா펿) in Tamil, are prone to phonotactic conditioning. In the case of Tamil devoiced,Indirectattention whereasloanword toborrowings wordIndos’, -known-Aryamedial n 5asvocabulary 5 listsand valistsḍ postIndoamo Indo-- ḻnasal5Aryanithatattention - (Aryanlists reachedconsonants Indoloanwords loanwords to-Aryan )SoutheastIndo in Tamil,are -in Aryaloanwords in WMPvoiced WMPAsia nare vocabulary languagesprone, throughinlanguages in accordance WMP to phonotacticDravidian thatwhose languageswhose reachedwith transmission transmissionsources. conditioningTamil whose Southeast phonoloSuch transmission presumably presumably .‘northern InAsiagy the (cf. casethrough presumablytook took of Tamilplace Dravidianplace via took via Tam Tamplacesources.il ilor viaor other other SuchTam il ‘northern or other loanwordthis oftens’, known involves as va DravidianḍtheamoDravidian additionḻi (ேடசமா펿 thislanguages Dravidianlanguages ofoften a )gender ininvolves based Tamil, languagesbased suffix on arethe on these prone additionthese –based i.e. sound to soundfemal on phonotacticof theseinnovationsa einnovationsgender –ai sound, male conditioningsuffix .innovations .– a– ṉi.e. or . femalInneutral the. e case – ai–am, ofmale Tamil(cf. – aVan ṉ or Ronkelneutral –am (cf. Van Ronkel Table 1In). Otheraddition characteristics to the direct hinting loans atfrom 1902:Tamilloanword Tamil 102) intermediacy and–s’ ,to knownMalayā loans are asdisplayingḷam theva ḍaddressed insertionamo ḻai (wordேடசமா펿 ofin - epentheticfinalthe previous/a/) in. In Tamil, vowels additi section, areon, (svarabhakti proneword this- initialtosection phonotactic) and call geminateds conditioning stops are. In usually the case of Tamil this 1902:often involves 102) – theto loansaddition displaying of a gender a wordsuffix- final– i.e. /a/femal. Ine additi–ai, maleon, word–aṉ or-initial neutral and –am geminated (cf. Van51 Ronkelstops are usually in certainattention consonant to Indoclusters-Arya andn thevocabulary renderingdevoiced,this that ofoften , reachedwhereas involves , wordSoutheast , the-medial , addition Asia and<ś>, postofthrough < ṣa>,- nasalgender Dravidianconsonants and suffix to – sources.are i.e. voiced femal (ச) .Such, e inTable – accordanceai ‘northern, male – awith ṉ or Tamil neutral phonolo –am gy(cf. (cf. Van Ronkel 1902:devoiced, 102) – towhereas loans displaying word-medial a Tableword and- finalpost5: Indo -/a/nasal.- AryanIn consonantsadditi borrowingson, word are- initialvoiced transmitted and, in geminatedaccordance through Dravidianstops with areTamil usually languages phonolo gy (cf. 5 lists Indoloanword-Aryans’ ,loanwords known as vainTableTable ḍWMPamo 5 ḻ:5i Indo:languages( ேடசமா펿TableIndo1902:-Aryan- Aryan1). 102) Otherwhose borrowings) inborrowings –Tamil,characteristics transmissionto loans are transmitted transmitted pronedisplaying hinting presumably to phonotactic through at through aTamil word took Dravidianintermediacy -Dravidianfinal conditioning place /a/ via. languages In languagesare Tam additi. theInil the insertion oron, caseother word of of -Tamil epentheticinitial and vowels geminated (svarabhakti stops )are usually devoiced,Table whereas 1). OtherIndirectIndirect word characteristics borrowings -borrowingsmedial and posthinting-nasal at consonantsTamil intermediacy are voiced are, in theaccordance insertion with of epentheticTamil phonolo vowelsgy (cf. (svarabhakti ) Dravidianthis languages often involves basedIn addition theon these additiontoIndo Indothe directsound-Aryan-Aryan of loans ainnovationsIndo genderfrom - TamilAryan suffix and. Malayā – i.e.ḷam femal addressedDravidianeDravidian – inai the, male previous Dravidian –a section,ṉ or neutral this section –am call s( cf.WMP VanWMP Ronkel WMP 51 In addition to the directin devoiced,certainloans from consonant Tamilwhereas and clusters Malayāword and-ḷammedial addressedthe ren anddering inpost the of -previousnasal , consonants, section, , this , sectionare voiced<ś>, call , in 51accordance and to with Tamil(ச). Table phonolo gy (cf. Tablein 1certain). Other consonant characteristicsattention to clustersIndo- Aryahinting nand vocabulary atHindi the Tamil ren thatdering intermediacybāzār reached of Southeast‘market, , are , Asiathe market insertion through, , -Dravidian ofTamil epenthetic<ś>, sources. <ṣpacār>, vowelsSuch and‘northern( பசா쏍( svarabhakti ) to ‘bazaar,) (ச). TableMalay pasar ‘bazaar; market; 1902: 102) – toattention loans todisplayingHindi HindiIndo- Arya bāzār5bāzārn lists Tableavocabulary word Indo ‘market, 1‘market,-)final-. Aryan Otherthat /a/reached loanwordscharacteristicsmarket. marketIn additiSoutheast- - inTamilon, TamilWMP Asia hintingword throughlanguagespacār-pacārinitial at Tamil Dravidian (andwhoseபசா쏍(பசா쏍 intermediacygeminated )sources. transmission) ‘bazaar,‘bazaar, Such stops are ‘northern51 presumablyMalay the Malayare insertion usually pasar pasartook of place epenthetic‘bazaar;‘bazaar; via Tam market;vowelsilmarket; or other (svarabhakti ) in certain consonantloanwordloanword clusterss’s, ’known, known and as the asva ḍ varenamoḍplace,amoderingḻi (ேடசமா펿ḻDetectingi (ேடசமா펿 ofbazar, ,) in Tamil, pre-modern), mart’in Tamil, are , prone (areor , toprone lexical directlyphonotactic <ś>,to phonotactic influence < conditioningṣ>, conditioning andfrom. In the South case to. In of the IndiaTamil case(ச) . of TableTamil 525281 fair’, 52 Middle Javanese pasar Table 5devoiced,: Indo5 lists-Aryan whereasIndo borrowings-Aryan word loanwordsplace,- medialtransmittedplace, bazar,andDravidian bazar,inin WMPpost throughcertain mart’-mart’nasal languageslanguages consonant Dravidian ( orconsonants(or directly baseddirectly whose clusters languages on are transmissionthesepermanent permanent voicedand sound the, inren innovations permanent accordancemarketpresumablyderingmarket of or. ,or withmarket tookststreet ,reet Tamil place ofor ,of phonolo viastfair’ ,reetfair’ Tam, , gyofil<ś>, Middle or(cf. Middle other< ṣ>, JavaneseJavanese and pasar topasar (ச).51 Table 5 lists Indo-Aryanthisthis loanwords often often involves involves in the WMP the addition addition languages of aof gender a gender whose suffix suffix – transmissioni.e. –femal i.e. efemal –ai, maleepresumably –ai –, amaleṉ or neutral–a ṉtook or –neutral amplace (cf. –Vanviaam RonkelTam(cf. Vanil or Ronkel other wordshops’ the)- initial insertion‘a andshops’ geminated of epenthetic stops are usuallyvowels (‘market,svarabhakti‘market, bazaar’, bazaar’,‘market,) Karo Karo bazaar’, Batak Batak pasarKaro pasar Batak pasar بازار’bāzārIn) )additi ‘a. ‘a on, (areshops .بازار /a/) بازار) TableDravidian 1). Other languages 1902:characteristics 102) from– based fromto loans hintingPersianon displayingPersian thesefrom at soundaTamilbāzār wordbāzārPersian- final innovationsintermediacy Indo-AryanDravidian languages1902: based 102) on– to these loansDravidian sounddisplaying5 lists innovations Indo a word-Aryan-final. loanwords/a/. In addition, in wordWMPWMP-initial languages and geminated whose stops transmission are usually presumably took place via Tamil or other in certain consonantdevoiced, clusters whereasmarket;loanwordsmarket; and word athe-Table medialamarket marketmarket;ren in and5dering :WMP - Indoday’post-day’ a- nasal- market)Aryanof languages) , consonants borrowings- day’, are) whose ,voiced transmitted ,, intransmission accordance <ś>, through < withṣ>, Tamil presumably Dravidian andphonolo gy languages (cf.to took ‘big place‘big(ச ).road’,51 road’, Tablevia ‘bigCham Cham road’, pasā pasā Cham ~ ~pasar pasarpasā ~ pasar Hindi bāzār ‘market,Tabledevoiced, 1)market. Other whereas characteristics- wordTamil-Dravidianmedial hintingpacār and at Tamilpost languages -(nasal பசா쏍intermediacy consonants) based‘bazaar, are the onare insertion voicedthese Malay, of soundin epenthetic accordance pasar innovations vowels with‘bazaar; ( svarabhaktiTamil. phonolo )market; gy (cf. Table 5: Indo-Aryan borrowingsIndo transmitted-Aryan through Dravidian languagesDravidian52 WMP ‘market’ (cf. Old Mon pṣā ‘market, place, 5Table bazar,lists 5 Indo: Indomart’-Aryan-Aryan inTable( certainor loanwords borrowings 1directly) consonant. OtherTamil characteristics clustersin transmittedpermanent orWMP otherand thelanguages hinting ren Dravidianthroughmarketdering at Tamil of Dravidianwhose ,or intermediacylanguages , sttransmissionreet , languages , areof based <ś>,thefair’ insertion,on, these andof Middle epenthetic sound tookto Javanese vowels(place சinnovations.).51 Table (viasvarabhakti Tampasar‘market’‘market’il ) or other (cf. (cf. Old Old Mon Mon p ṣpāṣ ā‘market, ‘market, in certain consonant clustersHindi and thebāzār rendering ‘market, of , ,market ,- , <ś>, <ṣ>, and to (ச).51 TableMalay marketpasar place’‘bazaar;) market; ( (’Indo based-)Aryan ‘a on loanwords these Dravidiansound in WMP Dravidianinnovations languages whose . transmission presumably‘market,TamilWMP tookpacār bazaar’, placeWMP via( பசா쏍TamKaro il )or Batak other‘bazaar, pasarmarketmarket place’ place بازار) from DravidianPersianIndoIndo-Aryan -languagesbāzārAryan 5 lists 5 lists Indo-Aryan loanwordsshops’Table in 5WMP: Indo languages-Aryan whose borrowings transmission transmitted presumably through took place Dravidian via Tamil or languagesother 52 Hindi bāzārDravidian ‘market, languagesHindiHindi basedturś turśmarketplace, on~Hindi ~theseturuś turuś- bazar,sound turśTamil ‘sour, ‘sour, innovations ~mart’ turuśacid’ pacāracid’ . ( ‘sour,or( or ( or directly( பசா쏍 Tamilacid’Tamil) (orpermanent ‘bazaar, turucituruciTamil Malaymarket(鏁쏁殿(turuci鏁쏁殿 ) or)pasar ‘bluest(‘blue鏁쏁殿reet ‘bazaar; )ofMalay Malay ‘bluefair’ ,market;t ətrusiəMalay rusiMiddle ‘copper ‘copper tJavaneseərusi vitriol; ‘coppervitriol;pasar vitriol; market;Hindi a market bāzār-day’ Dravidian)‘market, languagesmarket based- TamilIndo on these- Aryan pacārsound innovations (பசா쏍) . ‘bazaar, ‘bigMalay Dravidianroad’, pasar Cham ‘bazaar; pasā ~market; pasar WMP 54 a 53shops’53 52 53 52 WMP ‘market, bazaar’, Karo Batak pasar5454‘ (بازارIndo-Aryanfrom Persian bāzār (Dravidian Tableplace,place, 5 : bazar,Indo bazar,- AryanTablemart’ 5 mart’:borrowings Indo(ordirectly -Aryandirectly directly(or borrowings directly fromtransmitted frompermanentdirectly Persian transmittedPersian permanent fromthrough turš marketthroughturš Persian ~ ~ tDravidianDravidian uruštmarketurušor turš st reetvitriol’languages vitriol’~ orlanguages t urušofst ‘market’ reet fair’ vitriol’ ,of (cf. Middlefair’ Old , Mon Javanese Middle pṣā ‘market, pasarJavanesecoppercopper sulphate;pasarsulphate;copper bluestone’,sulphate;bluestone’, bluestone’, market;Hindi a marketbāzār- day’‘market,) market- Tamil pacār (பசா쏍) ‘bazaar,‘big 53road’, Malay Cham pasar pasā ~‘bazaar; pasar market; ;atart, )sour’) transmitted ‘acid,sour’)shops’Dravidian Tamil tart, throughpacār sour’) (பசார Dravidian )் “bazaar, languages WMP Malay‘market, pasar bazaar’, “bazaar; market; KaroJavaneseJavanese Batakfair,” trusipasar trusiJavanese ~ ~prusi52 prusi trusi ‘ verdigris‘ verdigris~ prusi; ;‘ verdigris‘ ترش,bāzār‘acid, borrowings) ( tart,“market بازار(,HindiAryan ) (‘acidترش-) ترش)from PersianTableIndo - Aryan5:bāzār Indo a shops’place,Dravidian bazar, mart’ (or directlymarket‘market, permanent WMPplace’ bazaar’,) market Karo Batak or pasarstreet of fair’, Middle Javanese pasar‘ (بازار) fromIndo -AryanPersian bāzār market; a marketHindiIndo -Aryanbāzār-day’ market-place, )‘market, market bazar,- TamilDravidianpermanent pacār market(பசா쏍) or‘bazaar, street of Malayshops” WMPpasarMiddle‘big ‘bazaar; Javaneseroad’, market; pasarCham “market, pasā‘market’ ~ pasaran (cf. ointment Old Mon pmadeṣā ‘market, from verdigris Hindi turśmarket;Hindi ~ turuś abāzār market ‘sour, -‘market,day’ acid’) ( ormarket Tamil- Tamilturuci pacār(鏁쏁殿 ()பசா쏍 ‘blue) ‘bazaar, Malay‘big 52 road’,Malaytərusi Cham pasar‘copper pasā ‘bazaar; ~vitriol; pasaranan ointment market; ointment made made from from verdigris verdigris reet) )of ‘bazaar, ‘afair’ , shops’Malay Middlebazaar,” pasarJavanese Karo ‘bazaar; Batakpasar pasarmarket; “big market place’‘market,) bazaar’, Karo Batak pasarبازارplace,Hindi bazar,bāzār mart”mart’ ‘market, (or(or directly directly frommarket permanent-PersianTamil marketpacārbāzār or ( பசா쏍(st a shops’ ‘market,‘market’ bazaar’, (cf.‘market’52 Karo Old Batak Mon (cf. pasar p ṣOldā ‘market, Monforfor54 healingp ṣhealingā ‘market, sores’,for sores’, healing Sundanese Sundanese sores’, trusiSundanese trusi trusi‘ 53(بازار) from Persian bāzār directlyplace, from Persianbazar, turšmart’place, ~ bazar,t(urušorfrom directly mart’ Persianvitriol’ Hindi(or market; bāzārdirectlypermanent turś ~a permanentmarketturuś market ‘sour,-day’ market acid’) or or(stor reetst reetcopperTamil ofof fair’fair’turucisulphate;road,”, 52, Middle Cham Middle( 鏁쏁殿 bluestone’,pasāJavanese) ~Javanese pasar‘blue pasar “market” Malay pasar ‘bigtərusi road’, ‘copper Cham vitriol; pasā ~ pasar market; a market-day’) ‘bigmarket road’, place’ Chammarket ) pasā place’ ~ pasar) ‘green mineral,‘green mineral,verdigri s’, 54verdigris’, ,shops’) a from‘a shops’ Persian turš ~ turuš Javanesevitriol’53‘market,‘market, trusi(cf. Old bazaar’, ~ bazaar’, Mon prusi Karo pṣā ‘‘market, KaroBatakverdigris pasarBatak market‘green; copper pasar ‘market’mineral,sulphate; (cf.bluestone’, Oldverdigri Mons p’,ṣ ā ‘marketبازار) ;bāzār) “a ‘adirectlymarket زاربازار)) acid,from tart,Persian sour’) frombāzār Persian‘ (ترش) Hindi turś ~ turuś ‘sour, acid’market-day”) (or 鏁쏁殿 ‘market’Malay (cf. place’ Oldtərusi Mon) pṣ‘copperā ‘market, vitriol; Hindi turś ~market; turuś a market‘sour,- day’acid’) Tamil (or Tamilturuci turuci( ) (鏁쏁殿‘blue) market‘blue place’‘big )road’,Malay Cham tə rusipasā ~ ‘copperpasarBalineseBalinese vitriol;trusi trusiBalinese ‘green ‘green trusi vitriol vitriol ‘green (iron (iron vitriol (iron ;acid,53 tart, sour’) an ointment‘big road’,made fromCham verdigris pasā 54~Javanese pasar market trusi ~ place’ prusi ) ‘verdigris‘ (ترش) (’market; a market-day directly from Persian turš ~ turuš 53 copper54 ‘market’ sulphate; (cf. Old Monbluestone’, pṣā ‘market, 54 directly fromHindi Persian turś ~ turuśHindi turš ‘sour, turś~ t acid’uruš~vitriol’ turuś (or vitriol’Tamil Tamil turuci turuci ((鏁쏁殿)) “blue‘blue vitriol” forMalay healing ‘market’tərusiMalay coppersores’, ‘copper tərusi (cf. Sundanese Old sulphate;“coppervitriol; Mon vitriol; ptrusisulphate)’,ṣsulphate)’,bluestone’,ā copper‘market,an ointment sulphate)’, Acehnese Acehnesemade from Acehnese verdigristurusiturusi turusi ;acid, tart,directly sour’) from Persian“sour, acid”turš ~ Hindi(or turuš turśvitriol’ ~53 turuś ‘sour, acid’ (orcopperJavanese Tamil marketsulphate;sulphate; trusi place’ turuci bluestone’,~ )bluestone,” prusi (‘鏁쏁殿54verdigris 55 Javanese) ; ‘blue trusi Malay tərusi ‘copper vitriol‘ (ترش) acid, tart, sour’) Javanese53 trusi ~ prusi‘copper‘copperfor ‘verdigris healingvitriol’ vitriol’‘copper sores’, ; vitriol’ Sundanese trusi 54‘ (ترش) ,’Hindi) ‘acid, turś tart,~directly turuś sour’) ‘sour, fromdirectly acid’Persian (or fromTamil Persian turuci turš(鏁쏁殿 ~ t)uruš ‘green‘blueJavanesean vitriol’ointment Malaymarket trusi~ mineral,prusi ~ tprusi əmadeplace’rusi “verdigris ‘verdigris from‘copper) ;verdigri an; verdigris ointmentvitriol;s’, made copper sulphate; bluestoneترش) HindiHindi vijayvijayHindi ‘conquest,‘conquest, vijay ‘conquest,victory,53victory, Tamilvictory,Tamil vicai vicaian ointment Tamil(ힿலச (ힿலச madevicaian) ‘victory’) ‘victory’ ointmentfrom (ힿலச verdigris ) ‘victory’made MalayfromMalay54 ‘green †verdigris bisai†bisai Malay ‘gallant, mineral,‘gallant, †bisai victorious’ victorious’ ‘gallant,verdigri svictorious’ ’, ;Tamil turuš)) ‘acid, vitriol’turuci tart, sour’) (鏁쏁殿 ) ‘blueBalinesefor healingcopperMalay trusifrom sores’, sulphate; verdigris‘greentərusi Sundanese for vitriolbluestone’, healing‘copper (irontrusi sores,” vitriol; Javanese trusi ~ prusi ‘verdigris~ ترش)) Hindi turś ~ turuśdirectly ‘sour, from turš acid’Persian ~ turuš ( orturš acid,triumph’triumph’ tart, sour’) (from triumph’(from SanskritSanskrit 53(from vijayavijayaSanskrit vijayafor healingJavanese sores’,for Sundanesetrusihealing ~ prusi sores’,trusi ‘ verdigris Sundanese; Balinese54 trusi trusi ‘green vitriol (iron‘ (ترش) directly from Persian turš“acid, ~ turuš tart, sour”) vitriol’ sulphate)’,‘greencopper Sundanese mineral, Acehnesesulphate; trusi “green verdigri bluestone’,turusi mineral,s’, an ointment made from verdigris ‘contest‘contest for for ‘contestvictory, victory, victory’)for victory’) victory, victory’) ‘green an mineral,ointmentverdigris‘green ,”made verdigriBalinese frommineral,s’, trusiverdigris “green sulphate)’,verdigri s ’, Acehnese turusi acid, tart, sour’) ‘copperBalineseBalineseforJavanese vitriol’trusi healing trusi ‘green sores’, ‘green trusivitriol Sundanese (iron~vitriol prusi (irontrusi ‘verdigris ; for healing sores’, Sundanese trusi‘ (ترش) Kāśmīrī (Ḍoḍī dial.) jōṛō ‘pair ofsulphate)’, vitriolAcehnese (iron sulphate),”turusi Acehnese‘copper Malayvitriol’ jodoh ‘twin-soul, affinity, Hindi vijay ‘conquest, victory,KāśmīrīKāśmīrī Tamil (Ḍ (Ḍoḍ ovicaiīḍī dial.) dial.)(ힿலச jō jōṛōṛ) ō ‘pair‘victory’ ‘pair of of TamilTamil cōMalay cōḍuḍ Tamilu( வசா翁†‘green(anவசா翁bisai ointmentBalinesecō ) ‘gallant,)ḍ‘ pair,u‘mineral,pair, (வசா翁 couple,made trusi couple, victorious’) ‘verdigri ‘greenpair,from Malay Malay couple,s ’, verdigrisvitriol jodoh jodoh (iron ‘twin ‘twin-soul,-soul, affinity, affinity, ‘coppersulphate)’, vitriol’turusi “copperAcehnese vitriol ” turusi ‘green mineral, 55 verdigris’, shoes’,shoes’, Sindhī SindhīHindishoes’, jo vijayjoṛo ṛ Sindhīo‘pair, ‘pair,‘conquest, pairjo pairṛo of‘pair, of victory, pair ofTamil set vicaiBalinese’, Malayāḷam (sulphate)’,ힿலச trusi) ‘victory’‘green jōḍ vitrioluAcehnese ( second(ironsecond Malay) ‘aself, turusiself, †secondbisai match’, match’, ‘gallant, self,5555 Acehnesevictorious’match’, Acehnese Acehnese triumph’ (from SanskritHindi vijayvijaya ‘conquest, victory, Tamil vicai (ힿலச) ‘victory’setset ’, ’,Malayāḷam MalayāḷamMalay‘copper †bisaifor vitriol’jō healing‘gallant,jōḍuḍ u( ജ (victorious’ ജ sores’, ാടുാടു) ) ‘aSundanese ‘a ജ ാടു trusi Balinese trusi ‘green vitriol (iron Hindi vijaytriumph’ “conquest,shoes’, (from KumaunīTamil Sanskritvicai (வjo ிைசṛovijaya) “victory”‘pair’, sulphate)’,Malay‘copper †bisaiAcehnese vitriol’ “gallant, victorious”turusi judo ‘pair, couple’, Javanese joḍo ‘contestHindi for victory, vijay victory’)‘conquest,triumph’ (fromshoes’, shoes’,victory,victory, Sanskrit triumph’ Kumaunī KumaunīTamilvijaya vicai jo (joṛힿலசoṛ o ‘pair’,) ‘pair’,‘victory’ pair, pair, match,match,Malaypair, ‘greencouple; † couple;bisaimatch, ‘gallant, a amineral, couple;pairpair victorious’ of of a judopairjudoverdigri ‘pair, ‘pair,of s’, couple’, sulphate)’,couple’, Javanese Javanese Acehnese jo joḍoḍ o turusi ‘contest for victory, victory’)‘contestGujarātī forjo victory,ṛũ ‘pair, victory’) a shoe’ (Turner ‘copper vitriol’ ‘marriage partner; the right match Kāśmīrītriumph’ (ḌHindioḍī dial.)(fromvijay jō ṛ Sanskritō ‘conquest,‘pairGujarātī Gujarātī of(fromvijaya TamilSanskritvictory,jo jo ṛũṛ ũ‘pair,cō vijaya ‘pair, ḍuTamil a( வசா翁ashoe’ shoe’ vicai )(Turner ‘(Turnerpair, (ힿலச couple, ) ‘victory’ Malay BalinesejodohMalay ‘twin trusi †bisai-soul, ‘green ‘gallant, affinity, vitriol‘marriage‘marriage victorious’ (iron partner; partner;‘copper the vitriol’the right right match match KāśmīrīHindi vijay (Ḍoḍī ‘conquest, dial.) jōṛōKāśmīrī ‘pair victory, of Tamil (Ḍ oḍTamilī cō ḍ dial.)u vicai (வசா翁 jō (ṛힿலச)ō ‘pair,‘pair)shoes’, ‘victory’ couple,shoes’, of Tamil KannaMalay Kannashoes’, cōjodohMalayḍaḍḍ uajō ‘twin( jō†ḍவசா翁Kannabisaiuḍ u-(soul, ಜ (‘gallant,) ḍ ‘ೋಡುapair,affinity, jō) ḍ victorious’)couple,‘au ‘a (ಜ ೋಡು Malay) ‘a jodoh ‘twin-soul, affinity, ‘contesttriumph’ for victory, (from victory’) Sanskrit19661966‘contest #10496) #10496) forvijaya 1966victory, #10496) 55ಜ ೋಡು55 (for(for); );etc.’, etc.’, (forKaro Karo); etc.’,Batak Batak Karo jodu jodu Batak‘a ‘a jodu ‘a shoes’, Sindhī joṛo ‘pair,shoes’,triumph’ pair Sindhī (fromof jo ṛo setSanskrit‘pair,’, pairMalayāḷamHindi vijayaof set vijay’, Malayāḷam jō ḍ‘conquest,u ( jōḍu (ജ )ാടു victory,‘a) ‘a secondsecond Tamil self,sulphate)’,self, match’,vicai match’, ( ힿலச AcehneseAcehnese) Acehnese‘victory’ turusi Malay †bisai55 ‘gallant, victorious’ victory’) shoes’, Sindhī joṛo ‘pair,ജ ാടു pairpairpair of or or couple,set couple,’, pairMalayāḷam a oramatch’, match’, couple, jō Tuḍ u Tua ḷ (umatch’,ജḷ ujō jōḍാടുuḍ u) Tu ‘a ḷu secondjōḍu pair’self, match’, Acehnese shoes’, Kāśmīrī Kumaunī‘contest (Ḍo ḍ forījo shoes’, ‘contest dial.)victory,ṛo jō‘pair’, Kumaunīṛforō victory’) victory,‘pair ofjo victory’)ṛ oshoes’, Tamil‘pair’, cōpair, Kumaunīḍu match,(வசா翁 couple;)jo ‘ṛpair,o a‘pair’, couple,pair of judojudoMalay ‘pair,‘pair,‘copper jodohcouple’, couple’, vitriol’‘twinJavanese Javanese-soul, joḍo affinity, pair’jopair’ḍojudo ‘pair, couple’, Javanese joḍo Gujarātījo ṛũ ‘pair, a pair,shoe’ (Turnertriumph’match, couple;(from Sanskrita pair ofvijaya pair,‘marriage match, partner; couple; the right matcha55 pair of shoes’,Kāśmīrī Sindhī (Ḍ jooKāśmīrīṛḍoī ‘pair, dial.) (Ḍ oKāśm pairḍjōīṛ ō dial.) ī ofr‘pairī (Ḍoḍ jōṛsetō īof‘pair ’,dial.) Malayāḷam ofTamil shoes’, Tamil Kannacō cōḍucōḍjōuḍḍa uu ( jō(வசா翁( வசா翁(ḍu ( ())) “‘ (pair,pair,‘pair,)) ‘a couple, ) couple,)second‘a ‘a ( pair, Malaypair, self,Malay Malaymatch, )jodohmatch, ‘a match’,jodoh pair, ‘twinjodohcouple’, “twin-soul,couple’, -soul,match, Acehnese‘twin affinity, affinity,couple’,- soul, affinity, GujarātīHindijo ṛũ ‘pair,vijay a shoe’‘conquest, (Turner victory, Gujarātī Tamiljo ṛ ũvicai ‘pair, (ힿலச a shoe’)ജ ‘victory’(Turner ಜാടു ಜೋಡು ಜ ೋಡು ೋಡು ‘marriageಜ Malayೋಡು partner; †bisai the ‘gallant, right55 56 match victorious’‘marriage partner; the right match 1966shoes’, #10496) Sindhī jōṛō jo “pairṛo ‘pair, of‘contest shoes,” pair of forset ’,victory,,” MalayāḷamMalayāḷam victory’) jōjōḍu ḍu ( shoes’, (for ) “a‘a); etc.’, secondKanna secondKaro ḍself, aBatak self,jō match’,ḍu match,”jodu ( ‘a Acehnese Acehnese) ‘a 55 shoes’,shoes’, Kumaunī Sindhī jojoṛṛo ‘pair,‘pair’,shoes’, pair of Kanna pairḍ ora couple,jōḍu a( match’,ಜ ೋಡು Tu)ḷ u‘a ജjō ḍuാടു judo ‘pair,second couple’, self, Javaneseಜ match’,ೋಡು jo ḍo Acehnese 1966 #10496)triumph’ (fromshoes’, Sanskrit KumaunīSindh vijayaī joṛojo1966ṛ pair,“pair,oKāśmīrī ‘pair’,#10496) pairmatch,set ’, (Ḍpair, Malayāḷamo ḍcouple; match,ī dial.) couple; jōa jōṛpairōTeluguḍ aTeluguu ‘pairpair (ജof of (forof ാടുshoes,”pair’ jō jōḍ); Teluguu)Tamil ḍ uetc.’,‘a judo ( (judo ‘pair, cōKaro)jō “pair,ḍ ) ḍu couple’,‘au ‘a( வசா翁couple,”Batak (pair,pair, Javanese ) ) Javanesea‘jodupair, a‘a jo pair,ḍcouple,‘ao joḍo (for );a etc.’,Malay Karo jodoh Batak ‘twin jodu-soul, ‘a affinity, Gujarātījo ṛũ ‘pair, a shoe’ (Turner pair, match, couple; a pair ‘marriageof 灋葁灋葁 partner; the灋葁 right match ‘contestshoes’, for victory, KumaunīGujarātī victory’)jo ṛũofjo ‘pair, shoes,”ṛo pair a shoe’‘pair’, Kumaun orshoes’, (Turnercouple, ī pair,(Kannaಜ ೋಡುaKannaḍa match’,)match, ḍ‘aa pair,jō jōḍuḍu Tumatch, couple; ((ḷu jōcouple’,ḍu) ) “a ‘aa pair pair’pairpair or or ofcouple,‘marriage “marriagejudo a partner;match’, ‘pair, partner; the Tucouple’, righttheḷu jōright matchḍu Javanese match pair’ joḍo 55 1966 #10496) shoes’, Sindhīshoes’, joKannaṛo ḍ‘pair,ಜa jō ೋಡುḍu pair(ಜ ೋಡು of )(for ‘acouple’ set); ’,etc.’, Malayāḷam Karo Batak jōḍu jodu(ജ ാടു‘a ) ‘a second self, match’, Acehnese Gujarātījo ṛũ1966 ‘pair, #10496) a shoe’joṛo “pair,” (Turner Gujarāt ī Telugucouple, jōḍu a match,”(灋葁) ‘a Tu couple’pair,ḷcouple’u jōḍu a ( ( )(for) ‘a);(for); ‘marriagepair,etc.’, etc.,” match,Karo Karo partner;Batak Batakcouple’, jodu jodu the ‘a “a right pair” match Kāśmīrī (Ḍoḍī dial.) jōṛō ‘pair(ಜ ofೋಡು pairshoes’,Tamil) or‘a shoes’,couple, pair, cō Kumaunīpairḍ u ormatch,a Kanna ( match’,couple,வசா翁 ḍ couple’,a)joa Tumatch’, ‘ṛjōpair,oḷ ḍu ujō ‘pair’, Tu (ḍcouple,uḷ u ಜjō ḍuೋಡು ) ‘aMalay jodoh ‘twin-soul, affinity, judo ‘pair, couple’, Javanese joḍo 1966 #10496) SanskritSanskritjoṛũ “pair, bandha bandha aSanskrit shoe” ‘binding, ‘binding,couple’ bandha“a pair, tying, match, tying,‘binding, a couple,” a Tamil Tamiltying, Teluguಜ aೋಡುpandam pair’ jōḍupandamTamilpair, pair’ (for match,(pandamபꏍத믍();பꏍத믍 etc.’, )couple; ) ‘tie,Karo(‘tie,பꏍத믍 a 55Middle BatakMiddle)pair ‘tie, ofjoduJavanese JavaneseMiddle ‘a pandam pandamJavanese ‘lamp’, ‘lamp’,pandam ‘lamp’, shoes’, Sindhī joṛo ‘pair,(Turner pair 1966of Gujarātī #10496)set’, Malayāḷamjo ( ṛũ ‘pair,) ‘a jōapair, shoe’ḍu match,(ജ (Turner ാടു couple’, Telugu) ‘a secondjōḍu ( self,) match’,‘a pair, a Acehnese ‘marriage partner; the right match Sanskrit bandhabond’bond’ ‘binding, Telugu tying,(bond’ಜ ೋಡುjōa ḍpairTamil)u ‘a( ( ಜor 灋葁 pair, pandamೋಡುcouple,)) “amatch,‘a pair, (aபꏍத믍pair, match’,a couple’,couple”attachment,) attachment, a‘tie, Tu Middleḷ u jō attachment,shoes’,link; ḍ link;Javaneseu torch,pair’ torch,Kanna pandam灋葁 link;flambeau; flambeau;ḍ a‘lamp’, torch,jōḍu ( flambeau;JavaneseJavanese) ‘a (lit.)Javanese(lit.) pandampandam (lit.) ‘light,pandam‘light, ‘light, shoes’, Kumaunībond’ joṛo ‘pair’, attachment, link; torch, flambeau; Javanese judo (lit.) ‘pair,pandam couple’, ‘light, Javaneseಜ ೋಡು joḍo Sanskrit bandha1966pair, #10496) match,TeluguTamil pandam jōcouple;ḍu ((பந்தம் )a )‘a pair“tie, pair,couple’ ofa Middle Javanese pandam “lamp,” lamp’,(for); etc.’,Malay Karo pandam Batak ‘fixing jodu in‘a couple’Telugu (lamp’jōḍ u )( ‘a )pair, ‘a灋葁 match,lamp’pair,lamp’ a couple’,lamp’,lamp’ Malay pandam ‘fixing in lamp’,lamp’, Malay Malay pandam pandam ‘fixing ‘fixing in in Gujarātījo ṛũ ‘pair, a shoe’ (Turner ಜ ೋಡು 灋葁 pair‘marriage or couple, partner; a match’, the Turightḷu jōmatchḍu pair’ 56 “binding, Sanskrittying,shoes’, a bandha couple’attachment,Kanna ‘binding, ḍa link;jōḍ tying,u torch, ( aflambeau; Tamil)resin’, ‘a 56pandamJavanese Acehne se (lit.) (பꏍத믍panam pandam) ‘tie,“light,resin’,resin’, lamp,”Middle56 56 resin’,Javanese Acehne Acehne pandamsese Acehnepanam panam‘lamp’,se panam Sanskrit1966 bandha #10496) ‘binding, tying, a Tamilcouple’ pandam (பꏍத믍) ‘tie,ಜ ೋಡುMiddle (forJavanese); etc.’, pandam Karo Batak‘lamp’, jodu 57 ‘a Sanskrit bandhabond” ‘binding,bond’ tying, Telugu a Tamillamp” jōpandamḍu (灋葁 (பꏍத믍) ‘a) attachment,pair,‘mixture‘tie, ( ಜMiddle a of ೋಡುresinMalay link; ) Javanese with‘a pandam torch, waxpair, andpandam “fixingflambeau; oil’match, ‘lamp’, in resin,”couple’, Javanese ‘mixture (lit.) pandamof resin with‘light, wax and oil’ bond’ Sanskrit bandha ‘binding, tying,attachment, a Tamilpair orlink;pandam couple, torch, a( match’,பꏍத믍flambeau;) Tu‘tie, ḷu JavanesejōḍMiddleu pair’ JavaneseAcehnese(lit.) pandam panampandam “mixture ‘lamp’,‘light,‘mixture ‘mixtureof resin of of resin resin with with wax wax and and oil’ oil’ bond’ couple’attachment, link; torch, flambeau;lamp’ Telugu Javanese jō(lit.)ḍu (pandam) ‘a‘light, pair, lamp’, a Malay pandam ‘fixing in bond’Indo -Aryan lamp’attachment, ( Dravidianlamp’) link;‘a pair, torch, match, flambeau; couple’, lamp’,Javanese lamp’, MalaywithWMP (lit.)Malay waxpandam andpandam 灋葁oil” ‘fixing ‘fixing ‘light, in 56 ಜ ೋಡು 56 resin’, Acehnese panam Sanskrit bandha ‘binding, Sanskrit tying, gañja a“hemp Tamil Telugu pandam gañjāyi ( (பꏍத믍) id.) ‘tie,resin’, 56OldMiddle Javanese Acehne Javanese guñjese ~ guñjay panampandam, ‘lamp’, Sanskrit gañja51 ‘hemp (Cannabislamp’ Telugu gañjāyi ( ) resin’,id.lamp’, (cf.couple’ MalayOld Acehne Javanesepandamse ‘fixingguñjepanam in~‘mixture guñjay of, resin with wax and oil’ As indicated before, its exact pronunciationTelugu jō differsḍu across( the)గం瀾밿 Tamil‘a varieties.pair, aIn varieties‘mixture56 spoken of resin by Brahmins, with wax58 and oil’ sativabond’ L.)’ (Cannabis sativa L.)” attachment, (cf. Oṛiyā gañjēi 灋葁link; id.) torch, flambeau; ‘mixture resin’, ofJavanese Javaneseresin Acehne withgənje g ə nje waxse(lit.)id. id. andpanam57pandam oil’ ‘light, Sanskrit loanwords tend to be Sanskrit pr onounced O ṛ iyā bandha more gañjēi authentically ‘binding, id.) (cf. Zvelebil tying, 1964: a 253Tamil-256). pandam (பꏍத믍) ‘tie, Middle Javanese pandam ‘lamp’, 52 5151 51 lamp’ ‘mixture oflamp’, resin withMalay wax pandam and oil’ ‘fixing in Cf. Adelaar As (1996: As indicated indicated 697). bond’As Tablebefore,couple’ before,indicated 5 – itsIndo-Aryan its exact before,exact pronunciation borrowingspronunciation its exact58 transmitted pronunciation differs differs through across across differs Dravidian the the Tamil acrossTamil languages. varieties. varieties.the Tamil In In varieties.varieties varietiesJavanese spokenIn spoken varieties by(lit.) by Brahmins, spokenBrahmins, pandam by Brahmins, ‘light, Sanskrit gho53 ṭa ‘horse’, Hindi (Cf. Goṇḍī kōḍa id.) attachment,Malay link;kuda56 torch,, Toba flambeau; Batak hoda , Also written as turicu (鏁쎿毁Sanskrit) ~ turucu loanwords (鏁쏁毁). tend to be pronounced moreresin’, authentically Acehne (cf. Zvelebilse panam 1964: 253-256). Sanskrit bandha54 ‘binding, Sanskrit Sanskrit tying, loanwords loanwords a Tamil tend tend topandam to be be pr pr onounced onounced ( பꏍத믍 more ) more‘tie, authentically authentically lamp’Middle Javanese(cf. (cf. Zvelebil Zvelebil pandam 1964: 1964: ‘lamp’,253 253-256).-256). lamp’, Malay pandam ‘fixing in ghoṛā, Marā ṭCf.hī Vangho Ronkelḍā id. (1902: 105),52 Jones (2007: 321). Subanon guda, Tausug kuraʔ id. 5551 As indicated5252 before,51 its exact Cf. Adelaarpronunciation (1996: differs 697). across the Tamil varieties. In ‘mixturevarieties spoken of resin by Brahmins, with wax and oil’ 56 bond’ Van Ronkel Cf. 53. (190 Cf. AdelaarCf.3c) Adelaar59 arguesAdelaar As (1996:that indicated attachment,(1996: (1996: Malay 697). jodoh 697).697). before, is link; a Telugu its torch,exact loan, pronunciation apparentlyflambeau; unaware differsJavanese that the across etymon (lit.) the is attested Tamil pandam varieties. ‘light, In varieties resin’, spoken by Acehne Brahmins,se panam Sanskrit mālikainSanskrit all major ‘a loanwords53palace’ Dravidian53 tendlanguages. 53 to be prIn onouncedTamilfact, even mā Tamilmoreḷigai authenticallycōḍ u( மா쾿லக(வசா翁) may (cf.) have Zvelebil‘palace; given 1964: rise toMalay 253 the- 256).WMP maligai attestations ‘palace; princess’s 51 Also 54. Also Also written written Sanskrit written Also aslamp’ as as turiculoanwords turicuwritten turicu (鏁쎿毁 ( as鏁쎿毁 tend turicu) ~) to ~~turucu turucubeturucu (鏁쎿毁 pronounced ((鏁쏁毁) ( ~鏁쏁毁 turucu).). ).more lamp’,(鏁쏁毁 authentically). Malay60 (cf. pandam Zvelebil ‘fixing 1964: 253in -‘mixture256). of resin with wax and oil’ As indicated51 before, its52 Cf. exact Adelaar pronunciation (1996: 697). differs across the Tamil varieties. In varieties spoken by Brahmins, As indicated before,if it was itspronounced54 exact54 pronunciation as /ʤoːɖu/5254 ~ /ʤoːɽu/temple; differs in the acrossmansion; lending thevariety Tamilhouse’; this levelvarieties. of phonet Inic varieties detailbower’, cannot spoken56 be indicated Javanese by Brahmins, (lit.) malige in53 theAlso script. written Cf.55. Cf. as VanCf. turicuVan Van Ronkel RonkelCf.( 鏁쎿毁 RonkelCf. Adelaar) Van~(1902: turucu (1902:(1902: Ronkel (1996: 105),(鏁쏁毁 105),105), 697).(1902:). Jones Jones Jones 105),(2007: (2007: Jones 321).321). 321). (2007: resin’, 321). Acehnese panam Sanskrit loanwords tend to be pronounced53 55more authentically (cf. Zvelebil 1964: 253-256).‘throne’, Gayo mǝlige ‘palace’, 52 Sanskrit loanwords 56 54 Cf. tend Gonda 55to 55 (1973: be pr 161),onounced Van Also Van Ronkel morewritten Ronkel (1903f: authentically as 545 turicu(190-546),3c) (Jones鏁쎿毁 (cf.argues (2007: )Zvelebil ~ turucu that 232). Malay1964: (鏁쏁毁 253 ‘mixturejodoh). -256). is ofa Telugu resin with loan, wax apparently and oil’ unaware that the etymon is attested Cf. Adelaar52 (1996: 697). Cf. Van Ronkel Van56. Van Van Ronkel (1902: Ronkel Ronkel 105), (190 (190 (1903c) Jones3c)3c) (2007: argues argues 321). that that that MalayMalay Malay jodohjodoh jodoh is is a is aTelugu aTelugu Telugu loan, loan, loan, apparently apparently apparently unaware unaware unaware that the that that the the etymon etymon is is attested attested Cf.51 Adelaar (1996:55 697). 54 Acehnese mɯligɔɛ ‘palace, royal 53 As indicated Van before, Ronkeletymon its (190 exact3c) is argues inattested Cf.pronunciation all Van thatmajor in RonkelMalay all Dravidianmajor jodoh differs(1902: Dravidian is a 105),acrossTelugulanguages. Joneslanguages. loan,the Tamilapparently(2007: In fact, In varieties. 321).fact, evenunaware even Tamil thatInTamil varieties the cō cōḍuetymonḍu ( (வசா翁spoken is attested)) maymay by Brahmins,have have given rise to the WMP attestations Also 53written as turicu (鏁쎿毁in) in~ all turucuall major major ( 鏁쏁毁Dravidian Dravidian). languages. languages. In In fact, fact, even even Tamil Tamil cō cōḍuḍ u(வசா翁 (வசா翁) may) may have have given given rise rise to to the the WMP WMP attestations attestations Also written asin turicu all major (鏁쎿毁 Dravidian) ~ turucu55 languages. ( 鏁쏁毁 In ). fact, even Tamil cō ḍ u ( வசா翁 ) may have givenresidence’, rise to the WMPCham14 attestations (Vietnam dial.) 54 Sanskrit loanwords tendgiven to berise pr Vantoonounced the Ronkel WMP more(190attestations3c) authentically argues if it that was Malay (cf.pronounced Zvelebil jodoh asis 1964: a/ʤoːɖu/ Telugu 253 ~loan,- 256)./ʤoːɽu/ apparently in the lendingunaware that the etymon is attested Cf. Van54 Ronkel (1902: 105),if Jones ifit itwas was (2007: pronounced pronouncedif51 it321). was pronouncedas as /ʤoːɖu/ /ʤoːɖu/ ~as ~/ʤoːɽu/ /ʤoːɖu//ʤoːɽu/ in in~ the /ʤoːɽu/the lend lending ining varietythe variety lend; ingt;his this varietylevel level of; of tphonethis phonet levelicic ofdetail detail phonet cannot cannotic detail be be indicated indicatedcannot be indicated Cf.52 Van Ronkelif (1902:it was pronounced 105),variety; Jones as thisin /ʤoːɖu/ (2007:all levelAs major indicated ~321).of /ʤoːɽu/ phoneticDravidian in before, the detail languages.lend ingcannotits varietyexact Inbe; pronunciationfact,tindicatedhis level even of in Tamilphonet themơlagai differsscript. iccō detailḍu (across வசா翁‘palace,cannot) be themay indicatedroyal Tamil have residence, givenvarieties. rise toIn thevarieties WMP attestationsspoken by Brahmins, 55 Cf. Adelaar (1996:in the697). script. in the script. Van Ronkel 55 Van Ronkel (190 3c) (190 arguesin the 3c) script. argues that in 57. the Malay that Cf. script. GondaMalay jodoh Sanskrit (1973:jodoh is a loanwords Teluguis161), a Telugu Van loan, Ronkeltend loan, apparently to apparently(1903f: be pronounced 545-546), unaware unaware more Jonesthathouse that theauthentically(2007: the ofetymon etymon 232).a prince, isis (cf.attestedattested Zvelebiletc.’, Bugis 1964: 253-256). 53 56 5656 if 56it was pronounced as /ʤoːɖu/ ~ /ʤoːɽu/ in the lending variety; this level of phonetic detail cannot be indicated in all major51 As Dravidian indicated Also written languages.before, Cf. as Gonda turicu its Cf. exact (1973:InCf. (Gondafact,鏁쎿毁 Gonda pronunciation161), even)52 ~ (1973: Van Cf. (1973:turucu Tamil RonkelGonda 161), 161), ( differscō鏁쏁毁(1903f: (1973: ḍVanu Van ).( 545வசா翁across Ronkel 161),Ronkel-546),) themay Jones Van(1903f: (1903f:Tamil have(2007:Ronkel 545 varieties.given 545232). -(1903f:546),- 546), rise InJones to545Jones varieties the- 546),(2007: WMP(2007: spokenJones 232).attestations 232). (2007: by Brahmins, 232). in all54 major Dravidian languages.58. Malay Inin fact, theganja Cf. script.even Adelaarid., Tamil on the (1996:cō ḍotheru (வசா翁 697). hand,) maymust have have given been rise maligeborrowed to the ‘palace’, WMPeither attestationsdirectly Subanon from maligai the if it wasSanskrit pronounced Cf. loanwords Van as Ronkel /ʤoːɖu/ tend (1902: to~Sanskrit /ʤoːɽu/be 105),pronounced 56etymon in53Jones the or lend(2007: more throughing authentically321). variety Hindi ;gāñjā this (cf.levelid. Zvelebil of phonet 1964:ic detail 253 -cannot256). be indicated if it was55 pronounced as /ʤoːɖu/ ~ /ʤoːɽu/ Cf. Also Gonda in the written (1973:lending as 161), varietyturicu Van ;( t鏁쎿毁 hisRonkel level) ~ (1903f:turucu of phonet 545(鏁쏁毁ic‘spirit- 546),detail). house’Jones cannot (2007: be indicated 232).14 52 Van Ronkel (1903c) argues that54 Malay jodoh is a Telugu loan, apparently unaware that the etymon is attested 14 in the script.in Cf.theSanskrit script.Adelaar manda (1996: ‘drunken, 697). addicted Cf. VanTamil Ronkel mandam(1902: 105), Jones(மꏍத믍 (2007:) Malay 321). mandam ‘intoxication’, 1414 56 5356 in all major Dravidian languages. In fact, even Tamil cōḍu (வசா翁) may have given rise to the WMP attestations Cf. Gonda Cf.Alsoto Gonda(1973: intoxication; written (1973:161), as turicu Van161), etc.’ Ronkel Van(鏁쎿毁 Ronkel) (1903f: ~ turucu 55 (1903f: Van 545 ( ‘drunkenness;Ronkel鏁쏁毁 -545546),-).546), Jones(190 Jones3c) (2007:etc.’ argues(2007: 232). 232).that Malay jodohJavanese is a Telugu mənd loan,əm apparently‘drunken, unaware that the etymon14 is attested 54 Cf.if Vanit was Ronkel pronounced (1902: as 105), /ʤoːɖu/ Jones in ~ (2007: all/ʤoːɽu/ major 321). in Dravidian the lending languages. variety; tInhis fact, level even ofintoxicated’ phonet Tamil iccō detail ḍu (வசா翁 cannot) may be indicatedhave given rise to the WMP attestations 55 in the script. VanSanskrit Ronkel nīla (190 ‘dark3c) -arguesblue; dyed that withMalayif it was Tamiljodoh pronounced nīlamis a Telugu (ꏀை믍 as /ʤoːɖu/ loan,) ‘blue, apparently ~ azure /ʤoːɽu/ or unawareinMalay the lend thatingArchipelnilam the variety etymon 89,‘sapphire; Paris,this is14 levelattested 2015’, of61 phonet ic detail cannot be indicated 56 Cf. Gonda (1973: 161), Van Ronkel (1903f: 545-546), Jones (2007: 232). in allindigo; major theDravidian sapphire, languages. etc.’ Inin fact, the script.purpleeven Tamil colour; cōḍ ublue (வசா翁 dye,) may indigo; have givenMakasar rise to nilangthe WMP, attestationsMagindanao if it was pronounced as /ʤoːɖu/ ~ /ʤoːɽu/56 Cf. Gondasapphire’ in the (1973:lend ing 161), variety Van; t hisRonkel level (1903f: of phonetnilam 545ic id.- 546),detail Jones cannot (2007: be indicated 232). in the script. 14 56 Cf.Sanskrit Gonda (1973:parikhā 161), ‘a Vanmoat, Ronkel ditch, (1903f: Tamil 545 parigai-546), Jones (ப쎿லக (2007:) ‘moat,232). Malay pərigi ‘well, spring’, Old 14 trench or fosse round a town or ditch; mound within a rampart’ Javanese parigi ‘low encircling fort’ wall of stones, paved bank14 or slope’, Tausug paligiʔ ‘an area of wet, filthy and soggy ground’, Malagasy farihy ‘a pool, a pond, a lake’62 Sanskrit pattra ‘the blade of a Tamil pattiram (ப鏍鎿ர믍) ‘small Malay patəram ‘a small kris used sword or knife; a knife, dagger’ sword’ by women’,63 Old Javanese patrəm ‘dagger, kris (prob. a small variety)’, Javanese patrəm ‘a small dagger’

57 Malay ganja id., on the other hand, must have been borrowed either directly from the Sanskrit etymon or through Hindi gāñjā id. 58 The Tamil Lexicon gives the rather uncommon forms kōḍai (வகாலட) and kōḍaram (வகாடர믍) ~ kōḍagam (வகாடக믍), the latter undoubtedly reflecting Sanskrit ghoṭaka ‘a horse, a mare’. Kern (1889: 281) speculates that a form *kōḍa may also have existed in some undocumented variety of Tamil, giving rise to the WMP attestations. The most common Dravidian word for ‘horse’, however, is (Tamil) kudirai (埁鎿லர), presumably derived from the root kudi (埁鎿) ‘to jump’ (Burrow & Emenau 1984 #1705, #1711), whose similarity with the WMP attestations is probably fortuitous. Also refer to Bhattacharya (1966: 38) for superficially similar Austro-Asiatic attestations. 59 Glossed as such in Benfey (1866: 704); the meaning of ‘palace’ is absent in Monier-Williams (1899: 813). 60 Cf. Van Ronkel (1902: 114), Jones (2007: 191). 61 Cf. Van Ronkel (1902: 117), Jones (2007: 220). 62 The Indic origins of this word were already postulated by Van der Tuuk (1897-1912/4: 131) and Zoetmulder (1982/1: 1298). Conversely, Mahdi (1994/1: 441-453) supports an Indonesian origin. Along similar lines, Blust & Trussell (2014 s.v.) reconstruct proto-WMP *paRigi ‘artificially enclosed catchment for water: well, ditch’. 63 Cf. Van der Tuuk (1897-1912/4: 184), Van Ronkel (1902: 109-110), Gonda (1973: 162) and Jones (2007: 236).

15

Indo-Aryan IndoIndo-Aryan-Aryan Dravidian Indo -AryanDravidian Dravidian WMP Dravidian WMPWMP WMP Indo-Aryan Dravidian Sanskrit gañjaWMP ‘hempSanskrit (CannabisSanskrit gañja gañja Telugu ‘hemp ‘hemp ga(SanskritCannabis ñ(jāyiCannabis ( gañja TeluguTelugu ) ‘hempid. ga(cf. ñga(jāyi CannabisñjāyiOld ( (Javanese Telugu) id.) id.guñje(cf. ga(cf. ñjāyi Old~Old (guñjayJavanese Javanese, ) id.guñje (cf.guñje ~ Old ~guñjay guñjayJavanese, , guñje ~ guñjay, గం瀾밿 గం瀾밿 గం瀾밿 57 57 sativa L.)’ గం瀾밿 57 Javanese gənje 57id. Sanskrit gañja ‘hemp (Cannabis Telugu gañjāyi ( ) sativaid. (cf. L.)’ Old Javanesesativa guñje L.)’ ~ guñjay, sativa L.)’ Oṛiyā gañjēiJavanese id.) gənje id. Javanese gənje id. Javanese gənje id. గం瀾밿 57 Oṛiyā gañjēi id.) Oṛiyā gañjēi id.) Oṛiyā gañjēi id.) sativa L.)’ Javanese gənje id. 58 58 Oṛiyā gañjēi id.) Sanskrit ghoṭa ‘horse’,SanskritSanskrit Hindi gho ghoṭ(Cf.a ṭa ‘horse’, Go‘horse’,ṇḍSanskritī kō ḍHindi a Hindiid.) 58gho (Cf.ṭa(Cf. Go‘horse’, Goṇḍīṇḍ kōīḍ kōMalaya Hindiḍid.)a id.)58 kuda (Cf., GoTobaṇḍī kōBatakMalayḍaMalay id.) hodakuda kuda, , Toba, Toba Batak BatakMalay hoda hodakuda, , , Toba Batak hoda, 58 Sanskrit ghoṭa ‘horse’, Hindi (Cf. Goṇḍī kōḍa id.) ghoṛā, MarāMalayṭhī gho kudaḍā ghoid., Tobagho ṛā,ṛ Marāā ,Batak Marāṭhī ṭghohīhoda ghoḍā, ḍid.āgho id. ṛā, Marā ṭhī ghoḍā id. Subanon guda , TausugSubanon kuraSubanonʔ id. guda guda, Tausug, Tausug kuraSubanon kuraʔ id.ʔ id. guda , Tausug kuraʔ id. 59 59 ghoṛā, Marāṭhī ghoḍā id. Sanskrit mālikaSubanon ‘a palace’gudaSanskrit, SanskritTausug59 mālika kuramālikaTamil ʔ‘a id. palace’‘a māpalace’Sanskritḷigai59 ( மா쾿லக mālikaTamil)Tamil ‘a‘palace; palace’mā māḷigai ḷigai Malay (மா쾿லக (மா쾿லக maligaiTamil) ‘palace;) ‘palace; ‘palace;mā ḷigai Malay princess’sMalay(மா쾿லக maligai maligai ) ‘palace; ‘palace; ‘palace; princess’sMalay princess’s maligai ‘palace; princess’s 59 60 60 Sanskrit mālika ‘a palace’ Tamil māḷigai (மா쾿லக) ‘palace; Malay maligai ‘palace; princess’stemple; mansion; house’temple; temple; mansion; mansion;bower’, house’ house’60 temple; Javanese mansion; (lit.)bower’,bower’, house’malige60 Javanese Javanese (lit.) (lit.)bower’, malige malige Javanese (lit.) malige 60 temple; mansion; house’ bower’, Javanese (lit.) malige ‘throne’, Gayo mǝlige‘throne’, ‘throne’,‘palace’, Gayo Gayo mǝlige mǝlige ‘throne’,‘palace’, ‘palace’, Gayo mǝlige ‘palace’, ‘throne’, Gayo mǝlige ‘palace’, Acehnese mɯligɔɛ ‘palace,AcehneseAcehnese royal m ɯmligɯɔɛlig ɔɛ‘palace, ‘palace,Acehnese royal royal m ɯligɔɛ ‘palace, royal Acehnese mɯligɔɛ ‘palace, royal residence’, Cham (Vietnamresidence’,residence’, dial.) Cham Cham (Vietnam (Vietnamresidence’, dial.) dial.) Cham (Vietnam dial.) residence’, Cham (Vietnam dial.) mơlagai ‘palace, royalmơlagai residence,mơlagai ‘palace, ‘palace, royal royal residence,mơlagai residence, ‘palace, royal residence, mơlagai ‘palace, royal residence, house of a prince, etc.’,househouse Bugisof ofa aprince, prince, etc.’, houseetc.’, Bugis Bugisof a prince, etc.’, Bugis house of a prince, etc.’, Bugis malige ‘palace’, Subanonmaligemalige maligai ‘palace’, ‘palace’, Subanon Subanonmalige maligai maligai ‘palace’, Subanon maligai malige ‘palace’, Subanon maligai ‘spirit house’ ‘spirit‘spirit house’ house’ ‘spirit house’ Sanskrit manda‘spirit ‘drunken,house’Sanskrit Sanskrit addicted manda manda Tamil ‘drunken, ‘drunken, Sanskrit addictedmandam addicted manda TamilTamil ‘drunken,(மꏍத믍 )mandam addictedmandamMalay mandamTamil(மꏍத믍(மꏍத믍 ) ‘intoxication’,mandam)Malay Malay mandam mandam (மꏍத믍 ‘intoxication’, ) ‘intoxication’,Malay mandam ‘intoxication’, Indo-Aryan Dravidian WMP Sanskrit manda ‘drunken, addicted Tamil mandam (மꏍத믍to intoxication;) Malay etc.’ mandam to intoxication;to intoxication; ‘intoxication’,‘drunkenness; etc.’ etc.’ to intoxication; etc.’ ‘drunkenness; ‘drunkenness;etc.’ etc.’Javanese etc.’ ‘drunkenness;məndəm Javanese etc.’Javanese‘drunken, məmndəəndmə m Javanese‘drunken,‘drunken, m əndəm ‘drunken, Sanskrit gañja ‘hemp82 (Cannabis Telugu gañjāyi ( Tom Hoogervorst) id. (cf. Old Javanese guñje ~ guñjay, to intoxication; etc.’ ‘drunkenness; etc.’ Javanese məndəm ‘drunken, గం瀾밿 intoxicated’ intoxicated’intoxicated’ intoxicated’ sativa L.)’ Javanese gənje id.57 61 61 Sanskrit nīlaintoxicated’ ‘dark-blue; Sanskrit dyedSanskrit with nīla nīla ‘darkTamil ‘darkO-blue;ṛiyā -nīlamblue; gañjēi dyedSanskrit dyed(ꏀை믍 id.)with with nīla) ‘blue, Tamil‘darkTamil azure -nīlamblue; nīlam or dyed (ꏀை믍Malay (ꏀை믍 with) ‘blue, ) ‘blue,Tamilnilam azure azure nīlam or‘sapphire or Malay(ꏀை믍Malay )’, ‘blue, nilam61 nilam azure ‘sapphireor ‘sapphireMalay’, ’,61 nilam ‘sapphire’, 61 58 Sanskrit nīla ‘dark-blue; dyed with Tamil nīlam (ꏀை믍) ‘blue, azureindigo; orSanskrit theMalay sapphire, gho ṭanilam etc.’indigo;‘horse’,indigo; ‘sapphire the Hindithe sapphire, sapphire,purple ’,(Cf. etc.’ Go colour; etc.’ṇḍindigo; ī kō ḍbluea the id.) sapphire,dye,purple purple indigo; colour; etc.’ colour; MakasarMalayblue blue dye,kuda dye,purple nilang,indigo; Tobaindigo; colour;, BatakMagindanao Makasar Makasar bluehoda dye,, nilang nilangindigo;, , MagindanaoMakasarMagindanao nilang , Magindanao indigo; the sapphire, etc.’ purple colour; blue dye, indigo;gho ṛāMakasar, Marāṭhī ghonilangḍā id.,Indo-Aryan Magindanaosapphire’ Dravidiansapphire’ nilamSubanon id. guda sapphire’, WMPTausug kuranilamnilamʔ id. id. id. nilam id. 59 sapphire’ sapphire’ Sanskritnilam mālika id. ‘a palace’Sanskrit ghoṭa Tamil(Cf. mā Goṇḍḷigaiī kōḍa (மா쾿லக id.) 59 ) ‘palace; MalayMalay maligai kuda , Toba ‘palace; Batak hoda princess’s, “horse”, Hindi ghoṛā, bower’,Subanon60 guda Javanese, Tausug (lit.)kuraʔ id.malige Sanskrit parikhā ‘a moat,SanskritSanskrit ditch, parikhā parikhā Tamil temple;‘a ‘amoat,parigai Sanskritmoat,mansion; ditch, ditch,( ப쎿லக parikhāhouse’ TamilTamil) ‘moat, ‘aparigai moat,parigai Malay ditch,( ப쎿லக(ப쎿லக pəTamilrigi) )‘moat, ‘well, ‘moat,parigai spring’, MalayMalay (ப쎿லக pOldə rigipə )rigi ‘well,‘moat, ‘well, spring’, spring’,Malay Old pOldə rigi ‘well, spring’, Old Marāṭhī ghoḍā id. ‘throne’, Gayo mǝlige ‘palace’, Sanskrit parikhā ‘a moat, ditch, Tamil parigai (ப쎿லக) trench‘moat, or Malayfosse roundpərigitrench a‘well, trenchtown or spring’,orfosse fosseditch; round Oldround mound atrench towna withintown oror orfossea ditch;rampart’ditch; round mound mound a withintownJavanese within or a rampart’ a ditch;rampart’parigi mound ‘low Javanese withinencirclingJavanese a rampart’parigi parigi ‘low ‘low encirclingJavanese encircling parigi ‘low encircling trench or fosse round a town or ditch; mound within a rampart’ Javanese parigiSanskritfort’ ‘low mālika encircling “a Tamil fort’ māḷigai (மாளிைக) “palace; AcehneseMalay maligai mɯ lig“palace;ɔɛ ‘palace, princess’swall royal of stones, pavedwall bank of stones,or paved bank or fort’ fort’palace” 60 temple; mansion; house” wallbower,” of 61 stones,Javanese (lit.)paved maligewall bank of stones,or paved bank or fort’ wall of stones, paved bank or residence’, Cham (Vietnamslope’, dial.) Tausug paligiʔslope’, ‘an area Tausug of paligiʔ ‘an area of slope’,mơlagai“throne,” Tausug ‘palace, Gayo mǝlige paligi royal “palace,”ʔ slope’, residence,‘an area Tausug of paligiʔ ‘an area of slope’, Tausug paligiʔ ‘an area of Acehnese mɯligɔɛ “palace, royalwet, filthy and soggywet, ground’, filthy and soggy ground’, wet,house filthyof a andprince, soggy etc.’,wet, ground’, Bugisfilthy and soggy ground’, wet, filthy and soggy ground’, Malagasyresidence,” farihy Cham (Vietnam‘a pool,Malagasy dial.) Malagasya pond, farihy a farihy ‘a pool,‘a pool,Malagasy a pond, a pond, a farihy a ‘a pool, a pond, a maligemơlagai ‘palace’, “palace, royalSubanon residence, maligai 62 62 Malagasy farihy ‘a pool, a pond, a lake’‘spirit62 house’ lake’lake’62 lake’ 62 house of a prince, etc.,” Bugis malige SanskritSanskrit pattralake’ manda ‘the ‘drunken, SanskritbladeSanskrit addictedof pattra a pattraTamil ‘theTamil ‘the pattiramblade Sanskritblade mandamof (of ப鏍鎿ர믍apattra a TamilTamil ) ‘the( மꏍத믍‘smallpattiram pattiramblade) MalayMalay “palace,”of(ப鏍鎿ர믍 (aப鏍鎿ர믍 patmandam TamilSubanonə)ram ‘small) ‘small‘a pattirammaligai small‘intoxication’, Malay “spirit Malaykris (ப鏍鎿ர믍 patus pated əram ə)ram ‘small‘a ‘asmall small Malaykris kris us patedus edəram ‘a small kris used 63 63 Sanskrit pattra ‘the blade of a Tamil pattiram (ப鏍鎿ர믍) sword‘smallto or intoxication; knife;Malay a patknife, etc.’əramsword dagger’ sword ‘a orsmall orknife; knife; krissword’ a knife,‘drunkenness;us a edknife, dagger’sword dagger’ etc.’or knife; sword’ sword’a knife, dagger’byJavanesehouse women’, ” sword’63m əOldnd ə Javanesem by‘drunken, bywomen’, patr women’,ə m63 Old Old Javanese Javaneseby patrwomen’, patrəmə m Old Javanese patrəm 63 sword or knife; a knife, dagger’ sword’ by women’, OldSanskrit Javanese manda patrəmTamil mandam (மந்தம்) ‘dagger,intoxicated’Malay mandam kris “intoxication,”(prob.‘dagger, ‘dagger,a small kris kris (prob. (prob. ‘dagger,a asmall small kris (prob. a small Sanskrit‘dagger, nīla ‘dark kris-blue; “drunken,(prob. dyed addictedwitha small Tamilto “drunkenness; nīlam (ꏀை믍 etc.”) ‘blue, azure or variety)’,MalayJavanese nilamməndəmJavanese “drunken, ‘sapphirepatrvariety)’,əm variety)’, ‘a’, small61 Javanese Javanese patr patrəmvariety)’,ə ‘am small‘a small Javanese patrəm ‘a small intoxication; etc.” intoxicated” indigo;variety)’, the sapphire, Javanese etc.’ patrəm ‘a smallpurple colour; blue dye, indigo; dagger’Makasar nilang, Magindanaodagger’dagger’ dagger’ dagger’ Sanskrit nīla “dark-sapphire’Tamil nīlam (நீலம்) “blue, azure nilamMalay id. nilam “sapphire,”62 Makasar blue; dyed with or purple colour; blue dye, indigo; nilang, Magindanao nilam id. indigo; the sapphire, sapphire” Sanskrit parikhā ‘aetc.” moat, ditch, Tamil parigai (ப쎿லக) ‘moat, Malay pərigi ‘well, spring’, Old trench or fosse round a town or ditch; mound within a rampart’ Javanese parigi ‘low encircling fort’ Sanskrit parikhā “a Tamil parigai (பரிைக) “moat, ditch; wallMalay of pərigi stones, “well, pa spring,”ved bank Old or moat, ditch, trench or mound within a rampart” Javanese parigi “low encircling wall fosse round a town slope’,of stones, Tausug paved paligi bank orʔ slope,”‘an area of or fort” wet,Tausug filthy paligiʔ and “an soggyarea of wet,ground’, filthy Malagasyand soggy farihy ground,” ‘a Malagasypool, a pond, farihy a lake’“a pool,62 a pond, a lake”63 Sanskrit pattra ‘theSanskrit blade pattraof a“the Tamil Tamil pattiram pattiram ( (ப鏍鎿ர믍)) “small‘small MalayMalay pat patəraməram “a‘a small small kris kris used us ed sword or knife; a knife,blade dagger’ of a sword sword’sword” byby women’, women,”6364 Old JavaneseJavanese patrəm patrə m or knife; a knife, ‘dagger,“dagger, kriskris (prob. (prob. a small avariety),” small dagger” Javanese patrəm “a small dagger” 57 57 variety)’, Javanese patrəm ‘a small 57 Malay ganja id., on57 the Malay Malayother ganja hand,ganja id., must id., on onhavethe the Malayother been other hand,ganjaborrowed hand, mustid., must oneitherhave thehave been directlyother been borrowed hand, borrowedfrom must the either Sanskriteitherhave directly beendirectly etymon borrowedfrom from or the the eitherSanskrit Sanskrit directly etymon etymon from or orthe Sanskrit etymon or 57 Table 5 – Indo-Aryan borrowings transmitted throughdagger’ Dravidian languages. Malay ganja id., on the other hand, must have been borrowedthrough either Hindi directly gāñjā from id.through thethrough Sanskrit Hindi Hindi etymongāñjā gāñjā id. or id.through Hindi gāñjā id. 58 58 through Hindi gāñjā id. 58 The Tamil Lexicon gives58 The59. The the TheTamil Tamilrather Tamil Lexicon LexiconuncommonLexicon gives givesgives The theforms the Tamilrather ratherkō ḍ Lexiconuncommonai uncommonuncommon(வகாலட gives )forms forms and theforms kōrather kōkōḍaiḍ ḍkōaramaiḍ uncommonai((வகாலட (வகாடர믍வகாலட) andforms)) and ~ kōḍaramkō kō ḍkōkōḍaramagamḍḍaramai ((வகாலட வகாடர믍 (வகாடர믍) )and ~) kō ~kō ḍkōḍagamaramḍagam (வகாடர믍 ) ~ kōḍagam 58 The Tamil Lexicon gives the rather uncommon forms kōḍai ((வகாலடவகாடக믍) and), the kō latterḍaram undoubtedly(வகாடக믍 ((வகாடர믍வகாடக믍), )reflectingthe ),~ the kōlatterkōḍagam ḍlatteragam undoubtedly Sanskrit undoubtedly ( (வகாடக믍 gho reflectingṭ),),aka the reflecting ‘a latter latter horse, Sanskrit undoubtedly undoubtedlySanskrit a mare’ gho gho. ṭKern aka reflectingreflectingṭaka ‘a (1889: horse,‘a horse, Sanskrit 281)Sanskrit a mare’ a speculatesmare’ ghoṭaka gho. Kern.ṭ Kernaka “a (1889:that ‘a (1889: horse, 281) 281) a speculatesmare’ speculates. Kern that (1889: that 281) speculates that (வகாடக믍), the latter undoubtedly reflecting Sanskrit ghoṭaka ‘a horse, a mare’. Kern (1889:horse,a form 281) a* speculates mare.”kōḍa may Kern alsothat (1889:a haveform 281) existed *kō speculatesḍa mayin some also that undocumented have a form existed *kōḍa in variety somemay also undocumentedof Tamil,have existed giving variety in rise to of the Tamil, WMP giving attestations. rise to the WMP attestations. a form *kōḍa may alsoa have formsome existed * undocumentedkōḍa inmay some also varietyundocumented have existedof Tamil, in varietygiving some rise undocumentedof Tamil,to the WMP giving attestations.variety rise to of the Tamil, The WMP most giving attestations. common rise to the WMP attestations. a form *kōḍa may also have existed in some undocumented varietyThe of mostTamil, common giving riseDravidianThe toDravidian Thethe most WMP mostword common word commonattestations.for ‘horse’,for Dravidian “horse,” DravidianThe however, however,most word word common isfor (Tamil)is for ‘horse’,(Tamil) ‘horse’, Dravidian kudirai kudiraihowever, however, ((word埁鎿லர is (Tamil)isfor ),(Tamil) presumably‘horse’,presumably kudirai kudirai however, derived derived(埁鎿லர (埁鎿லர isfrom ),from(Tamil) presumably ), presumably kudirai derived (derived埁鎿லர from ),from presumably derived from The most common Dravidian word for ‘horse’, however, is (Tamil)the rootkudirai kudi ( 埁鎿லர(埁鎿) ‘to), jump’presumablythethe root (Burrowroot kudi kudi derived (埁鎿 & (埁鎿 Emenau) ‘to from) ‘to “tojump’ thejump’ jump”1984 root(Burrow (Burrow #1705, (Burrowkudi &( 埁鎿# Emenau1711),& & ) Emenau Emenau‘to jump’whose 1984 1984 1984 (Burrow similarity#1705, #1705, #1705, # &1711), with# #1711),Emenau1711), the whose whoseWMP 1984 similarity attestations similarity#1705,similarity #with 1711), with the the whoseWMP WMP similarityattestations attestations with the WMP attestations with the WMP attestations is probably fortuitous. Also refer to Bhattacharya (1966: 38) for the root kudi (埁鎿) ‘to jump’ (Burrow & Emenau 1984 #1705, #1711),is probably whose similarityfortuitous. with isAlso probablyis the probablyrefer WMP to fortuitous. Bhattacharya attestationsfortuitous. Also is Also probably(1966: refer refer to 38) Bhattacharya tofortuitous. forBhattacharya superficially Also (1966: (1966:refer similar 38) to 38) forBhattacharya Austro for superficially superficially-Asiatic (1966: similarattestations. similar 38) Austro for Austro superficially -Asiatic-Asiatic attestations. similar attestations. Austro -Asiatic attestations. superficially59 similar Austro-Asiatic59 attestations. is probably fortuitous. Also refer to Bhattacharya (1966: 38) for superficially59 Glossed as similar such in Austro Benfey59 Glossed -GlossedAsiatic (1866: as attestations. suchas704); such in the Benfeyin meaning Benfey Glossed (1866: (1866: of ‘palace’ as704); such704); the inis the meaningabsentBenfey meaning in (1866: of Monier of‘palace’ ‘palace’ 704);-Will is the iams absentis meaningabsent (1899 in Monierin :of 813).Monier ‘palace’- Will-Will iamsis absentiams (1899 (1899 in: Monier813).: 813). - Williams (1899: 813). 59 60.60 Glossed as such in 60 Benfey (1866: 704); the meaning of “palace” is absent in Monier- Glossed as such in Benfey (1866: 704); the meaning of ‘palace’60 is Cf. absent Van Ronkelin Monier (1902-Will60 :Cf.Williams 114),iams Cf. Van Van(Jones1899 Ronkel (1899: Ronkel :(2007: 813). 813). (1902 (1902 191).: 114), Cf.: 114), Van Jones Jones Ronkel (2007: (2007: (1902 191). 191).: 114), Jones (2007: 191). 60 61 61 Cf. Van Ronkel (1902: 114), Jones (2007: 191). 61 Cf. Van Ronkel (1902:61 Cf. 61.117), Cf. VanCf. Van JonesVan Ronkel Ronkel (2007: (1902: (1902: (1902: 220). 117), 114),Cf. 117), Van JonesJones Jones Ronkel (2007: (2007: (1902:191). 220). 220). 117), Jones (2007: 220). 61 62 62 62 Cf. Van Ronkel (1902: 117), Jones (2007: 220). The Indic origins of 62 this The 62. Theword Cf. Indic Van Indic were origins Ronkel origins already of(1902: ofthis postulated this 117),Theword word IndicJones were bywere (2007:origins Vanalready already der220). of postulated Tuukthis postulated word (1897 bywere- 1912 byVan alreadyVan/4: der 131)der Tuuk postulated Tuuk and (1897 Zoetmulder(1897- 1912by- 1912Van/4: /4:der131) 131) Tuuk and and Zoetmulder(1897 Zoetmulder-1912 /4: 131) and Zoetmulder 62 57 (1982/1: 1298). Conversely, Mahdi (1994/1: 441-453) supports an Indonesian origin. Along similar lines, Blust The Indic origins of this word were already postulated by Van( 1982/1:der Tuuk Malay 1298 (1897 ).ganja Conversely,-1912 id.,(/4:1982/1: on63. 131) the TheMahdi other1298and Indic Zoetmulder (1994/1:). hand,origins Conversely, must of 441 this( 1982/1:have- 453)word Mahdi been supportswere 1298 (1994/1:borrowed already). Conversely, an postulatedIndonesian 441either-453) directly Mahdi bysupports origin. Van from (1994/1:der Along anTuuk the Indonesian Sanskrit (1897-1912/4: 441similar-453) etymon lines,origin. supports 131) Blust orAlong an Indonesian similar lines, origin. Blust Along similar lines, Blust (1982/1: 1298). Conversely, Mahdi (1994/1: 441-453) supports an& TrussellIndonesianthrough (2014 Hindi origin. s.v.) gāñjā Along &reconstruct Trussellandid.& Trussell similarZoetmulder (2014proto lines,(2014 -(1982/1:s.v.)WMP Blusts.v.) reconstruct * & reconstruct1298).paRigi Trussell Conversely, ‘ artificiallyproto (2014 proto-WMP -s.v.) WMPMahdi enclosed *reconstructpaRigi *(1994/1:paRigi catchment ‘artificially 441-453)‘ protoartificially- forWMP supports enclosed water: enclosed *paRigi anwell, catchment Indonesian catchment ‘ditchartificially’. for for water: enclosed water: well, well, catchment ditch ditch’. ’. for water: well, ditch’. 58 63 63 & Trussell (2014 s.v.) reconstruct proto-WMP *paRigi ‘artificially63 Cf.enclosed Van The der catchmentTamil Tuuk Lexicon (1897 63for Cf.origin. -water:gives 1912Cf. Van Van/4:the Along derwell, 184), ratherder Tuuk ditch similar Tuuk Van uncommon (1897’. (Ronkel lines,1897- 1912Cf. - Blust1912 forms(1902:Van/4: /4: 184), &der kō 184),109 Trussell ḍTuuk aiVan- 110),( Vanவகாலட (Ronkel1897 (2014 GRonkelonda-) 1912 s.v.)and(1902: (1973: (1902: /4:kō reconstruct ḍ 184),109aram 162) 109-110), Van(- வகாடர믍 and110), proto-WMP RonkelG Jonesonda Gonda) ~ (2007:(1973:(1902: kō *paRigi(1973:ḍagam 236).162)109 162) - 110),and and Jones G Jonesonda (2007: (1973:(2007: 236). 162)236). and Jones (2007: 236). 63 Cf. Van der Tuuk (1897-1912/4: 184), Van Ronkel (1902: 109-110), (Gவகாடக믍onda (1973:), the 162)latter ‘artificiallyandundoubtedly Jones (2007: enclosed reflecting 236). catchment Sanskrit for gho water:ṭaka ‘awell, horse, ditch’. a mare’. Kern (1889: 281) speculates that a form *kōḍa may also64. have Cf. Vanexisted der Tuukin some (1897-1912/4: undocumented 184), variety Van Ronkel of Tamil, (1902: giving 109-110), rise to Gonda the WMP (1973: attestations. 162) and 15 15 15 15 The most common DravidianJones (2007: word 236). for ‘horse’, however, is (Tamil) kudirai (埁鎿லர), presumably derived from 15 the root kudi (埁鎿) ‘to jump’ (Burrow & Emenau 1984 #1705, #1711), whose similarity with the WMP attestations is probably fortuitous. Also refer to Bhattacharya (1966: 38) for superficially similar Austro-Asiatic attestations. 59 Glossed as such in Benfey (1866: 704); the meaning of ‘palace’ is absent in Monier-Williams (1899: 813). 60 Cf. Van Ronkel (1902Archipel: 114), 89, Jones Paris, (2007: 2015 191). 61 Cf. Van Ronkel (1902: 117), Jones (2007: 220). 62 The Indic origins of this word were already postulated by Van der Tuuk (1897-1912/4: 131) and Zoetmulder (1982/1: 1298). Conversely, Mahdi (1994/1: 441-453) supports an Indonesian origin. Along similar lines, Blust & Trussell (2014 s.v.) reconstruct proto-WMP *paRigi ‘artificially enclosed catchment for water: well, ditch’. 63 Cf. Van der Tuuk (1897-1912/4: 184), Van Ronkel (1902: 109-110), Gonda (1973: 162) and Jones (2007: 236).

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IndoIndoIndo--Aryan-AryanAryan DravidianDravidianDravidian WMPWMPWMP SanskritSanskritSanskrit śāstrīśāstrīśāstrī ‘versed‘versed‘versed ininin thethethe TamilTamilTamil cāttiri cāttiricāttiri ( (சா鏍鎿쎿(சா鏍鎿쎿சா鏍鎿쎿)) ) ‘one ‘one‘one versed versedversed MalayMalayMalay s s əsəntəntntəəriəriri ‘seminarist; ‘seminarist; ‘seminarist; divinity divinity divinity śāstraśāstras,s, learned;learned; a a teacherteacher ofof student’,student’, Javanese Javanese santri santri ‘a ‘a student student śāstras, learned;Indo a- Aryanteacher of ininin the the the ss āstrasāstraāstras,s,s, learned Dravidianlearned learned man; man; man; a a atitle, title, title, student’, JavaneseWMP santri ‘a student sacredsacred books books or or science, science, a alearned learned 6464 ofof Islam Islam living living in in a aschool; school; one one sacred books or Sanskritscience, aśāstrī learned ‘versed especiallyespeciallyespecially in the of of of smārta smārta smārtaTamil brāhmins’cāttiribrāhmins’ brāhmins’ (சா鏍鎿쎿64 ) ‘oneof Islamversed livingMalay in səant school;əri ‘seminarist; one divinity man’man’man’ śāstras, learned; a teacher of in the sāstras, learned man;whowhowho a adherestitle,adheresadheres student’, strictlystrictlystrictly Javanese tototo IslamicIslamicIslamic santri ‘a student 656465 sacred books or science, a learned especially of smārta brāhmins’rules’,rules’,rules’,65 Tausug Tausug Tausugof Islam santili santilisantili livingʔʔ ʔ ‘a ‘a‘a beggar beggarbeggarin a school; one Indo-Aryan Dravidianman’ WMP (someone(someone(someone esp. esp.esp.who an an an adheres old oldold manman manstrictly who whowho to Islamic Indo-Aryan DetectingDravidian pre-modern lexical influenceWMP from South India comescomes to83to one’sone’srules’, house65house Tausug andand santili asksasks ʔ ‘a beggar SanskritIndo -Aryanśāstrī ‘versed in the TamilDravidian cāttiri (சா鏍鎿쎿 ) ‘one versed MalayWMP sənt əri ‘seminarist;comes divinity to one’s house and asks śāstraSanskritIndos, -learned;Aryanśāstrī ‘verseda teacher in ofthe TamilDravidian cāttiri ( சா鏍鎿쎿) ‘one versed student’,MalayWMP s əJavanesent əri ‘seminarist; santri ‘ablessingblessing studentdivinity from from(someone God God for for esp.the the family anfamily old man who Sanskrit śāstrī ‘versed in thein theTamil sāstra cāttiris, learned (சா鏍鎿쎿 man;) ‘one a title, versed Malay səntəri ‘seminarist;blessing divinity from God for the family sacredśāstraSanskrit s,books learned;Indo orśāstrī-- Aryanscience, a‘versed teacher a learned inof theespeciallyin theTamilDravidian sāstra ofcāttiri smārtas, learned (சா鏍鎿쎿 brāhmins’ man;) ‘one a 64title, versed ofstudent’, WMPIslamMalay livingJavanese səntə riin ‘seminarist; santria school;and ‘aand student inonedivinityin return return comes isis giventogiven one’s ricerice house oror and asks śāstras, learned; a teacher of in the sāstras, learned man;64 a title, student’, Javanese santriand ‘a in student return is given rice or sacredśāstra bookss,Sanskrit learned; or science, śāstrī a a‘versed‘versedteacher Indo-Aryanlearned inin of especially thethein Tamilthe s āstraof cāttiri smārtas, ((learnedDravidianசா鏍鎿쎿 brāhmins’)) ‘oneman;‘one versedversed a title, of Malay student’,Islam sə ntlivingəri Javanese ‘seminarist;‘seminarist; WMPin a santrischool;money)’ divinitydivinitymoney)’ ‘a studentone blessing from God for the family man’ 64 who adheres strictly to money)’Islamic man’sacred śāstrabookss, orlearned; science, a a teacherlearned of especially of smārta brāhmins’64 whostudent’,of 65 adheresIslam Javanese living strictly santri in ‘aato student school;Islamic one 6666 sacred śāstrabookss, orlearned; science,SanskritSanskritSanskrit aa śigruśāstrīlearnedteacherśigru ‘horse of‘horseespecially ininTamil- radish thethe-radish s cāttiriāstra of tree smārtas,tree ( சாத்திரிlearned Tamil Tamilbrāhmins’ )man; “one cikkuru acikkuruversed title, rules’, (student’, 殿埍埁쏁(殿埍埁쏁Malayof Islam Tausug )səntəriJavanese id.) id. living “seminarist;santili santri inʔ ‘aa‘aOld student Oldschool; divinitybeggar JavaneseJavanese one and cikru cikruin return id.,id., 66is Karo Karogiven rice or man’ sacred booksSanskrit or science, śigru a learned ‘horse especially-radish oftree smārta Tamil brāhmins’ cikkuru6464 rules’, of(殿埍埁쏁 whoIslam65 Tausug adheres)living id. insantili strictlya school;ʔ Old‘a to beggarone JavaneseIslamic money)’ cikru id., Karo man’ (Moringa(Moringa“versed in oleifera theoleifera śāstra Lam.)’s ,Lam.)’ in the sāstras, learned man; a title, (someonestudent,”who adheres65esp. Javanese an strictly oldsantri manBatak “a Batak tostudent who Islamiccingkǝru cingkǝru ‘Job’s ‘Job’s tears tears ( Coix(Coix (Moringa oleifera Lam.)’ 65 rules’,65 Tausug santiliBatakʔ ‘a beggarcingkǝru ‘Job’s tears (Coix 66 man’ learned; a teacher Sanskritespecially śigru of ‘horse smārta- radishbrāhmins” tree (someoneTamilwhoofrules’, Islamadheres cikkuru livingesp. Tausug strictly (inan殿埍埁쏁 a school;santiliold to ) manIslamicid. oneʔ ‘a who whobeggar Old Javanese6767 cikru id., Karo comesrules’, 6565to Tausug one’s santilihouseʔ ‘alacrymaand beggarlacryma asks66 -jobi -jobi L.)’,L.)’,67 Toba Toba BatakBatak of sacred books or( Moringa oleifera Lam.)’ comesrules’,adheres(someone(someone to Tausug strictlyone’s esp.esp. santili to house Islamicananʔ ‘aoldold lacrymarules,”andbeggar man asks -whojobi Batak L.)’, cingkǝru Toba ‘Job’sBatak tears (Coix science, a learned blessing(someone(someoneTausug from santiliʔesp.esp. God anan “a oldbeggaroldfor manthesingkoru (someonesingkoru familywho id. id. blessingcomes from to one’sGod forhouse thesingkoru familyand asks id. lacryma -jobi L.)’, 67 Toba Batak SanskritSanskritman” śuci śuci ‘shining; ‘shining; clear, clear, clean, clean, TamilTamil cucicuci and (comes毁殿( esp.毁殿blessingin) )an toreturn‘cleanliness old ‘cleanlinessone’s fromman is whohouse Godgiven comes andforMalay Malayrice totheasks one’s familyorcuci cuci ‘to ‘to cleanse, cleanse, the the act act of of Sanskrit śuci ‘shining; clear, clean, Tamil cuci andblessing(毁殿houseblessing in) andreturnfrom‘cleanliness asksfrom God blessingis God forgiven the forfromMalay family ricethe God family forcucior68 68 ‘to singkoru cleanse, id. the act of pure’pure’ purity,purity, ceremonial ceremonialmoney)’ purification’ purification’ cleaning’cleaning’68 pure’ purity, ceremonialmoney)’theand purification’ family in andreturn in return is giveniscleaning’ given66 rice or Sanskrit śigru ‘horse-radish tree TamilSanskrit cikkuru śuci ‘shining;(殿埍埁쏁) clear,id. clean, OldTamiland and Javanesein inreturncuci return cikruis(毁殿 givenis ) id.,given ‘cleanlinessrice Karoorrice or Malay cuci ‘to cleanse,6969 the act of SanskritSanskrit vajravajra ‘diamond,‘diamond, etc.’,etc.’, MalayMalay66 † beram†beram ‘red ‘red 68diamond’, diamond’, Sanskrit śigru ‘horseSanskrit-radish treevajra Tamilpure’‘diamond, cikkuru etc.’,(殿埍埁쏁 TamilTamil)Tamil id. vairam vairam vairam ( Old(purity,லேர믍 money)’(லேர믍லேர믍ormoney)’ Javanesemoney) ceremonial) ) ‘diamond’) ‘diamond’ ‘diamond’ ” cikru purification’ id.,Malay Karo †beram cleaning’ ‘red diamond’, 69 (Moringa oleifera Lam.)’ Batak cingkǝru ‘Job’s tears66 (Coix66 Sanskrit śigru ‘horseMiddleMiddle-radish Indo Indo -Aryantree-Aryan Tamilvaïra vaïra cikkuruid. id. (殿埍埁쏁) id. Old Javanese cikru67 Acehnese 66Acehneseid., 66 Karo birambiram id.,id., SundaneseSundanese 69 (MoringaSanskrit Sanskritoleifera śigru Lam.)’śigru‘horseMiddleSanskrit ‘horse‘horse -radish Indo --śigruradishradish -treeAryan “horse- treetree SanskritTamil vaïraTamilTamil cikkuru id.vajra cikkurucikkuru ‘diamond, ( ((殿埍埁쏁殿埍埁쏁))) id.id.id. etc.’, lacrymaBatakTamilOldOld Javanese cingkǝruJavanese -vairamjobiJavanese L.)’, cikru(cikru லேர믍‘Job’s 67cikru id., id.,id.,Toba )tears Karo ‘diamond’Acehneseid., KaroBatak Batak(Coix Karo biram Malay id.,†beram Sundanese ‘red diamond’, (Moringa oleifera Lam.)’ Batak cingkǝru 67‘Job’s tears (Coix (Moringa((Moringa oleifera oleifera Lam.)’radish Lam.)’ tree ( MoringaMiddle Indo-Aryan vaïra id. lacrymaBatakcingkǝruBatak cingkǝru- jobicingkǝru “Job’s L.)’, ‘Job’s‘Job’s tears ‘Job’s ( tearstearsTobaCoixbbɯb ɯ((lacryma-tearsɯCoixr rɯBatakrɯɯmm m( Coix ‘red’ ‘red’‘red’ Acehnese (cf.(cf.(cf. ThaiThai Thaibiram bairābairābairā id.,ṁṁṁ Sundanese singkorulacryma -id.jobi68 L.)’, 6767 Toba67 Batak oleifera Lam.)” singkorulacrymajobilacrymalacryma L.),”-jobi id.-- jobi jobi TobaL.)’, BatakL.)’, Toba 67singkoru( ไพร Toba(ไพรBatak ำ ) ำi d.)Batak ‘gem,‘gem, jewel;jewel; preciousprecious Sanskrit śuci ‘shining; clear, clean, Tamil cuci (毁殿) ‘cleanliness Malaysingkoru cuci id.id. ‘to cleanse, the(ไพร act ำ )of ‘gem,bɯ rɯjewel;m ‘red’ precious (cf. Thai bairāṁ Sanskrit śuci ‘shining; clear,Sanskrit clean, śuci Tamil cuci ( ) “cleanliness purity, MalayMalaysingkoru cuci68 cuci ‘to id.“to cleanse,cleanse, the stone’)thestone’) act act of of pure’ Sanskrit śuci ‘shining; clear, clean,purity,Tamil ceremonialcuci (毁殿 purification’)毁殿 ‘cleanliness cleaning’Malaysingkoru cuci ‘to id. cleanse, thestone’) act of (ไพร ำ) ‘gem, jewel; precious SanskritSanskrit śuci ‘shining; śuci ‘shining;“shining; clear, clear, clear, clean, clean, clean, Tamilceremonial cuci purification” ((毁殿毁殿)) ‘cleanliness‘cleanliness Malaycleaning”Malay cuci68 cuci69 ‘to cleanse,‘to cleanse, the act the of act of pure’ SanskritSanskrit va vaṇṭṇṭhaha purity,‘a ‘a javelin’Tamil javelin’ ceremonial cuci purification’( Tamil)Tamil ‘cleanliness va vaṇḍṇḍamcleaning’am (ே迍ட믍(ே迍ட믍6868 ) ) ‘a‘a OldOld Javanese Javanese69 ba baṇḍṇḍəməm ~ ~pa paṇḍṇḍəməm SanskritSanskrit vajrapure’ śuci ‘diamond,‘shining;Sanskrit clear, etc.’, va clean,ṇṭ haTamil ‘a Tamiljavelin’ vairampurity, cuciceremonial (லேர믍 (毁殿) purification’ )‘diamond’Tamil ‘cleanliness va ṇḍMalayam cleaning’Malay (†ே迍ட믍beram cuci 68 ‘to‘red) cleanse,‘a diamond’, Old the Javanese act of stone’) baṇḍ əm ~ paṇḍəm pure’ pure” purity, ceremonial purification’ cleaning’68 69 Sanskritpure’ vajraSanskrit ‘diamond,vajra ‘diamond,‘diamond, etc.’, etc.’,etc.’,TamilSanskritpurity, Tamil vairam va ceremonial vairamṇṭ ha(லேர믍 ‘a ((லேர믍 javelin’ purification’weapon’) weapon’‘diamond’)) ‘diamond’‘diamond’ MalayTamilMalaycleaning’ †beramvaṇḍ am ‘red‘red‘red (diamond’,diamond’, ே迍ட믍diamond’,missilemissile)6969 ‘a(or (or Old thethe Javanese throwingthrowing baṇḍ əofmof ~ paṇḍəm Middle Indo-Aryan vaïra id. weapon’ Acehnese biram id., Sundanesemissile70 (or69 the throwing of Sanskrit vajra ‘diamond,Sanskrit vajra etc.’, TamilTamil vairam vairam ( (லேர믍) “diamond”‘diamond’ Malay † beram†beram “red diamond,”‘red diamond’, 707069 MiddleSanskrit IndoMiddle -Aryanvajra Indo vaïra‘diamond,--Aryan id. vaïra etc.’,id.id. AcehneseAcehneseMalay †birambiramberam id.,id., id.,‘red SundaneseSundanese such?),Sundanese such?),diamond’, 70 missile Javanese Javanese (or pathepaṇḍṇḍ əməthrowingm of “diamond, etc.,” Tamil vairam (லேர믍) ‘diamond’b ɯweapon’rɯAcehnesem ‘red’ biram (cf. id., Thai Sundanese such?),bairā ṁ Javanese paṇḍəm Middle Indo-Aryan vaïra id. bbɯɯrAcehneserɯɯmm ‘red’‘red’ biram(cf.(cf.(cf. ThaiThai Thaiid., bairā bairāSundaneseṁ ṁ 70 Middle Indo-Aryan Middlevaïra id.Indo-Aryan (ไพรbɯrɯmAcehnese ำ) ‘gem, “red” biram (cf.jewel; Thai id., bairāṁ‘missile,‘missile,precious‘missile, Sundanese object object object such?), hurled’ hurled’ hurled’ Javanese paṇḍəm ((ไพรbɯ ำ))r ɯ‘gem,m‘gem, ‘red’71 71jewel;jewel; (cf. preciouspreciousThai bairā ṁ 7272 SanskritSanskritvaïra id. vāśī vāśī ~ ~vāsī vāsī ‘a ‘a sharp sharp or or TamilTamil vācci vācci (ோ母殿 ((ோ母殿ไพร(bไพรɯ ำ) )r‘adze’) ɯำ� ‘adze’) m‘gem,“gem, ‘red’71 jewel; jewel; (cf. precious MalayThaiMalayprecious stone” bairā banci banci) ṁ ‘missile, ‘adze’, ‘adze’, object72 Acehnese Acehnese hurled’ Sanskrit vāśī ~ vāsī ‘a sharp or Tamil vācci (stone’)ோ母殿stone’)ไพร ) ‘adze’ ำ Malay banci ‘adze’, Acehnese pointedpointed knife knife or orSanskrit a akind kind vāśīof of axe, ~axe, vāsī ‘a sharp or stone’)Tamil((ไพร vācci ำ)) ‘gem,‘gem,(ோ母殿 )jewel; jewel;‘adze’bacibaci 71 preciousprecious‘axe ‘axe (small (small Malay type)’ type)’banci Angkola Angkola‘adze’,-72- Acehnese Sanskrit vaṇṭSanskritha ‘a vajavelin’ṇṭpointedhaSanskrit ‘a‘a javelin’javelin’ knifevaṇṭha Tamil “aor a TamilkindTamilvaṇḍ vaṇḍamofamva ṇḍaxe, am( (ே迍ட믍 ((ே迍ட믍 )) ))‘a ‘a‘a OldOld Oldstone’)Javanese Javanese Javanese baba baṇḍəmṇḍəəmm ~~ paṇḍəmpa bacipaṇḍṇḍə m‘axeə m (small type)’ Angkola- Sanskrit vaṇṭha ‘a javelin’adze,adze,javelin” chisel’ chisel’ Tamilpointed “a vaweapon”knifeṇḍam or a(ே迍ட믍 kind of) axe,‘a missileOldmissilestone’) Javanese (or (or the theba throwing ṇḍthrowingəm ofManda~ Mandasuch?),pa ṇḍilingofə71miling Batak baciBatak ‘axebangsi bangsi (small ‘a ‘a large type)’large Angkola- Sanskrit vaṇṭha ‘aadze, javelin’ chisel’ weapon’Tamilweapon’ va ṇḍam (ே迍ட믍) ‘a missileOld Javanese(or the bathrowingṇḍəmManda ~ ofpa ilingṇḍəm Batak bangsi ‘a large Sanskrit vaṇṭha ‘a javelin’ weapon’adze,Tamil chisel’ va ṇḍam (ே迍ட믍) ‘asuch?),missile such?),JavaneseOld Javanese707070(or paṇḍəm JavaneseJavanesethe ba “missile,ṇḍthrowing əadze’,mpapaadze’, objectṇḍ~ṇḍ əmpa əMakasar m ṇḍMakasarof əm Manda banci banciiling ‘a ‘a toolBatak tool to to bangsicut cut ‘a large weapon’ such?),hurledmissile”70 (or Javanese the throwingadze’,paṇḍ əMakasarm ofadze’, banci Makasar ‘a tool banci to cut ‘a tool to cut weapon’ ‘missile,‘missile,‘missile,missile object objectobject (or70 hurled’hurled’ the stones’,throwingstones’, Bugis Bugisof banci banci ‘k.o. ‘k.o. adze’ adze’ 717271 such?), 70 Javanese737272 stones’, paṇḍ Bugisəm banci ‘k.o. adze’ Sanskrit vāśīSanskrit ~ vāsī vāśīSanskrit ‘aSanskrit Sanskrit~ sharpvāsī veda ‘a‘a vāśīvedaor sharpsharp ~‘ the vāsīTamil‘the or orVedic “a Vedic vācciTamilTamil books books vācci(vācciோ母殿 and ( (andோ母殿 ) ‘adze’ Tamil)) Tamil“adze”‘adze’‘adze’71 vēdam vēdam Malay(‘missile,வேத믍 (Malayவேத믍Malaysuch?), banci)banci id.)banciobject id. ‘adze’,‘adze’,‘adze’,“adze,” hurled’ Javanese72 Acehnese Acehnese AcehneseMalayMalay pa † ṇḍwidam† widaməm stones’, ‘prayer, ‘prayer, Bugis incantation incantation banci ‘k.o. adze’ 71 ‘missile, object hurled’72 Sanskrit vāśīpointed ~ vāsīknifeSanskrit ‘asharpor sharpa orkind vedapointed or of ‘ the axe,knifeTamilSanskrit Vedic vācci vedabooks (ோ母殿 ‘the and Vedic) ‘adze’Tamil books vēdam and Malay(Tamilவேத믍bacibaci‘missile, ‘axe‘axe vēdam“axebanci) id. (small(small (small object (‘adze’,வேத믍 type)’type)’type)” hurled’) Angkola-AngkolaAngkolaid. MalayAcehnese -- †widam Malay ‘prayer, †widam incantation ‘prayer,7373 incantation pointed knife or a hymns’kindhymns’or aof kind axe, of axe, adze, 71 baciMandailing ‘axe (small Batak type)’ bangsi (inAngkola “a(in72 large hikayathikayat - s s andand poetry)’,poetry)’, 73 pointedSanskrit knifeadze, vāśī chisel’or ~a vāsīhymns’ kind ‘a‘aof sharp sharpaxe, oror hymns’Tamil vācci ((ோ母殿)) ‘adze’‘adze’71 baci MandaMalay ‘axeilingiling (smallbanci BatakBatak bangsi‘adze’,type)’‘adze’, ‘a‘a(inAngkola72 largelarge Acehnesehikayat - (ins andhikayat poetry)’,s and poetry)’, 73 adze, chisel’ chisel” Mandaadze’,adze,”iling Makasar Makasar Batak banci banci bangsi ‘a “a tool Magindanaotool Magindanao‘a to to largecut cut wedamwedam ‘the‘the VedicVedic adze,pointed chisel’ knife or a kind of axe, Mandaadze’,baci ilingMakasar ‘axe‘axe Batak (small(small banci bangsi ‘atype)’type)’ toolMagindanao to‘a AngkolaAngkola cutlarge -- Magindanaowedam ‘the wedam Vedic ‘the Vedic adze’,stones’,stones,” Makasar Bugis Bugis banci banci banci ‘k.o.‘k.o. ‘a“k.o. tool adze’badze’ ooks’badzeooks’ to ” cut adze, chisel’ adze’,Manda Makasarilingiling BatakBatakbanci ‘abangsi toolbooks’ to ‘a‘a cut largelarge b ooks’ Sanskrit veda ‘‘Sanskritthethe VedicVedic booksbooksveda andand“the TamilTamil vēdamvēdam ((வேத믍)) id.id. stones’,MalayMalayadze’, †Bugiswidam † widamMakasar banci ‘prayer,‘prayer, “prayer, banci ‘k.o. incantationincantation incantation adze’‘a tool to(in cut stones’,adze’, Bugis Makasar banci banci ‘k.o.74 ‘a adze’ tool7373 to cut Sanskrit vedahymns’ ‘the VedicSinceSinceVedic books some some and booksSanskrit Sanskrit Tamil and loanwords loanwords vēdam (வேத믍 in in WMP WMP) id. languages languages display Malaydisplay(in(inhikayatstones’, †hikayatvoicing widamvoicings andBugiss ‘prayer,of poetry),” andof intervocalic banci intervocalicpoetry)’, incantation ‘k.o.Magindanao adze’ consonants consonants , it, ithas has been been argued argued hymns’Sanskrit veda ‘the VedicSincehymns” books some and Sanskrit SinceTamil loanwords some vēdam Sanskrit (வேத믍 in WMP loanwords) id. languages in WMP display(inMalayMagindanao languageswedamstones’,hikayat voicing†widam “the Bugiss display wedamVedic ofand‘prayer, banciintervocalic books voicing‘the‘thepoetry)’, incantation”‘k.o. VedicVedic ofadze’ consonants intervocalic 73 , itconsonants has been, arguedit has been argued thatthat speakers speakers of of Tamil Tamil were were influential influential in in their their transmission transmission (cf. (cf. Gonda Gonda 1973: 1973: 161 161-73166;-166; Tadmor Tadmor 2009: 2009: 694). 694). I I hymns’Sanskrit veda ‘thethat Vedic speakers books ofand thatTamil Tamilspeakers were vēdam influentialof Tamil (வேத믍 were in) id. their influential transmission(inb ooks’in Malay theirhikayat (cf.†transmissionwidams Gondaand ‘prayer, 1973:poetry)’, (cf. incantation Gonda 161-166; 1973: Tadmor 161-166; 2009: Tadmor 694). 2009: I 694). I Sanskrit veda ‘the Vedic books andTable 5Tamil – Indo-Aryan vēdam borrowings (வேத믍) transmittedid. throughMagindanaoMalay Dravidian †widam wedam languages. ‘prayer, ‘the incantationVedic 73 hymns’ wouldwould argue, argue, however, however, that that th teh eobserved observed process process of of voicing voicing(in intervocalic intervocalichikayats consonantsand consonants poetry)’, – –as as 73well well as as devoicing devoicing word word- - hymns’ would argue, however,would argue,that th however,e observed that process the observed of bvoicingMagindanaoooks’ process(in intervocalichikayat of voicingwedams and consonants intervocalic‘the poetry)’, Vedic – consonants as well as devoicing– as well as word devoicing- word- Since some Sanskrit loanwordsloanwords inin WMP languages display voicing of intervocalicMagindanao consonants ,, ititwedam hashas beenbeen ‘thearguedargued Vedic books’Magindanao wedam ‘the Vedic thatthat speakers of Tamil were influential in their transmission (cf.(cf. GondaGonda 1973:1973:b ooks’161--166; Tadmor 2009: 694). II Since some Sanskrit loanwords64 64 in WMP languages display voicing of intervocalicb ooks’consonants , it has been argued Since somewould Sanskrit argue, loanwords64 however,More More commonly commonlythat in WMPthe observed64 Morespelledlanguages spelled commonlyprocess cāstiri cāstiri display of voicing( சா鎿쎿spelled( சா鎿쎿voicing intervocalicintervocalic cāstiri). ).of intervocalic (சா鎿쎿 consonantsconsonants). consonants – as well as, itdevoicing has been word argued-- that speakers of Tamil6565 wereMore65. More influential commonly commonly in spelledtheir spelled transmission cāstiri cāstiri ((சா鎿쎿 (cf. Gonda). 1973: 161-166; Tadmor 2009: 694). I Since some Sanskrit65 First Firstloanwords proposed proposed in WMP 65by by Van Vanlanguages der der Tuuk Tuuk display (1897 (1897 voicing-1912/3:-1912/3: of intervocalic 37). 37). The The insertion consonantsinsertion of of , ait a homorganichas homorganic been argued stop stop is is addressed addressed under under wouldthatSince speakers argue, some however, of Sanskrit Tamil that First66. wereloanwords t First h e proposed influential observed proposed in WMP by process Firstin by Vantheir languagesVan proposed ofdertransmissionder voicing Tuuk display by (1897-1912/3: intervocalic(1897Van (cf.voicing der- 1912/3:Gonda Tuuk of consonants 37). intervocalic 1973: (189737). The The -161insertion1912/3: – -as 166;insertionconsonants well 37).ofTadmor asa homorganicThedevoicingof, it a 2009:insertion hashomorganic been word 694).stop ofargued - isIa homorganicstop is addressed stop is under addressed under that speakers6464 of Tamil were influential in their transmission (cf. Gonda 1973: 161-166; Tadmor 2009: 694). I wouldthat argue, speakers More however, ofcommonly Tamilcauttucauttucauttu addressedthat werespelled(t (hசசௌ鏍鏁 (சசௌ鏍鏁eசசௌ鏍鏁 observed influential under cāstiri))cauttu in) cauttuin in( ( processசா鎿쎿Table Table Tablein ( (சசௌ鏍鏁their 2 ).). 2 of. 2 . . voicingtransmission)) inin TableTable intervocalic 2. 2(cf.. Gonda consonants 1973: 161– as- 166;well asTadmor devoicing 2009: word 694).- I would argue,6565 however,6666 that the observed66 process of voicing intervocalic consonants – as well as devoicing word- would argue, First however,proposed 66 Given 67. Given by thatGiven Van as t as h such easder such observed such Tuuk in in GivenVanin Van(1897 Van process der asderder--1912/3: Tuuksuch Tuuk of invoicing 37).(1897 (1897-1912/1: (1897Van The -der 1912/1:intervocalic -insertion1912/1: Tuuk 606), 606), (1897 of606), a consonants buthomorganic but- 1912/1: butabsent absent absent in 606), –stop Zoetmulderinas in Zoetmulder well is butZoetmulder addressed absentas devoicing (1982). in under(1982). (1982).Zoetmulder word - (1982). 6767 Given as such 67in Van der Tuuk (1897-1912/1: 606), but absent in Zoetmulder (1982). 64 More commonly cauttu (( சசௌ鏍鏁 spelled 67 Cf. 68. Cf. )) inincāstiri EdwardsCf. EdwardsTable Edwards ( 2 சா鎿쎿 .. McKinnon McKinnon McKinnon Cf.). Edwards (1996: (1996:(1996: McKinnon 95). 95).95). (1996: 95). 64 6666 68 68 Cf. Edwards McKinnon 68 (1996: 95). 65 More commonly Given as spelled such 68 Cf. Cf. in Gonda cāstiriVan Gonda der (1973:( Tuuk சா鎿쎿 (1973: (1897Cf. 169). 169).). Gonda --1912/1: (1973: 606), but169). absent in Zoetmulder (1982). First64 proposed67 by Van69. der Cf. Tuuk Gonda (1897 (1973:-1912/3: 169). 37). The insertion of a homorganic stop is addressed under 65 64 More67 commonly Cf. Edwards6969 spelled Cf.McKinnon Gonda cāstiri (1996: (1973: (69சா鎿쎿 95). 169). ). First More proposed commonly by 69Van Cf.spelled Cf. derVan Van Tuukcāstiri Ronkel Ronkel (1897 (சா鎿쎿 (1902: Cf. (1902:-1912/3: Van). 104 104Ronkel ),37). ),Jones Jones The(1902: (2007: insertion(2007: 104 36).), 36). Jones of a homorganic(2007: 36). stop is addressed under cauttu65 (சசௌ鏍鏁6868 Cf. )Gonda in Table (1973: Cf.70. 2 .Cf.Van 169). Van Ronkel Ronkel (1902: (1902: 104 104),), JonesJones (2007:(2007: 36). 36). 66cauttu65 First (சசௌ鏍鏁 proposed) in 70 Tableby70 Van 2. der Tuuk70 (1897-1912/3: 37). The insertion of a homorganic stop is addressed under Given First as 6969suchproposed in Van 70by Seeder SeeVan Tuukvaci vacider ( (1897ே殿 Tuuk(ே殿) )in - 1912/1:(1897 inSee Table Table vaci-1912/3: 606),1 (1oே殿 no n thebut )37).the in hypercorrectionabsent Table hypercorrectionThe ininsertion1 oZoetmuldern the hypercorrection ofof of aword homorganicword(1982).-initial-initial of/b/ stop /b/word to to /p/is -/p/ initialaddressed in in loanwords; loanwords;/b/ to under /p/ in Old Oldloanwords; Javanese Javanese Old displays displays Javanese displays 66 cauttu (சசௌ鏍鏁 Cf. Van )Ronkel in See71.Table (1902: Seevaci 2 .vaci (104ே殿 (),),வசி )Jones in) Tablein (2007: Table 1 36). o1n on the the hypercorrection hypercorrection of wordword-initial-initial /b/ /b/ to to /p/ /p/ in in loanwords; loanwords; Old Javanese displays 67 Cf. Givencauttu Edwards as (7070 சசௌ鏍鏁such McKinnon in Van)the inே殿the OldTablederivedder derived(1996: JavaneseTuuk 2. verb95). (1897verb displays amaṇḍəmthe amaṇḍəm-1912/1: derived the derived 606),~ verb ~umaṇḍəm umaṇḍəm butamaṇḍəm verb absent amaṇḍəm ‘to ‘to in ~throw umaṇḍəmthrowZoetmulder ~ umaṇḍəmat at and and ‘to hit(1982). hitthrow “to(with (with throw at st.)’. andst.)’. at andhit (with hit (with st.)’. st.).” 67 66 See vaci ((ே殿)) inin Table 1 on the hypercorrection of word--initialinitial /b//b/ toto /p//p/ inin loanwords;loanwords; OldOld JavaneseJavanese displaysdisplays 68 Cf.66 GivenEdwards as suchMcKinnon 71inthe71 Van derived (1996: der Tuuk verb95). (1897 71amaṇḍəm-1912/1: ~ umaṇḍəm606), but absent ‘to throw in Zoetmulder at and hit (1982).(with st.)’. Cf.67 GondaGiventhethe as(1973: derivedderived such 169). in verbverb71 AlsoVan72. Also amaṇḍəm Alsoder written written Tuuk written ~ asumaṇḍəm (1897 as vāyccias Alsovāycci vāycci-1912/1: written‘to‘to( ோ뿍母殿 (( ோ뿍母殿throwthrow 606), as atat ) vāycci andand)or but oror vāhit hit vāṭcivāabsent ṭ ((withci(withோ뿍母殿ṭci ((ோ翍殿 ( ோ翍殿st.)’.st.)’.in Zoetmulder) or).). ).vā ṭci (ோ翍殿 (1982).). 68 67 Cf. Edwards McKinnon Also written (1996: as95).72 vāycci (ோ뿍母殿) or vāṭci (ோ翍殿). 69 Cf. Cf.Gonda Edwards7171 Also (1973: written McKinnon 72169).72 as vāycci (1996: (ோ뿍母殿 95). )Cf. or vāVanṭci (Ronkelோ翍殿). (1902: 103), Jones (2007: 32). Cf.68 Van Ronkel Also written(1902:72 Cf. 73.as Cf.104 vāycci VanCf. Van), VanJones Ronkel (Ronkelோ뿍母殿 Ronkel (2007: (1902:) (1902:or (1902: vā36).ṭci 103), (103),ோ翍殿 Jones JonesJones). (2007:(2007: (2007: 32).32). 32). 69 68 Cf. Gonda7272 (1973: 169). 73 70 Cf. Cf.Van Gonda Ronkel Cf. Van (1973: (1902: Ronkel7373 Cf.169). 104 (1902:Van ), Jones Ronkel 103), (2007:Jones So(1902: (2007:(2007:glossed 36). 103), 32).32). in JonesVon de (2007: Wall 32).(1877 -97/3: 231); cf. Van Ronkel (1902: 117) and Jones (2007: 341). The word- See69 vaci (ே殿) in Table73 So74. So 1glossed o Soglossedn the glossed hypercorrectionin in Von Von in Vonde de Wall deWall Wallof (1877 word(1877 (1877-97/3:-97/3:initial-97/3: 231);/b/ 231); 231); to /p/cf. cf. cf. inVan Van Vanloanwords; Ronkel Ronkel Ronkel (1902: Old (1902: Javanese 117) 117)117) and anddisplaysand Jones JonesJones (2007: (2007: 341). 341). The The word word- - 70 See69 Cf. vaci Van7373 ( ே殿So Ronkel glossed) in Table (1902: in So Von 1glossed o 104den theWall),), JonesJoneshypercorrectionin (1877 initialVon (2007:(2007:-- 97/3:de /v/ Wall of36).231);36). Tamil of (1877cf. word Van loanwords-- 97/3:initialRonkel 231); /b/ (1902: is totypically cf./p/ 117) Vanin loanwords;and reflected Ronkel Jones (2007: (1902:as Old /b/ 341).Javanese in 117) Malay, The and worddisplays as Jones --other (2007:examples 341). in thisThe study word demonstrate- . the derived70 verb amaṇḍəminitialinitial ~/v/ umaṇḍəm/v/ of of Tamil Tamil ‘to loanwords loanwords throw at andis is typically hittypically (with reflectedst.)’. reflected as as /b/ /b/ in in Malay, Malay, as as other other examples examples in in this this study study demonstrate demonstrate. . 70 See vaciinitialinitial ( ே殿 /v//v/ ofof) ininitial TamilTamil Table loanwordsloanwords/v/ 1 ofon Tamil the isis hypercorrectiontypicallytypically loanwords reflectedreflected is of typicallyasas word/b//b/ inin -Malay,Malay,initial reflected asas/b/ otherother to as /p/ examplesexamples/b/ in in loanwords; Malay, inin thisthis asstudystudy Old other demonstratedemonstrateJavanese examples displays.. in this study demonstrate. 71the Also derived See written vaci verb as(ே殿 amaṇḍəmvāycci) in Table(ோ뿍母殿 ~ umaṇḍəm1 o)n orthe vā Itshypercorrectionṭ ci‘to pronunciation (ோ翍殿 throw ).at and of as hit word / w/(with in-initial thest.)’. case /b/ to of /p/ †widam in loanwords; may point Old to Javanese a later acquisition, displays when the presence of /w/ in the 71 the derivedItsIts pronunciationpronunciation verb ItsamaṇḍəmIts pronunciation pronunciation asas //w/ ~ in umaṇḍəm the case as as /of w/ / ‘tow/† widamin throwin the the maycase atcase andpoint of of hit† to widam† (withwidama later st.)’. acquisition,may may point point whento to a athelater later presence acquisition, acquisition, of /w/ in when thewhen the the presence presence of of /w/ /w/ in in the the 72 Also written as vāycciIts pronunciation(ோ뿍母殿) or vāword asṭci / -(w/initialோ翍殿 in the position). case ofno †longerwidam violated may point Malay to phonotactics. a later acquisition, In this regard,when thewe maypresence also compareof /w/ in Malay the †wǝpǝlai Cf.the71 Van derived Ronkel verb (1902: amaṇḍəm 103), Jones~ umaṇḍəm (2007: ‘to32). throw at and hit (with st.)’. 72 71 Also wordwritten--initialinitial asword positionpositionvāycciword-initial- initial ( nonoோ뿍母殿 longerlonger position position ) violatedviolated or vā no ṭnoci MalayMalaylonger (longerோ翍殿 phonotactics.phonotactics. violated violated). Malay InMalayIn thisthis phonotactics.regard,regard, phonotactics. wewe maymay alsoalsoIn In this compare comparethis regard, regard, MalayMalay we we † maywǝpǝlai may also also compare compare Malay Malay † wǝpǝlai†wǝpǝlai 73 Cf. Van Ronkel (1902:word 103),-initialோ뿍母殿 Jones position (2007:~ †wepǝlai no 32). longerோ翍殿 ‘k.o. violated tree whose Malay leaves phonotactics. are placed betweenIn this regard, papers weto repel may insects’also compare (Klinkert Malay 1947: †wǝpǝlai 1018), presumably So72 glossed Also ~written †inwepǝlai Von as ‘k.o.de‘k.o.vāycci Wall treetree ( whosewhose(1877 leavesleaves-97/3:) or arearevā 231);ṭ placedciplaced ( cf. betweenbetween Van). Ronkel papers (1902:to repel insects’117) and (Klinkert Jones 1947:(2007:Archipel 1018), 341). 89,presumably The Paris, word 2015 - 73 72 Cf. Van Ronkel~ ~(1902:† wepǝlai†wepǝlai 103), ‘k.o. ‘k.o. Jones tree tree (2007: whose whose 32). leaves leaves are are placed placed between between papers papers to to repel repel insects’ insects’ (Klinkert (Klinkert 1947: 1947: 1018), 1018), presumably presumably So Cf.glossed Vanderived inRonkel Von from ~de (1902:Tamil † wepǝlaiWall vēpillai 103), (1877 ‘k.o. Jones ((வேꯍபாலை-97/3: derivedtree (2007: 231);whose from)) ~32). cf. vēppālaileaves Tamil Van Ronkel are((vēpillaiசே翍பாலை placed (1902: (வேꯍபாலை between)) ‘conessi‘conessi 117) and papers barkbark) ~ Jones vēppālai((Holarrhena to repel(2007: (சே翍பாலை insects’pubescens 341). The (Klinkert Wall.) word‘conessi - 1947: bark 1018), (Holarrhena presumably pubescens Wall. initial73 /v/So ofglossed Tamil in loanwords Vonderivedderived de Wall fromis from typically (1877Tamil Tamil- 97/3: reflectedvēpillai vēpillai 231); (as வேꯍபாலை( வேꯍபாலை cf./b/ Vanin Malay, Ronkel) )~ ~asvēppālai (1902: vēppālaiother examples117) (சே翍பாலை (சே翍பாலை and inJones this) (2007: study)‘conessi ‘conessi demonstrate341). bark bark The ( Holarrhena( Holarrhenaword. - pubescens pubescens Wall. Wall. Itsinitial pronunciation73 So /v/ glossed ofex TamilG.Don)’. asin loanwords/Vonw/derived It inhas de the furtherWall from caseis typically (1877been ofTamil †ex pointedwidam-97/3: G.Don)’. reflectedvēpillai out231);may that ( Itas வேꯍபாலைpointcf. has this/b/ Van rulefurthertoin Malay,aRonkel doeslater )been ~not acquisition, asvēppālai(1902: apply pointedother to 117)examples Arabic( சே翍பாலை outwhen and that loanwords Jonesthe inthis thispresence rule(2007:) study‘conessi,, whosewhose does of341).demonstrate authenticauthentic/w/not bark Theinapply (theHolarrhena word .to Arabic- pubescensloanwords ,Wall. whose authentic Its initialpronunciationinitial /v//v/pronunciation ofof TamilTamil as ex/exw/ex loanwords loanwordsis G.Don)’. G.Don)’. inG.Don)’.religiously the case is isIt Itmotivated It typicallytypicallyof has hashaspronunciation † widam further furtherfurther (Adelaar reflectedreflected may been beenbeen 1988:ispoint pointedasreligiouslyas pointedpointed /b//b/ 62to - - in63).ina outlaterMalay,Malay, out out motivated that thatacquisition,that asas this this thisotherother rule(Adelaar rulerule examplesexamples when does doesdoes 1988: the not notnot in in presence apply apply62thisthisapply-63). studystudy to to to of Arabic Arabic Arabicdemonstrate/w/demonstrate in loanwordsthe loanwordsloanwords .. , , whose, whosewhose authentic authenticauthentic wordIts-initial pronunciation position no as longer /w/ in violated the case Malay of †widam phonotactics. may point In thisto a regard,later acquisition, we may also when compare the presence Malay † ofwǝpǝlai /w/ in the wordIts- initialpronunciation positionpronunciation nopronunciationaspronunciation /longerw/ in theviolated case is is is religiously religiously religiouslyofMalay †widam phonotactics. motivated motivated maymotivated point In(Adelaar (Adelaar to (Adelaarthis a later regard, 1988: 1988: acquisition,1988: we 62 62may 62--63).-63). 63).also when compare the presence Malay of†wǝpǝlai /w/ in the ~ †wepǝlaiword-initial ‘k.o. treeposition whose no leaveslonger areviolated placed Malay between phonotactics. papers to repelIn this insects’ regard, (Klinkert we may also1947: compare 1018), presumablyMalay †wǝpǝlai derived~ †wordwepǝlai from-initial ‘k.o. Tamil position tree vēpillai whose no longer( leavesவேꯍபாலை violated are placed) ~ Malay vēppālai between phonotactics. ( சே翍பாலைpapers to In repel this) ‘conessi insects’regard, bark we(Klinkert may (Holarrhena also 1947: compare 1018), pubescens Malay presumably Wall. †16wǝpǝlai 16 derived~ †wepǝlai from Tamil ‘k.o. treevēpillai whose (வேꯍபாலை leaves are )placed ~ vēppālai between (சே翍பாலை papers to repel) ‘conessi insects’ bark (Klinkert (Holarrhena 1947: pubescens 1018), presumably Wall. ex G.Don)’.~ †wepǝlai It has‘k.o. further tree whose been leavespointed are out placed that thisbetween rule doespapers not to apply repel insects’to Arabic (Klinkert loanwords 1947:, whose 1018), authentic presumably 161616 ex G.Don)’.derived from It has Tamil further vēpillai been (pointedவேꯍபாலை out that) ~ vēppālai this rule (doesசே翍பாலை not apply) ‘conessi to Arabic bark loanwords (Holarrhena, whose pubescens authentic Wall. pronunciationderived from is religiously Tamil vēpillai motivated (வேꯍபாலை (Adelaar) ~ 1988: vēppālai 62-63). (சே翍பாலை ) ‘conessi bark (Holarrhena pubescens Wall. pronunciationex G.Don)’. is Itreligiously has further motivated been pointed (Adelaar out that1988: this 62 -rule63). does not apply to Arabic loanwords,, whosewhose authenticauthentic pronunciation is religiously motivated (Adelaar 1988: 62-63). pronunciation is religiously motivated (Adelaar 1988: 62-63). 16 16 16

84 Tom Hoogervorst

Since some Sanskrit loanwords in WMP languages display voicing of intervocalic consonants, it has been argued that speakers of Tamil were involved in their transmission (cf. Gonda 1973: 161-166; Tadmor 2009: 694). I would argue, however, that the observed process of voicing intervocalic consonants initial consonants – cannot always– as well be explained as devoicing through word-initial Dravidian intermediacyconsonants .– I fcannot the would always-be Dravidian be explained etyma are either unattested or displaythrough additional Dravidian phonological intermediacy. innovations If the un reflectedwould-be in Dravidianthe recipie ntetyma WMP are languages either (typically the addition of genderunattested endings or) ,display we are urgedadditional to look phonological for alternative innovations explanations. unreflected In some cases, in the transmission may have takenrecipient place through WMP Middlelanguages Indo (typically-Aryan languages the addition, some ofof whichgender also endings), show voicing we are of intervocalic stops (cf. Hoogervorsturged to look forthcoming). for alternative In others, explanations. the fluctuation In some between cases, the voiced transmission and voiceless may consonants appears restrictedhave to Malaytaken attestationsplace through, as demonstrated Middle Indo-Aryan in Table 6languages,. some of which also show voicing of intervocalic stops (cf. Hoogervorst forthcoming). In others, Table 6: Sanskrit loanwordsthe displaying fluctuation fluctuation between between voiced voiced and andvoiceless voiceless consonants consonants appears restricted to Sanskrit Malay attestations,WMP as demonstrated in Table comments6. cañcala ‘moving to and fro, Old Javanese cañcala ‘to move to Cf. Tamil cañjalam (ச篍சை믍) unsteady, shaking’ Sanskritand fro, shake; uneasy,WMP unsteady’, ‘unsteadiness; commentsrapid motion; Javanese cəncɔlɔ ‘to shake trembling’. cañcala “moving to Old Javanese cañcala “to move to Cf. Tamil cañjalam (சஞ்சலம்) and fro, unsteady,violently; and tofro, shake;unsettle’, uneasy, unsteady,”Malay “unsteadiness; rapid motion; shaking” cəncala ~Javanese jənjala cəncɔlɔ ‘loose “to- tongued;shake violently; trembling” over-talkative’to unsettle,” Malay cəncala ~ jənjala “loose-tongued; over-talkative” caṇḍāla ‘an outcast , man of the Old Javanese caṇḍāla ‘of low Cf. Tamil caṇḍāḷam (ச迍டாள믍) lowest and most despisedcaṇḍāla of the “an outcastbirth; ,mean, Old Javanesedespicable caṇḍāla (conduct); “of low birth; ‘baseness; Cf. Tamil demon’caṇḍāḷam (சண்டாளம்~ caṇḍ)ā ḷaṉ man of the lowest and mean, despicable (conduct); trader, “baseness; demon” ~ caṇḍāḷaṉ mixed tribes’ most despisedtrader, of the merchant’,merchant,” MalayMalay cəndala cəndala “low, (ச迍டாளꟍ(சண்டாளன்) ‘low,) “low, degradeddegraded man; man; mixed tribes”‘low, mean,mean, ignoble, ignoble, depraved”depraved’ ~ jəndala ~ person person of theof the de degradedgraded caste”caste’. jəndala ‘low,“low, mean, scoundrelly” scoundrelly’ ghaṭikā ‘a period of time’ ghaṭikā “a periodMalay of kMalayətika kətika‘period “period of of time,time, Cf. TamilCf. Tamil ka kaḍigaiḍigai ((க羿லக) “Indian‘Indian time” season’, season,”74 Toba75 Toba Batak Batak hatihahatiha “point hour hour of 24 of 24minutes; minutes; time’.time” in time,” Karo Batak katika “a time ‘point in obtainedtime’, Karo by calculation,” Batak katika Maranao ‘a time obtainedkotikaʔ “astrology, by calculation’, season, moment ” Maranao kotikaʔ ‘astrology, Table 6 –season, Sanskrit moment’loanwords displaying fluctuation between voiced and voiceless consonants. guñjā ‘a bunch, bundle, cluster of Malay kuncah ‘bale, bundle Cf. Tamil kuñjam (埁篍ச믍) ‘bunch blossoms’ (measure of capacity for things of flowers; tassel, cluster of grass; made up in bales or trusses such as a measure in the width of cloth’. (2007: 341). Thebundles word-initial of /v/straw)’, of Tamil loanwordsAcehnese is typically reflected as /b/ in Malay, as other examples in thisgunca study ‘measure demonstrate. of capacity’ Its pronunciation as /w/ in the case of †widam may point to a later acquisition, when the presence of /w/ in the word-initial position no longer violated jīrṇa ‘old, worn out, withered,Malay phonotactics. Old Javanese In this regard, jīrṇa ‘old,we may worn also out, compare Cf. Malay Tamil †wǝpǝlai cīra ~ ṇ†amwepǝlai ( 毀ரண믍“k.o. tree) wasted, decayed’ whose leavesdecayed; are placed digested; between paperssatisfied to repel(with insects” ‘digestion; (Klinkert 1947:decay, 1018), ruin, presumably spoilt derived from water),Tamil vēpillai refreshed’, (ேவப்பாைல Javanese) ~ vēppālai (lit.) (ெவட்பாைலcondition’. ) “conessi bark (Holarrhena pubescens Wall. ex G.Don).” It has further been pointed out that this rule does not apply to Arabic loanwords, whosecurn authenticɔ ‘broken pronunciation to pieces, smashed,is religiously motivated (Adelaar 1988: 62-63). wrecked, crushed’, Malay cərna 75. The presence of Malay bintang kətika “stars that tell the time, the Pleiades” would suggest that kətika constitutes‘assimilation a blend orof Sanskritdigestion ghaṭikā (of and kārttika “the twelfth month of the year, when the fullfood)’ moon is near the Pleiades,” cf. Pāḷi kattikā “the month October-November” and krakaca ‘a saw’ Old Khmer kattikaMalay ~ gkāttikaərgaji “the ‘a twelfthsaw, tolunar saw’, month, The corresponding substitution to October-November.”of word-final /a/ In the latter meaning, the word was presumably also borrowed into Malagasy (dial.) as hatsiha “the name of Acehneseone of the months.”grɔgajɔə ‘a saw’, by /i/ in Indic loanwords borrowed Javanese graji, Makasar garagaji, into WMP languages does not Toba Batak garagaji, Angkola- stand in isolation (Gonda 1973: Mandailing Batak garagaji, 427-430; De Casparis 1988: 53; Archipel 89, Paris,Cebuano 2015 lagádì id., Tagalog lagarí Hoogervorst forthcoming). ‘carpenter’s saw’, Ilokano ragádi id., Maranao garogadiʔ ‘file (a tool)’, Tausug gawgariʔ id. sac-chattra ‘with an umbrella’ Malay səjahtəra ‘peace, The Sanskrit compound has been tranquillity, ease’ explained as a metaphor for ‘under government protection’ (Poerbatjaraka 1953: 41).75

74 The presence of Malay bintang kətika ‘stars that tell the time, the Pleiades’ would suggest that kətika constitutes a blend of Sanskrit ghaṭikā and kārttika ‘the twelfth month of the year, when the full moon is near the Pleiades’, cf. Pāḷi kattikā ‘the month October-November’ and Old Khmer kattika ~ kāttika ‘the twelfth lunar month, corresponding to October-November’. In the latter meaning, the word was presumably also borrowed into Malagasy (dial.) as hatsiha ‘the name of one of the months’. 75 Along similar semantic lines, Old Javanese ekacchattra ‘supreme (sovereign) ruler’ reflects Sanskrit ekacchattra ‘having only one (royal) umbrella, ruled by one king solely’.

17 initial consonants – cannot always be explained through Dravidian intermediacy. If the would-be Dravidian etyma are eitherinitial unattested consonants or display – cannot additional always be phonological explained through innovations Dravidian unreflected intermediacy in the .recipie If the wouldnt WMP-be languagesDravidian etyma (typicallyare theeither addition unattested of gender or display endings additional), we are phonological urged to look innov for ationsalternative unreflected explanations. in the recipieIn soment cases,WMP thelanguages transmission(typically may the have addition taken placeof gender through endings Middle), we Indo are- Aryanurged tolanguages look for, alternativesome of which explanations. also show In voicing some cases,of the intervocalictransmission stops (cf. may Hoogervorst have taken placeforthcoming). through Middle In others, Indo -tAryanhe fluctuation languages between, some of voiced which andalso shvoicelessow voicing of consonantsintervocalic appears restrictedstops (cf. to Hoogervorst Malay attestations forthcoming)., as demonstrated In others, in Tablethe fluctuation 6. between voiced and voiceless consonants appears restricted to Malay attestations, as demonstrated in Table 6. Table 6 : Sanskrit loanwords displaying fluctuation between voiced and voiceless consonants SanskritTable 6: Sanskrit loanwords displayingWMP fluctuation between voiced andcomments voiceless consonants cañcalaSanskrit ‘moving to and fro, Old JavaneseWMP cañcala ‘to move to Cf. Tamilcomments cañjalam (ச篍சை믍) unsteady,cañcala shaking’ ‘moving to and andfro, fro,Old shake; Javanese uneasy, cañcala unsteady’, ‘to move ‘unsteadiness; to Cf. Tamil rapid cañjalam motion; (ச篍சை믍 ) unsteady, shaking’ Javaneseand fro,cənc shake;ɔlɔ ‘touneasy, shake unsteady’, trembling’ ‘unsteadiness;. rapid motion; violently;Javanese to unsettle’,cəncɔlɔ Malay‘to shake trembling’. cəncalaviolently; ~ jənjala ‘looseto unsettle’,-tongued; Malay over-talkative’cəncala ~ jənjala ‘loose-tongued; caṇḍāla ‘an outcast , man of the Old Javaneseover-talkative’ caṇḍāla ‘of low Cf. Tamil caṇḍāḷam (ச迍டாள믍) lowest caandṇḍ ālamost ‘an despised outcast of, man the ofbirth; the mean,Old Javanesedespicable ca (conduct);ṇḍāla ‘of ‘baseness;low Cf. Tamildemon’ ca ṇḍ~ā ḷamcaṇḍ (ச迍டாள믍āḷaṉ ) mixed tribes’lowest and most despised oftrader, the birth;merchant’, mean, Malaydespicable cəndala (conduct); (ச迍டாளꟍ ‘baseness;) ‘low, demon’degraded ~ man; caṇḍ āḷaṉ mixed tribes’ ‘low, mean,trader, ignoble, merchant’, depraved’ Malay ~c əndalaperson (ofச迍டாளꟍ the degraded) ‘low, caste’ degraded. man; jəndala‘low, ‘low, mean, mean, ignoble,scoundrelly’ depraved’ ~ person of the degraded caste’. ghaṭikā ‘a period of time’ Malay jəkndalaətika ‘low,‘period mean, of scoundrelly’time, Cf. Tamil kaḍigai (க羿லக) ‘Indian ghaṭikā ‘a period of time’ season’,Malay74 Toba kətika Batak ‘period hatiha of time, Cf. Tamil kaḍigai (க羿லக) ‘Indian 74 hour of 24 minutes; time’. ‘point inseason’, time’, Karo Toba Batak Batak katika hatiha hour of 24 minutes; time’. ‘point in time’, Karo Batak katika ‘a time obtainedDetecting by pre-modern calculation’, lexical influence from South India 85 Maranao‘a timekotika obtainedʔ ‘astrology, by calculation’, season,Maranao moment’ kotikaʔ ‘astrology, Sanskrit WMP comments guñjā ‘a bunch, bundle, cluster of Malay season,kuncah moment’ ‘bale, bundle Cf. Tamil kuñjam (埁篍ச믍) ‘bunch blossoms’guñjā ‘a bunch, bundle, clusterguñjā(measure of Malay of capacitykuncahMalay kuncah for‘bale, “bale,things bundle bundleof fl owers;Cf. Tamil Cf.tassel, Tamil kuñjam cluster kuñjam ( (of埁篍ச믍 grass;)) “bunch ‘bunch blossoms’ “a bunch, bundle,(measure (measure of capacity of capacity for for thingsthings made of flofowers; flowers; tassel, tassel, cluster cluster ofof grass; grass; a clustermade of blossoms” up in balesup or in trusses bales or trussessuch as such aas measurebundles inmeasure the width in the ofwidth cloth’ of cloth”. bundlesmade of upstraw)’, ofin straw),”bales or Acehnese trusses gunca such “measure as a measure in the width of cloth’. gunca ‘measurebundles ofofof capacity” capacity’straw)’, Acehnese jīrṇa ‘old, worn out, withered,jīrṇa Old Javanesegunca jīr‘measureOldṇa Javanese‘old, of worn capacity’ jīrṇa out, “old, wornCf. out,Tamil Cf. Tamilcīraṇ cīraṇamam ( (毀ரண믍 ) wasted,jīr decayed’ṇa ‘old, worn out, withered,“old,decayed; worn out,Old digested; Javanesedecayed; satisfied jīr ṇdigested;a ‘old, (with satisfiedworn ‘digestion;out, (with Cf. “digestion;Tamildecay, decay,cīraruin, ṇruin, amspoilt spoilt (毀ரண믍 ) wasted, decayed’ withered, wasted,decayed; water),digested; refreshed,” satisfied Javanese (with (lit.) ‘digestion;condition” decay, ruin, spoilt decayed”water), refreshed’,curnɔ Javanese “broken to pieces,(lit.) smashed,condition’ . curnɔ ‘brokenwater), torefreshed’,wrecked, pieces, crushed,” smashed, Javanese Malay (lit.)cərna condition’. wrecked,curn crushed’,ɔ ‘broken“assimilation Malay to pieces, or cdigestionərna smashed, (of food)” krakaca‘assimilation wrecked, or Malay crushed’,digestion gərgaji “aMalay saw,(of to csaw,”ərna The substitution of word-final /a/ “a saw”food)’ ‘assimilationAcehnese or grɔgajɔə digestion “a saw,” (ofJavanese by /i/ in Indic loanwords borrowed krakaca ‘a saw’ Malay food)’gərgaji graji‘a saw,, Makasar to garagajisaw’, , TobaThe Batak substitution into WMP of languagesword-final does /a/not stand krakaca ‘a saw’ Malay gəgaragajirgaji , ‘Angkola-Mandailinga saw, to saw’, Batak The ins ubstitutionisolation (Gonda of 1973:word 427-430;-final /a/ Acehnese grɔgajgaragajiɔə , Cebuano‘a saw’, lagádì id.,by Tagalog/i/ in Indic De Casparisloanwords 1988: borrowed 53; Hoogervorst JavaneseAcehnese graji, Makasarlagarí gr “carpenter’sɔgaj garagajiɔə ‘asaw,” , saw’,Ilokanointo WMby /i/Pforthcoming). inlanguages Indic loanwords does notborrowed Toba BJavaneseatak garagaji ragádigraji ,id., ,Makasar MaranaoAngkola garagajigarogadiʔ- stand ,“file ininto isolation WMP (Gondalanguages 1973: does not (a tool),” Tausug gawgariʔ id. MandailingToba BatakBatak garagajigaragaji, Angkola, 427--430;stand De inCasparis isolation 1988: (Gonda 53; 1973: sac-chattraCebuano Mandailing lagádì Malayid., Tagalog səjahtəraBatak lagarí “peace,garagaji tranquillity,Hoogervor, 427 st-The4 30;forthcoming) Sanskrit De Caspariscompound. has1988: 53; “with an umbrella”Cebuano ease”lagádì id., Tagalog lagarí Hoogervorbeen explainedst forthcoming) as a metaphor. for ‘carpenter’s saw’, Ilokano ragádi “under government protection” id., Maranao‘carpenter’s garogadi saw’,ʔ Ilokano‘file (a ragádi (Poerbatjaraka 1953: 41).76 id., Maranao garogadiʔ ‘file (a uccartool)’, Tausug gawgariOld Javaneseʔ id. ujar “words, speech, sac-chattra ‘with an umbrella’ “to emitMalay (sounds), tool)’, s əTausugjahttalk,”əra Malay gawgari ujar‘peace, ʔ“utterance, id. The speech, Sanskrit compound has been sac-chattra ‘with an umbrella’utter,tranquillity, pronounce”Malay ease’ saying” səjahtəra ‘peace,explained The as Sanskrit a metaphor compound for ‘under has been vicakṣaṇa tranquillity,Old ease’Javanese wicakṣaṇa “sagacious,governmentexplained as a metaphorprotection’ for ‘under “conspicuous; clear- clever, wise, versed in, familiar(Poerbatjaraka government 1953: 41).75 protection’ sighted, sagacious, with, expert in,” Javanese wicaksɔnɔ(Poerbatjaraka 1953: 41).75 clever” “endowed with wisdom,” Malay bijaksana “practical wisdom or skill” 74 The presence of Malay bintang k ə tika ‘stars that tell the time, the Pleiades’ would suggest that kətika constitutes 74 Table 6 – Sanskrit loanwords displaying fluctuation between voiced and voiceless consonants. a blend of The Sanskrit presence gha ofṭikā Malay and kārttikabintang k‘theətika twelfth ‘stars montthat tellh of the the time, year, the when Pleiades’ the full would moon suggest is near that the kPleiades’,ətika constitutes cf. Pāḷia kattikāblend of ‘the Sanskrit month gha Octoberṭikā and-MostNovember’ kārttika of the‘the and above twelfth Old examples Khmermonth ofkattika theof year,fluctuation ~ kāttikawhen the ‘thebetween full twelfth moon voiced islunar near and month,the Pleiades’,voiceless correspondingcf. Pāḷi tokattikā October ‘the-November’. monthaffricates October In the- November’are latter restricted meaning, and toOld theMalay. Khmer word Rather kattikawas presumably than~ kāttika attributing also‘the borrowetwelfth such dlunarchanges into month, to Malagasycorresponding (dial.) as hatsiha to October ‘the name-acquisitionNovember’. of one of fromInthe the months’. speakerslatter meaning, of Dravidian the word languages, was presumably it would also thusborrowe be d more into 75 AlongMalagasy similar (dial.) semantic as hatsiha lines,fruitful ‘theOld name Javanese to of consider one ekacchattra of the this months’. a definable‘supreme (sovereign) tendency ruler’ within reflects the Sanskrit Malay language. 75 ekacchattra Along ‘having similar only semanticone (royal)While lines, umbrella, itOld is byruledJavanese no by means one ekacchattra king a solely’.regular ‘supreme phonological (sovereign) innovation, ruler’ reflects the following Sanskrit ekacchattra ‘having only oneMalay (royal) lexical umbrella, doublets ruled substantiateby one king solely’.this claim: 76 17 ––bucuk ~ bujuk “murrel (Channa sp.)” 17 ––cakat ~ jagat “world” (from Sanskrit jagat “the world, earth”) ––cicik ~ jijik “disgust” ––cogan ~ jogan “metallic standard or emblem” (from Persian čaugān

76. Along similar semantic lines, Old Javanese ekacchattra “supreme (sovereign) ruler” reflects Sanskrit ekacchattra “having only one (royal) umbrella, ruled by one king solely.”

Archipel 89, Paris, 2015 Sanskrit WMP comments uccar ‘to emit (sounds), utter, Old Javanese ujar ‘words, speech, pronounce’. talk’, Malay ujar ‘utterance, speech, saying’ vicakṣaṇa ‘conspicuous; clear- Old Javanese wicakṣaṇa sighted, sagacious, clever’ ‘sagacious, clever, wise, versed in, Sanskrit WMP comments familiar with, expert in’, Javanese Sanskrit WMP uccar ‘to emit (sounds),comments utter, Old Javanese ujar ‘words, speech, wicaksɔnɔ ‘endowed with Sanskrit uccar ‘to emit (sounds),WMP utter, Old Javanesepronounce’. ujar comments‘words, speech, talk’, Malay ujar ‘utterance, wisdom’, Malay bijaksana Sanskrit WMP uccar ‘to emit (sounds),pronounce’. utter, comments Old Javanese ujar talk’,‘words, Malayspeech, ujar ‘utterance, speech, saying’ ‘practical wisdom or skill’ uccar ‘to emit (sounds), utter, SanskritOld Javanesepronounce’. ujar ‘words, speech, WMP talk’, Malay ujarspeech, ‘utterance, saying’vicakcomments ṣ aṇa ‘conspicuous; clear- Old Javanese wicakṣaṇa pronounce’. uccartalk’, ‘toMalay emit ujar(sounds), ‘utterance,vicak utter,ṣaṇ a Old‘conspicuous; Javanesespeech, ujar saying’clear ‘words,- Old speech, Javanesesighted, sagacious,wicak clever’ṣaṇa ‘sagacious, clever, wise, versed in, Most of the above examples of fluctuation between voiced and voiceless affricates are restricted to Malay. Rather pronounce’.speech,vicak saying’ ṣaṇ a ‘conspicuous;sighted, sagacious,cleartalk’,- OldMalayclever’ ujarJavanese ‘utterance, ‘sagacious,wicak ṣclever,aṇa wise, versed in, familiar with, expert in’, Javanese than attributing such changes to acquisition from speakers of Dravidian languages, it would thus be more fruitful vicakṣaṇa ‘conspicuous; clear- Old sighted,Javanese sagacious, wicak clever’ṣaṇ a speech, ‘ssaying’agacious, clever, familiarwise, versed with, in, expert in’, Javanese wicaksɔnɔ ‘endowed with to consider this a definable tendency within the Malay language. While it is by no means a regular phonological sighted, sagacious, clever’ vicak‘sagacious,ṣaṇa ‘conspicuous;clever, wise, versed clear in,- Old familiarJavanese with, expertwicakwicaks in’,ṣaṇ ɔaJavanesen ɔ ‘endowed with wisdom’, Malay bijaksana innovation, the following Malay lexical doublets substantiate this claim: sighted,familiar sagacious, with, expert clever’ in’, Javanese ‘sagacious,wicaks clever,ɔnɔ wise,‘endowed versedwisdom’, in, withMalay bijaksana ‘practical wisdom or skill’ wicaksɔnɔ ‘endowed with familiarwisdom’, with, expert Malayin’, Javanese‘practical bijaksana wisdom or skill’  bucuk ~ bujuk ‘murrel (Channawisdom’, sp.)’ Malay bijaksana wicaksɔ‘practicalnɔ ‘endowed wisdom or skill’with Most of the above examples of fluctuation between voiced and voiceless affricates are restricted to Malay. Rather  86 Tom Hoogervorst cakat ~ jagat ‘world’ (from‘practical Sanskrit wisdomjagat ‘the or world,skill’Most earth’) of the abovewisdom’, examples Malay of fluctuation bijaksana between than v oiceattributingd and voiceless such changes affricates to acquisition are restricted from to speakers Malay. Rather of Dravidian languages, it would thus be more fruitful  cicik ~ jijik ‘disgust’ Most of the above examplesthan attributing of fluctuation‘practical such changes wisdom between to or acquisitionv skill’oiced and fromvoicelessto speakers consider affricates of this Dravidian area definable restricted languages, tendency to Malay it wouldwithin. Rather thusthe Malaybe more language fruitful. While it is by no means a regular phonological :are restricted)) from“a‘a tendency stickstick speakers tocarried carried Malay within of as . Dravidian as Rather anthe an ensign innovation,Malay ensign languages, language of theroyalty”) follo .it While wouldwing it thus Malayis by be no lexicalmore means fruitful doublets a regular substantiate phonological this claim چوگان)Most of the abovecogan examples ~ jogan ‘metallic of fluctuation standard betweenthan or attributingemblem’ voiced (fromand such tovoiceless Persian changesconsider affricatesčaugān to this acquisition a definable than attributingof royalty such changes’) to acquisitionMost of to fromthe consider above speakers examples this of a Dravidiandefinableinnovation, of fluctuation tendencylanguages, the follobetween–– cokarwithin wingit would v ~theMalayoice jogar thusMalayd and lexical be“an voicelesslanguage more indoor-game doublets fruitful .affricates While substantiate itplayed isare by restricted nothiswith means claim counters to a :Malay regular or. Rather pieces”phonological (from to consider thiscok ara definable ~ jogar ‘an tendency indoorthan -withingame attributing innovation,playedthe Malay with such language thecounters changes follo .wing orWhileto pieces’acquisition Malay it is (from bylexical nofromPortuguese Portuguese means doublets speakers a regular substantiatejogar of Dravidian phonological ‘to“to play’) play”) this languages, claim : itbucuk would ~ thusbujuk be ‘murrel more fruitful (Channa sp.)’ innovation, thecongkah following ~ jongkah Malay ‘stickinglexicalto consider doublets out at thisthe substantiate pointa definable or jagged this tendency claim at the:bucuk withinedge’ ~– –bujukthecongkah Malay ‘murrel language~ jongkah (Channa. While “sticking sp.)’ it is by out no at meanscakat the point ~a jagatregular or ‘world’ jagged phonological (from at the Sanskrit edge” jagat ‘the world, earth’)  corong ~ jorong ‘a funnel’innovation, the follobucukwing ~ bujukMalay ‘murrellexicalcakat doublets( Channa~– jagat–corong substantiate‘world’sp.)’ ~ jorong (from this Sanskrit“a claim funnel”: jagat ‘the world,cicik ~ earth’) jijik ‘disgust’ a stick carried as an ensign‘ (چوگان)   bucukcuai ~ ~bujuk juai ‘of‘murrel little (account’Channa sp.)’  cakat ~ jagat ‘world’ cicik (from ~ –jijik– cuaiSanskrit ‘disgust’ ~ juai jagat “of ‘the little world, account” earth’)  cogan ~ jogan ‘metallic standard or emblem’ (from Persian čaugān a stick carried as an ensign‘ (چوگان)   cakatcurang ~ jagat ~ jurang ‘world’ ‘ravine’ (from Sanskrit  bucuk jagat ‘the~cicik bujuk world, ~ jijik‘murrel earth’) ‘disgust’ (Channa cogan sp.)’~– –jogancurang ‘metallic ~ jurang standard “ravine” or emblem’ (fromof royalty Persian’) čaugān (’ar ~ )jogar ‘a stick ‘an carried indoor as-game an ensign played with counters or pieces’ (from Portuguese jogar ‘to playچوگان)   cicikkə ~racang jijik ‘disgust’ ~ kərajang ‘gold foil’ cakat ~ coganjagat ‘world’ ~ jogan (from ‘metallicof Sanskrit royalty standard––kəracang’ )jagat or ‘the emblem’ ~world, kərajang (from earth’) Persian“gold foil” čaugān cok ’jogar–picit) ‘ a‘an~ stick pijit indoor carried “pinching,-game as anplayed compressionensign with counters congkah in the or pieces’hand, ~ jongkah a (from form ‘sticking Portuguese of massage” out jogarat the ‘topoint play’) or jagged at the edge –چوگان~)   coganpicit ~ ~jogan pijit ‘pinching,‘metallic standard compression or cicikemblem’ in the~ jijikof hand, (from royalty ‘disgust’ a Persian form’) of čaugān massage’cokar (’ (from or corong)jagged ‘ aPortuguese stick at~ carriedjorongthe edge’ jogar as‘a anfunnel’ ‘to ensign playچوگان) of royalty’)  cogan ~cok joganar ~ ‘metallic jogar ‘an standard indoorcongkah- gameor ~emblem’ jongkah played (from with‘sticking countersPersian out atčaugānor the pieces’ point The above examples lend support to the aforementioned hypothesis The abovecokar examples ~ jogar ‘an lend indoor support-game to the played aforof ementionedroyaltywith congkahcounters’) hypothesis or~ jongkahpieces’ thatcorong (from ‘sticking fluctuation Portuguese ~ jorong out betweenat ‘athe jogar funnel’ point voiced ‘to or play’) jagged and v oicelessat the edge’ cuai ~ juai ‘of little account’ that fluctuation between voiced and voiceless affricates reflects internal affricates congkah reflects ~ jongkahinternal de‘stickingvelopments out at in thecok Malay, arpoint ~corong jogarwhich or jagged ‘an may~ jorong indoor at include the - ‘aedge’gamecuai funnel’interdialectical ~played juai ‘of with little transmission counters account’ or pieces’ and infrequent (from Portuguese curang jogar ~ jurang ‘to play’) ‘ravine’ usage of the words involved. developments in Malay, which may include interdialectical transmission and  corong ~ jorong ‘a funnel’  congkah cuai ~ jongkah ~ juai ‘of ‘sticking little curang account’ out at ~ thejurang point ‘ravine’ or jagged at the edge’  kəracang ~ kərajang ‘gold foil’ infrequent usage of the words involved.  cuai ~ juai ‘of little account’  corong curang~ jorong ~ ‘ajurang funnel’ ‘ravine’k əracang ~ kərajang ‘gold foil’  picit ~ pijit ‘pinching, compression in the hand, a form of massage’ Concluding remarks  curang ~ jurang ‘ravine’  cuai ~ juaikəracang ‘of little ~ kaccount’ərajang picit ‘gold ~ pijit foil’ ‘pinching, compression in the hand, a form of massage’ Abdullah bin Abdul Kadir was hardly exaggerating when he insisted Concludingthat the study remarks of Tamil was a worthwhile  kəracang ~ kərajang ‘gold foil’ curang picit~ jurang ~ pijit ‘ravine’ ‘pinching, compression in the hand, a form of Themassage’ above examples lend support to the aforementioned hypothesis that fluctuation between voiced and voiceless investment in the multi-ethnic environment of his childhood. Two millennia of intermittent contact between South  picit ~ pijit ‘pinching, compression inkə theracang hand, ~ ak əformrajangThe of massage’above‘gold foil’ examples Abdullah lend binsupport Abdul to the Kadir aforementioned wasaffricates hardly hypothesis reflects exaggerating internal that fluctuation de whenvelopments hebetween insisted in Malay, voiced which and v oicelessmay include interdialectical transmission and infrequent India and Maritime Southeast Asia have left a considerable and lasting lexical imprint. This study called attention  Thepicit above ~ pijit examples ‘pinching,affricates lend compression support reflectsthat tothe internalthein study theafor hand, ementionedde ofvelopments aTamil form hypothesis ofwas inmassage’ Malay, a worthwhileusage that which fluctuation of themay wordsinvestment include between involved interdialectical voicedin. the and multi-ethnic vtransmissionoiceless and infrequent to some tentative Tamil, Malayāḷam and perhaps other Dravidian borrowings into WMP languages, illustrating The above examples lend support to the aforaffricatesementioned reflects hypothesis internalusage that of de thefluctuationvelopmentsenvironment words involved between in Malay, of .his voiced whichchildhood. and may voiceless include Two millennia interdialectical of intermittent transmission contact and infrequent between the interconnectedness of the speech communities inhabiting both sides of the Bay of Bengal. To better understand affricates reflects internal developmentsThe inabove Malay,usage examples ofwhich the wordsmaylend includesupport involved interdialecticalto .the South afor ementionedIndia transmission and Maritime hypothesis and Southeastinfrequent that fluctuationConcluding Asia havebetween remarks left voiced a considerable and voiceless and lasting these patterns of language contact, I have made an effort to demonstrate why certain loanwords in WMP languages usage of the words involved. affricates reflects internal deConcludingvelopmentslexical remarks in Malay, imprint. which This may study include called interdialectical attentionAbdullah to bin transmission some Abdul tentative Kadir and wasTamil,infrequent hardly Malayā exaggeratingḷam when he insisted that the study of Tamil was a worthwhile can be identified as Dravidian or Dravidian-mediated, whereas others cannot. In doing so, the following definable usage ofConcluding the words involved remarksAbdullah. binand Abdul perhaps Kadir other was Dravidian hardly exaggerating borrowingsinvestme when intont hein WMP theinsisted multi languages, that-ethnic the environmentstudy illustrating of Tamil of the his was childhood a worthwhile. Two millennia of intermittent contact between South (yet inconsistent) tendencies of sound change in Malay and other WMP languages have surfaced: Concluding remarks Abdullah bin Abdulinvestme Kadir wasntinterconnectedness in hardlythe multi exaggerating-ethnic environment of when the speechhe ofinsisted his India communitieschildhood that and the Maritime. studyTwo inhabiting millenniaof Southeast Tamil ofwasboth Asiaintermittent a sides worthwhilehave leftof contact thea considera betweenble Southand lasting lexical imprint. This study called attention

Abdullah bin Abdul Kadir was hardlyConcluding exaggeratinginvestme remarks whennt in the he multi insistedIndia-ethnic and that MaritimeBay environment the ofstudy Bengal. Southeast of of Tamil hisTo Asia childhoodbetter was have a understandworthwhile left. Two a considera millenniato thesesomeble tentativeofpatterns andintermittent lasting Tamil,of language lexical contact Malayā imprint betweencontact,ḷam .and T hisSouth I perhapshave study called other attentionDravidian borrowings into WMP languages, illustrating  The monophthongisation of /ai/ to /i/ (also in inherited vocabulary), as evidenced in Malay pərigi ‘well, investment in the multi-ethnic environmentAbdullah ofIndia hisbin childhood andAbdul Maritime Kadir. Twoto Southeastwas somemillennia hardly tentativemade Asia exaggeratingof intermittent have an Tamil, effort left Malayāa when consideratocontact demonstrate heḷam betweeninsisted bleand and perhaps thatSouthwhylasting thethe certain other interconnectedness lexicalstudy Dravidian loanwords ofimprint Tamil .borrowings Twashis in of studyWMPa the worthwhile speech calledinto languages WMP communities attention languages can inhabiting, illustrating both sides of the Bay of Bengal. To better understand spring’ from Tamil parigai (ப쎿லக) ‘moat, ditch; mound within a rampart’, kuali ‘wide-mouthed India and Maritime Southeast Asia haveinvestme left toant considerasome in the tentative multible -andethnic Tamil,the lasting interconnectednessenvironment Malayā lexicalbe ḷ identifiedamimprint of and his .childhoodofperhaps T histhe as studyspeech other . DravidianT calledwo communities Dravidian millennia attention or theseborrowings of inhabiting Dravidian-mediated, intermittent patterns intoboth of contact language WMPsides of betweenlanguages the contact, whereas Bay South of, Ii havellustratingBengal. others made To an cannot.better effort understand to demonstrate why certain loanwords in WMP languages cooking-pot’ from kuvaḷai (埁ேலள) ‘wide-mouthed vessel, cup’ and undi ‘lot, die’ from uṇḍai to some tentative Tamil, MalayāḷamIndia and perhapsandthe Maritime interconnectedness other SoutheastDravidianthese Asia ofborrowings patterns the have speechIn doingleftof intolanguage communitiesa considera WMPso, the contact, languages blefollowing inhabiting and I have lasting, illustrating made definableboth lexical sidesancan effort imprint beof (yet theidentified to demonstrateBayinconsistent). This of studyasBengal. Dravidian whycalled Ttendencies ocertain better attention or Dravidian loanwordsunderstand of sound-mediated in WMP , whereas languages others cannot. In doing so, the following definable உ迍லட the interconnectedness( ) of‘ball; the dice’.speech tocommunities somethese tentative patternsinhabiting Tamil, of bothlanguage Malayācan sides be ḷ identifiedamcontact, of changetheand Bay perhapsI haveas ofin Dravidian Bengal. Malaymade other an andT Dravidianor efforto Dravidianbetter other to understanddemonstrate WMPborrowings-mediated languages(yet whyinconsistent)into, whereas certainWMP have others languagesloanwords surfaced: tendencies cannot., inillustrating ofInWMP sounddoing languages so, change the following in Malay definableand other WMP languages have surfaced: these patterns The of languagevoicing of contact, word-initial I havethe /k/interconnectedness made tocan /g/, an be as effort identified evidenced to demonstrate of as thein(yet Dravidian Malay speech inconsistent) why g communitiesa daior certain Dravidian ‘pledging, tendencies loanwords inhabiting-mediated pawning, of insound WMPboth, whereasmortgaging’ change sides languages othersof in the fromMalay Baycannot. ofand Bengal. In other doing WMPT oso, better the languages following understand have definable surfaced: can be identifiedTamil as ka Dravidianḍai (கலட or) Dravidian‘shop,these bazaar, patterns-mediated(yet market’ inconsistent) of language, whereas, gundik tendencies contact, others ‘secondary cannot. I have of soundwife’ madeIn– –doingThe fromchange an monophthongisation effortso, ko tṇḍinhe toiMalay following( demonstrateசகா迍羿 and definable)other ‘prostitute, why of WMP /ai/certain  to languages /i/loanwordsThe (also monophthongis have in in inherited surfaced:WMP languagesation vocabulary), of /ai/ to /i/ as (also in inherited vocabulary), as evidenced in Malay pərigi ‘well, (yet inconsistent)concubine’, tendencies gulai of ‘wet sound-currying;can change be identified incurrying Malay as inandDravidian rich other highly WMP or Dravidian-spicedThe languages monophthongis sauce’-mediatedevidenced have from surfaced:, kuwhereas ationinḻai Malay ( 埁லைof others /ai/ ) pərigito ‘to cannot. /i/ become (also “well, In in doing inherited spring”spring’ so, t he vocabulary)fromfrom following TamilTamil, definable asparigaiparigai evidenced (ப쎿லக in Malay)) ‘moat, pərigi ditch; ‘well, mound within a rampart’, kuali ‘wide-mouthed soft, mashy, pulpy, as well(yet-cooked’ inconsistent) and gThe ətendenciesrgaji monophthongis ‘a saw, of soundto saw’spring’ation change from of from“moat, /ai/Sanskrit in MalaytoTamil /i/ ditch; krakaca(also andparigai moundinother inherited ‘a (WMPsaw’.ப쎿லக within vocabulary)languages) ‘moat,a rampart,” ditch;havecooking, as evidencedkuali surfaced:mound-pot’ “wide-mouthed withinfrom in Malay kuva a rampart’, pḷəairigi cooking-(埁ேலள ‘well, kuali ) ‘wide‘wide--mouthedmouthed vessel, cup’ and undi ‘lot, die’ from uṇḍai  The The monophthongis insertion of ationa word of- medial/ai/ to /i/homorganic (also inspring’ inherited nasal, from typically vocabulary) Tamilcooking before parigai, as -geminatedevidencedpot”pot’ (ப쎿லக from ) consonants,in kuvaḷaikuva‘moat, Malayḷai ditch; p(埁ேலளə rigias evidenced mound‘well,)) “wide-mouthed‘wide within -mouthed(உ迍லட a rampart’, vessel, )vessel, ‘ball; kuali cup’dice’. cup” ‘wideand and undi -undimouthed ‘lot, “lot, die’ from uṇḍai spring’in Malay from banciTamil ‘adze’ parigai from (ப쎿லக Tamil The) ‘moat,vācci monophthongiscooking ( ோ母殿ditch;- pot’) moundid.,ation fromcontoh ofwithin( உ迍லட kuva/ai/ ‘sample, toḷaai /i/die”rampart’, )( ‘ball;(also埁ேலள model, from indice’. inherited )kualiuṇḍai specimen’‘wide ‘wide -(mouthed உண்ைடvocabulary) -frommouthed )vessel,cauttu “ball;, as evidenced cup’dice”The and voicing inundi Malay of ‘lot,word pə rigidie’-initial ‘well, from /k/ touṇḍ /g/,ai as evidenced in Malay gadai ‘pledging, pawning, mortgaging’ from cooking(சசௌ鏍鏁-pot’) ‘pattern,from kuva sample,ḷai (埁ேலள model’spring’), k‘wideəm (əfromஉ迍லடndikai-mouthed Tamil from) ‘ball; vessel,parigai komma dice’.The cup’ ṭṭ( ப쎿லகvoicingikkāy –and–The () சகா믍ம翍羿埍கா뿍 ofundi‘moat, voicingword ‘lot, -ditch;initial ofdie’ word-initial/k/mound from) to‘unripe /g/, uwithin ṇḍas wateraievidenced /k/ a torampart’, Tamil /g/, in Malay as ka kuali evidencedḍai g a (கலடdai‘wide ‘pledging,) - mouthed‘shop, in Malay bazaar, pawning, gadai market’ mortgaging’ , gundik from ‘secondary wife’ from koṇḍi (சகா迍羿) ‘prostitute, (உ迍லடmelon’) and‘ball; sə dice’.ntəri ‘seminarist; divinitycooking student’The-pot’ voicing from from ofkuva cāttiri wordḷaiTamil ( -சா鏍鎿쎿initial(埁ேலள ka /k/“pledging,ḍ) ai‘one )to (கலட ‘wide/g/, versed as)- mouthedpawning,evidenced‘shop, in the bazaar, sāstra vessel, mortgaging”in Malay s,market’ learnecup’ ga ,daid andgundik from ‘pledging, concubine’,undi Tamil ‘secondary ‘lot, kaḍai pawning, die’gulai (wife’ கைடfrom ‘wet mortgaging’ from )- u“shop,currying;ṇḍ koai ṇḍ bazaar, fromi (curryingசகா迍羿 in) ‘prostitute, rich highly -spiced sauce’ from kuḻai (埁லை) ‘to become  Theman; voicing a title, of word especially-initial of /k/ smārta to /g/, ( brāhmins’asஉ迍லட evidencedTamil) .‘ball; inka Malayḍdice’.ai (கலட gadaiconcubine’,) ‘shop, ‘pledging, bazaar,market,” gulai pawning, market’ ‘wetgundik -mortgaging’currying;, gundik “secondary ‘secondarycurrying from wife” in wife’ rich softfrom highlyfrom, mashy, koṇḍi ko-spicedṇḍ pulpy,i ((சகா迍羿 sauce’ as well from)) ‘prostitute,“prostitute,-cooked’ kuḻai (and埁லை gə)rgaji ‘to become‘a saw, to saw’ from Sanskrit krakaca ‘a saw’. Tamil The ka additionḍai (கலட of )word ‘shop,-final bazaar, /h/, market’asThe evidenced voicing, concubine’,gundik ofin word Malay‘secondary -gulaiinitial contoh ‘wetsoft /k/wife’ , to -‘sample,mashy,currying; /g/,fromconcubine,” as kopulpy,evidenced model, ṇḍcurryingi ( asசகா迍羿 specimen’ wellgulai in in Malay -richcooked’ )“wet-currying; ‘prostitute, highly fromgadai and -Tamil spiced‘pledging, g ərgaji curryingsauce’ The‘a pawning, saw, insertion from into saw’rich kumortgaging’ ḻofai fromhighly-spiced a( 埁லைword Sanskrit- )frommedial ‘to become krakaca sauce”homorganic ‘a saw’. nasal, typically before geminated consonants, as evidenced concubine’,cauttu ( சசௌ鏍鏁gulai ‘wet) ‘pattern,-currying; sample, curryingTamil model’ kainsoft ḍrichai,, mashy,( jodohகலடhighly) pulpy,‘twin‘shop,-spiced -Thesoul, asbazaar, sauce’ well insertion affinity,- cooked’frommarket’from of kuḻaikusecond ,a andgundik ḻaiword (g埁லை əself,-rgajimedial ‘secondary ) match’‘‘to“toa homorganicsaw, becomebecome towife’from saw’ fromsoft,a nasal,from inkomashy, SanskritMalaytypicallyṇḍi (சகா迍羿 pulpy, banci krakaca before as‘adze’) ‘prostitute, well-cooked”geminated ‘a saw’.from Tamil consonants, and vācci (asோ母殿 evidenced) id., contoh ‘sample, model, specimen’ from cauttu soft, mashy, pulpy, as well-cooked’ concubine’,and g ərgajiThe ‘insertiongulaia saw, ‘wet to ofsaw’- currying;a wordin from Malay-medial Sanskritcurryinggərgaji banci homorganic krakaca in‘adze’“a rich saw, from highly‘a tonasal, saw’. saw” Tamil-spiced typically from vācci sauce’ Sanskrit before(ோ母殿 from( geminatedசசௌ鏍鏁 )krakaca id.,kuḻ aicontoh )( 埁லை ‘pattern, “aconsonants, saw.” ‘sample,) ‘to sample, become asmodel, evidenced model’ specimen’, k əməndikai from cauttufrom komma ṭṭikkāy (சகா믍ம翍羿埍கா뿍) ‘unripe water  The insertion of a word-medial homorganicsoft, mashy, innasal, Malay pulpy, typically banci as well before‘adze’(-சசௌ鏍鏁cooked’ geminatedfrom––The )and ‘pattern,Tamil ginsertion əconsonants,rgaji vācci sample, ‘a ( saw,ோ母殿of asmodel’ ato )evidencedword-medial saw’id.,, contohk froməmə ndikai Sanskrit ‘sample, homorganicmelon from krakaca model, ’komma and s ‘aə nasal,specimen’nt ṭṭsaw’.əikkāyri ‘seminarist; typically (சகா믍ம翍羿埍கா뿍 from cauttu beforedivinity student’) ‘unripe from water cāttiri (சா鏍鎿쎿) ‘one versed in the sāstras, learned in Malay banci ‘adze’ from Tamil Thevācci insertion (ோ母殿(சசௌ鏍鏁 )of id., a) ‘pattern,wordcontoh-medial melon ‘sample,sample, homorganic’ and geminated model’model, səntə, ri specimen’knasal, ə‘seminarist; mconsonants,əndikai typically from from divinity beforeascauttu komma evidenced student’ geminated 18ṭṭ ikkāy man; fromin (Malayconsonants,சகா믍ம翍羿埍கா뿍 acāttiri title, banci especially(சா鏍鎿쎿 as “adze” evidenced) )‘one of‘unripe smārtafrom versed water Tamil brāhmins’ in the sāstra. s, learned (சசௌ鏍鏁) ‘pattern, sample, model’, inkə Malayməndikaimelon banci from’ and ‘adze’ komma sənt əfromriṭṭ man;‘seminarist;ikkāy Tamil a title,(சகா믍ம翍羿埍கா뿍vācci vācci especiallydivinity (ோ母殿 student’ )of id., id.,smārta) ‘unripe contoh fromcontoh brāhmins’ cāttiriwater ‘sample, “sample, (சா鏍鎿쎿. model,The )model, ‘one addition specimen’ versed specimen” of in wordfrom the sāstra- finalcauttu from s,/h/, learne cauttuas evidencedd in Malay contoh ‘sample, model, specimen’ from Tamil melon’ and səntəri ‘seminarist; divinity(சசௌ鏍鏁 student’man;) ‘pattern, from a title, cāttiri sample,especially (சா鏍鎿쎿The model’ ofaddition) smārta‘one, kə versedm of əbrāhmins’ndikai word in -the finalfrom. sāstra /h/,komma s,as learne evidencedṭṭikkāyd (சகா믍ம翍羿埍கா뿍 in cauttuMalay (contohசசௌ鏍鏁) ‘unripe‘sample,) ‘pattern, water model, sample, specimen’ model’ from, jodoh Tamil ‘twin -soul, affinity, second self, match’ from a man; a title, especially of smārta brāhmins’melon ’ .andThe sadditionəntəri ‘seminarist; of wordcauttu-final divinity ( சசௌ鏍鏁/h/, asstudent’ evidenced) ‘pattern, from in cāttirisample, Malay (சா鏍鎿쎿 contohmodel’) ‘one , ‘sample,jodoh versed ‘twin model, in the-soul, sāstraspecimen’ affinity,s, learne from secondd Tamil self, match’ from a  The addition of word-final /h/, as evidencedman; a title,cauttu in especiallyMalay (சசௌ鏍鏁 contoh of) smārta‘pattern, ‘sample, brāhmins’ sample, model,. specimen’model’, jodoh from ‘twinTamil-soul, affinity, second self, match’ from a Archipel 89, Paris, 2015 cauttu (சசௌ鏍鏁) ‘pattern, sample, The model’ addition, jodoh of word‘twin--finalsoul, /h/, affinity, as evidenced second inself, Malay match’ contoh from ‘sample, a model, specimen’ from Tamil 18 cauttu (சசௌ鏍鏁) ‘pattern, sample, model’, jodoh ‘twin-soul, affinity, second self, match’ from a 18 18 18 18

Sanskrit WMP comments Sanskrit SanskritWMP uccarWMPcomments ‘to emit (sounds), utter,Sanskrit Oldcomments Javanese ujar ‘words, speech,WMP comments uccar ‘to emit (sounds), utter,uccar Old ‘to Javanese emit ujar(sounds), ‘words, utter, speech, pronounce’.Old Javanese ujar ‘words, speech,uccar talk’, ‘to emitMalay (sounds), ujar utter,‘utterance, Old Javanese ujar ‘words, speech, pronounce’. pronounce’.talk’, Malay ujar ‘utterance,talk’, Malay ujar ‘utterance,pronounce’. speech, saying’ talk’, Malay ujar ‘utterance, speech, saying’ vicakspeech,ṣa ṇsaying’a ‘conspicuous; clear- Old Javanese wicakṣaspeech,ṇa saying’ vicakṣaṇa ‘conspicuous; clearvicak- Oldṣaṇ a ‘conspicuous;Javanese wicakclear-ṣaṇsighted,Olda sagacious,Javanese clever’wicak ṣavicakṇa ṣ‘s aagacious,ṇa ‘conspicuous; clever, wise, clear versed- Oldin, Javanese wicakṣaṇa sighted, sagacious, clever’ sighted,‘sagacious, sagacious, clever, clever’ wise, versed in,‘s agacious, clever, wise, versedsighted, in, familiar sagacious, with, clever’ expert in’, Javanese‘sagacious, clever, wise, versed in, familiar with, expert in’, Javanesefamiliar with, expert in’, Javanese wicaksɔnɔ ‘endowed withfamiliar with, expert in’, Javanese wicaksɔnɔ ‘endowed withwicaks ɔnɔ ‘endowed with wisdom’, Malay bijaksanawicaks ɔnɔ ‘endowed with wisdom’, Malay bijaksanawisdom’, Malay bijaksana ‘practical wisdom or skill’ wisdom’, Malay bijaksana ‘practical wisdom or skill’ ‘practical wisdom or skill’ ‘practical wisdom or skill’ Most of the above examples of fluctuation between voiced and voiceless affricates are restricted to Malay. Rather Most of the above examples of fluctuationMost of the between above vexamplesoiced and of voiceless fluctuationthan affricates attributingbetween are v restrictedoicesuchd changesand tovoiceless Malay to Mostacquisition. affricatesRather of the abovefrom are restricted speakers examples ofto of MalayDravidian fluctuation. Rather languages, between itvoice wouldd and thus voiceless be more affricates fruitful are restricted to Malay. Rather than attributing such changes to acquisitionthan attributing from suchspeakers changes of Dravidian to acquisitionto languages, consider from this speakersit would a definable ofthus Dravidian be tendency morethan languages,fruitful attributing within the it suchwouldMalay changes thuslanguage be to more acquisition. While fruitful it is from by no speakers means aof regular Dravidian phonological languages, it would thus be more fruitful to consider this a definable tendencyto consider within thethis Malay a definable language tendency. While innovation,within it is by the no Malay themeans follo language awing regular Malay. While phonologicalto lexical considerit is by doublets no this means a substantiatedefinable a regular tendency thisphonological claim within: the Malay language. While it is by no means a regular phonological innovation, the following Malay lexicalinnovation, doublets the follosubstantiatewing Malay this claimlexical : doublets substantiate this claiminnovation,: the following Malay lexical doublets substantiate this claim:  bucuk ~ bujuk ‘murrel (Channa sp.)’  bucuk ~ bujuk ‘murrel (Channa sp.)’bucuk ~ bujuk ‘murrel (Channa sp.)’ cakat ~ jagat ‘world’ (from Sanskrit bucuk jagat ~ bujuk ‘the ‘murrelworld, earth’) (Channa sp.)’  cakat ~ jagat ‘world’ (from Sanskrit cakat jagat ~ jagat ‘the ‘world’world, earth’) (from Sanskrit jagatcicik ~‘the jijik world, ‘disgust’ earth’)  cakat ~ jagat ‘world’ (from Sanskrit jagat ‘the world, earth’) a stick carried as an ensign‘ (چوگان)  cicik ~ jijik ‘disgust’  cicik ~ jijik ‘disgust’  cogan ~ jogan ‘metallic standard cicik or emblem’ ~ jijik ‘disgust’ (from Persian čaugān a stick carried as an ensign‘ (چوگان) a jogan stick carried‘metallic as standardan ensign or emblem’ (from Persian čaugān‘~ ( چوگانemblem’of royalty) ‘a stick (from’) carried Persian as čaugānan ensign (coganچوگان )  cogan ~ jogan ‘metallic standard coganor emblem’ ~ jogan (from ‘metallic Persian standard čaugān or of royalty’) of royalty’)  cokar ~ jogar ‘an indoor-game playedof royalty with’) counters or pieces’ (from Portuguese jogar ‘to play’)  cokar ~ jogar ‘an indoor-game playedcokar with ~ jogar counters ‘an indoor or pieces’-game (from played Portuguesecongkah with counters ~ jogar jongkah or ‘to pieces’ play’)‘sticking (from  outcok Portuguese atar the ~ pointjogar jogar or ‘an jagged indoor‘to play’) at- gamethe edge’ played with counters or pieces’ (from Portuguese jogar ‘to play’)  congkah ~ jongkah ‘sticking out congkahat the point ~ jongkah or jagged ‘sticking at the edge’ out at thecorong point ~or jorong jagged ‘a at funnel’ the edge’  congkah ~ jongkah ‘sticking out at the point or jagged at the edge’  corong ~ jorong ‘a funnel’  corong ~ jorong ‘a funnel’  cuai ~ juai ‘of little account’ corong ~ jorong ‘a funnel’  cuai ~ juai ‘of little account’ cuai ~ juai ‘of little account’  curang ~ jurang ‘ravine’  cuai ~ juai ‘of little account’  curang ~ jurang ‘ravine’  curang ~ jurang ‘ravine’  kəracang ~ kərajang ‘gold foil’ curang ~ jurang ‘ravine’  kəracang ~ kərajang ‘gold foil’ kəracang ~ kərajang ‘gold foil’  picit ~ pijit ‘pinching, compression kəracang in the hand,~ kərajang a form ‘gold of massage’ foil’  picit ~ pijit ‘pinching, compression picit in the~ pijit hand, ‘pinching, a form ofcompression massage’ in the hand, a form of massage’ picit ~ pijit ‘pinching, compression in the hand, a form of massage’ The above examples lend support to the aforementioned hypothesis that fluctuation between voiced and voiceless The above examples lend support Theto the above afor ementionedexamples lend hypothesis support tothat theaffricates fluctuation aforementioned reflects between internal hypothesis voiced de velopmentsand thatThe v oicelessfluctuation above in examplesMalay, between which lend voiced may support includeand tovoiceless the interdialectical afor ementioned transmission hypothesis and that infrequent fluctuation between voiced and voiceless affricates reflects internal developmentsaffricates in Malay,reflects which internal may de velopmentsinclude interdialecticalusage in Malay, of the wordswhich transmission involvedmay include and. infrequentaffricates interdialectical reflects transmission internal developments and infrequent in Malay, which may include interdialectical transmission and infrequent usage of the words involved. usage of the words involved. usage of the words involved. Concluding remarks Concluding remarks Concluding remarks Abdullah bin Abdul Kadir was Concludinghardly exaggerating remarks when he insisted that the study of Tamil was a worthwhile Abdullah bin Abdul Kadir was hardlyAbdullah exaggerating bin Abdul when Kadir he was insisted hardly thatinvestme exaggerating the studynt in theof when Tamilmulti he- ethnicwas insisted a environmentworthwhileAbdullah that the studybin of Abdulhis of childhood Tamil Kadir was was. T woa hardlyworthwhile millennia exaggerating of intermittent when contacthe insisted between that Souththe study of Tamil was a worthwhile investment in the multi-ethnic environmentinvestment of in his the childhood multi-ethnic. Two environment millenniaIndia of andof intermittent his Maritime childhood contactSoutheast. Two between millennia Asiainvestme have South of leftntintermittent in a theconsidera multi contact-ethnicble and between environment lasting South lexical of hisimprint childhood. This .study Two millenniacalled attention of intermittent contact between South India and Maritime Southeast AsiaIndia have and left Maritime a considera Southeastble and lastingAsia have lexicalto someleft aimprint consideratentative. This Tamil,ble study and Malayā lasting calledIndia ḷattentionlexicalam and imprint Maritimeperhaps . T otherhis Southeast study Dravidian called Asia attentionhaveborrowings left a considera into WMPble languagesand lasting, ilexicalllustrating imprint . This study called attention to some tentative Tamil, Malayāḷtoam some and perhapstentative other Tamil, Dravidian Malayā ḷborrowingsam theand interconnectedness perhaps into WMPother Dravidian languages of the speechborrowings, itollustrating some communities tentative into WMP inhabitingTamil, languages Malayā both, iḷ llustratingamsides and of theperhaps Bay ofother Bengal. Dravidian To better borrowings understand into WMP languages, illustrating the interconnectedness of the speechthe communitiesinterconnectedness inhabiting of the both speech sides communities theseof the patterns Bay of inhabiting Bengal. of language T oboth better contact, sides understandthe of I interconnectedness havethe Bay made of Bengal.an effort ofT too the demonstratebetter speech understand communities why certain inhabiting loanwords both in WMP sides languagesof the Bay of Bengal. To better understand these patterns of language contact,these I have patterns made an of effortlanguage to demonstrate contact, I have canwhy madebe certain identified an loanwordseffort as to Dravidian demonstrate in WMP or theselanguages Dravidian why patterns certain -mediated loanwordsof language, whereas in contact, WMP others languages I have cannot. made In an doing effort so, to tdemonstratehe following why definable certain loanwords in WMP languages can be identified as Dravidian or Dravidiancan be identified-mediated as ,Dravidian whereas others or Dravidian cannot.(yet inconsistent)- mediatedIn doing so,, whereas tendencies the following others of soundcancannot. definable be changeidentified In doing in Malayasso, Dravidian the andfollowing other or Dravidian WMPdefinable languages- mediated have, whereas surfaced: others cannot. In doing so, the following definable (yet inconsistent) tendencies of sound(yet inconsistent)change in Malay tendencies and other of soundWMP changelanguages in Malay have surfaced: and other WMP(yet languages inconsistent) have tendencies surfaced: of sound change in Malay and other WMP languages have surfaced:  The monophthongisation of /ai/ to /i/ (also in inherited vocabulary), as evidenced in Malay pərigi ‘well,  The monophthongisation of /ai/ toThe /i/ (alsomonophthongis in inheritedation vocabulary) of /ai/ to, /i/as spring’(alsoevidenced in frominherited in MalayTamil vocabulary) pparigaiərigi ‘well, ,( ப쎿லகasThe evidenced monophthongis) ‘moat, in ditch;Malayation moundpərigi of /ai/‘well, within to /i/ (alsoa rampart’, in inherited kuali vocabulary) ‘wide-mouthed, as evidenced in Malay pərigi ‘well, spring’ from Tamil parigai (ப쎿லகspring’) ‘moat, from ditch;Tamil moundparigai within (ப쎿லக a cooking)rampart’, ‘moat,- pot’ditch; kuali from mound ‘wide kuva -mouthedwithinḷai (埁ேலள spring’a rampart’,) from‘wide kuali-Tamilmouthed ‘wide parigai vessel,-mouthed (ப쎿லக cup’ ) and‘moat, undi ditch; ‘lot, mounddie’ from within uṇḍ aai rampart’, kuali ‘wide-mouthed cooking-pot’ from kuvaḷai (埁ேலளcooking) ‘wide-pot’- mouthedfrom kuva vessel,ḷai (埁ேலள cup’ and(உ迍லட) ‘wide undi- mouthed) ‘lot,‘ball; die’ dice’. vessel, from ucup’ṇḍai cookingand undi-pot’ ‘lot, from die’ kuva fromḷai u(埁ேலளṇḍai ) ‘wide-mouthed vessel, cup’ and undi ‘lot, die’ from uṇḍai (உ迍லட) ‘ball; dice’. (உ迍லட) ‘ball; dice’.  The voicing of word-initial /k/ to( உ迍லட/g/, as evidenced) ‘ball; dice’. in Malay gadai ‘pledging, pawning, mortgaging’ from  The voicing of word-initial /k/ to /g/,The as voicing evidenced of word in Malay-initial g a/k/dai to ‘pledging, /g/, asTamil evidenced pawning, kaḍai in(கலட Malaymortgaging’) ‘shop, gadai bazaar, from‘pledging, The market’ voicing pawning,, ofgundik word mortgaging’ -‘secondaryinitial /k/ from to wife’ /g/, as from evidenced koṇḍi (inசகா迍羿 Malay g) a‘prostitute,dai ‘pledging, pawning, mortgaging’ from Tamil kaḍai (கலட) ‘shop, bazaar,Tamil market’ kaḍ, aigundik (கலட ‘secondary) ‘shop, bazaar, wife’ market’ fromconcubine’, ko, ṇḍgundiki ( சகா迍羿gulai ‘secondary ‘wet) ‘prostitute,-currying; wife’ Tamilfrom currying kokaṇḍḍai iin (( சகா迍羿கலடrich highly) ‘shop,) ‘prostitute,-spiced bazaar, sauce’ market’ from, gundik kuḻai ‘secondary(埁லை) ‘to wife’become from koṇḍi (சகா迍羿) ‘prostitute, concubine’, gulai ‘wet-currying; concubine’,currying in richgulai highly ‘wet--currying;spiced sauce’ curryingsoft from, mashy, in ku richḻai pulpy,(highly埁லை as-)spiced ‘towell become- cooked’sauce’concubine’, from and gkuərgajiḻ aigulai (埁லை ‘a ‘wetsaw,) -‘to currying;to saw’become from currying Sanskrit in richkrakaca highly ‘a- spicedsaw’. sauce’ from kuḻai (埁லை) ‘to become soft, mashy, pulpy, as well-cooked’soft and, mashy, gərgaji pulpy, ‘a saw, as wellto saw’-cooked’ from SanskritandThe g əinsertionrgaji Detectingkrakaca ‘a saw,of ‘aa pre-modern wordtosaw’. saw’- medial from lexical softhomorganicSanskrit, mashy,influence krakaca pulpy,nasal, from ‘a typicallyas saw’.South well -Indiacooked’ before geminatedand gərgaji87 consonants, ‘a saw, to saw’as evidenced from Sanskrit krakaca ‘a saw’.  The insertion of a word-medial homorganicThe insertion nasal, of a typically word-medial before homorganic geminatedin Malay nasal,consonants, banci typically ‘adze’ as evidencedbeforefrom TamilgeminatedThe vācciinsertion consonants, (ோ母殿 of a) word id., as contoh- medialevidenced ‘sample,homorganic model, nasal, specimen’ typically frombefore cauttu geminated consonants, as evidenced in Malay banci ‘adze’ from Tamilin Malayvācci ( ோ母殿banci )‘adze’ id., contoh from Tamil‘sample, vācci(சசௌ鏍鏁 model, (ோ母殿 )specimen’ ‘pattern, “pattern,) id., contoh sample, from sample, ‘sample,cauttu model’ model,”in Malay,model, kəm əkəməndikaibancindikai specimen’ ‘adze’ from from kommafromfrom cauttu Tamilkommaṭṭikkāyṭṭikkāy vācci (சகா믍ம翍羿埍கா뿍 (ோ母殿 ) id., contoh) ‘unripe ‘sample, water model, specimen’ from cauttu (சசௌ鏍鏁) ‘pattern, sample, model’(சசௌ鏍鏁, kəməndikai) ‘pattern, from sample, komma model’ṭṭikkāy, k((melonசகா믍ம翍羿埍கா뿍əməndikai’ and sfroməntə rikomma) ‘seminarist;“unripe‘unripeṭṭikkāy water water divinity( சசௌ鏍鏁( சகா믍ம翍羿埍கா뿍 melon” student’) ‘pattern, and səntəri from )sample, ‘unripe cāttiri “seminarist; model’ (waterசா鏍鎿쎿 , k) divinity ə‘oneməndikai versed from in the komma sāstras,ṭṭikkāy learne (dசகா믍ம翍羿埍கா뿍 ) ‘unripe water melon’ and səntəri ‘seminarist; divinitymelon ’student’ and sənt froməri ‘seminarist; cāttiri (சா鏍鎿쎿 divinity) ‘onestudent”man; student’ versed a title, from fromin especially the cāttiri cāttiri sāstra of(s,சா鏍鎿쎿 learnesmārta)melond ‘one “onebrāhmins’ versed’ versedand .s əinnt intheəri the sāstra‘seminarist; sāstras, learnes, learneddivinityd student’man; from cāttiri (சா鏍鎿쎿) ‘one versed in the sāstras, learned man; a title, especially of smārta brāhmins’man; a title,. especially of smārta brāhmins’ aThe title, addition. especially of word of -smārtafinal /h/, brāhmins man;as evidenced a title,.” especially in Malay of contoh smārta ‘sample, brāhmins’ model,. specimen’ from Tamil  The addition of word-final /h/, asThe evidenced addition in of Malay word -contohfinal /h/, ‘sample, as –evidenced–Thecauttu model, addition ( சசௌ鏍鏁in specimen’ Malay of )word-final contoh‘pattern, from ‘sample,Tamil  sample, /h/,The as model, addition model’evidenced specimen’, ofjodoh word in ‘twin- Malayfinalfrom- contohsoul,/h/,Tamil as affinity, evidenced “sample, second in Malay self, contohmatch’ ‘sample,from a model, specimen’ from Tamil cauttu (சசௌ鏍鏁) ‘pattern, sample,cauttu model’ (சசௌ鏍鏁, jodoh) ‘pattern,‘twin-soul, sample, affinity, model,model’ second, specimen” jodoh self, ‘twin match’ from-soul, Tamilfrom affinity, cauttuacauttu second (சசௌ鏍鏁 self,)) “pattern,‘pattern,match’ from sample,sample, a model,”model’, jodoh ‘twin-soul, affinity, second self, match’ from a jodoh “twin-soul, affinity, second self, match” from a Dravidian reflex of jōḍu “a pair, a couple” and kuncah “bale, bundle” from Sanskrit 18 guñjā “a bunch, bundle, cluster18 of blossoms.” 18 18

It was further argued that the voicing of intervocalic consonants and the devoicing of word-initial consonants, observed in Indo-Aryan loanwords adopted into Malay, cannot be unambiguously associated with Dravidian intermediacy; this process partly reflects internal developments within Malay, predominantly attested in affricates. On the other hand, I contend that proto-WMP *paRigi “artificially enclosed catchment for water: well, ditch,” *surambiq ~ *surambi “extension to house” and proto-Malayo-Polynesian *badiq “dagger” and *panay “dish, bowl (of clay or wood)” were in fact early South Indian borrowings, rather than inherited forms. While this study provides an overview of the remarkably scattered earlier scholarship and postulates a number of new etymologies, it does not claim to present a comprehensive list of Dravidian loanwords in Southeast Asia. For the Malay language, Jones (2007) remains the best resource. Tamil and Malayāḷam loanwords restricted to specific regions, such as North Sumatra, Java or the Malay Peninsula, merit a more extensive research beyond the constraints of this paper. Of equally keen interest is the introduction of Persian and Arabic loanwords into Southeast Asia and the plausible role played by Indian speech communities in this process.

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