View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Hochschulschriftenserver - Universität Frankfurt am Main On the morphosyntax of (anti-)causative verbs Artemis Alexiadou1 Universität Stuttgart
[email protected] 1. Setting the stage As is well known, in many languages change of state verbs participate in the so called (anti-) causative alternation; this is illustrated in (1) with an English example. Such verbs permit both transitive/causative and intransitive/anticausative construals: (1) a. John broke the window Causative b. The window broke Anticausative2 The paradigm in (1) has been the subject of much discussion in linguistic theory, as its existence raises a number of intriguing questions. In this paper, I address three of them. The first question is whether we are actually dealing with a causative formation or a detransitivization process. Both views have been proposed in the literature: proponents of the causative formation approach claim that the intransitive form is basic (e.g. Dowty 1979; Pesetsky 1995 and others), while proponents of the detransitivization process claim that it is the transitive that is basic, and intransitive one is derived (e.g. Levin & Rappaport Hovav 1995, Chierchia 1989, Reinhart 2000 and others). Recently, a third proposal has been advanced, namely that the two alternates do not stand in a derivational relationship (Alexiadou & al. 2006, Doron 2003). The second question concerns the morphological form of the alternation, namely whether morphological marking plays a role in determining the directionality of the derivation. Derivational approaches typically assume an iconic reasoning; the derived form is expected to be morphologically marked.