Highlighting Unity: Two Approaches to Non-Sectarianism in Twentieth Century Tibet
Adam Pearcey
In the late 19th and early 20th centuries there were attempts – apparently connected with the so-called “Ris med Movement” – to strengthen the scholastic traditions of non- dGe lugs schools in Eastern Tibet. These efforts included the establishment of dozens of scriptural colleges (bshad grwa) throughout the region, and the printing and dissemination of works by the Sa skya scholar, Go rams pa bSod nams seng ge (1429– 1489) and the Nyingma polymath, ’Ju Mi pham (1846–1912). The texts of these two influential philosophers, complete with their notorious criticisms of mainstream dGe lugs pa thought, came to represent the orthodox viewpoint for followers of their respective traditions within many newly founded scriptural colleges. These developments were not without controversy, however, and inspired much debate and polemical exchange. In commenting upon this period and its key figures, some modern scholars have questioned how the strengthening and promotion of individual philosophical traditions could be regarded as non-sectarian. Yet, in spite of this, there is no question that ’Ju Mi pham and the publishers of Go rams pa’s writings continue to be associated with the Ris med ideal. In this paper I will explore the views of two writers who took a different approach to inter-sectarian (and intra-sectarian) discourse during this same period of Tibetan history and who both lived in the mGo log region of Eastern Tibet. These authors aimed less at differentiating and strengthening rival doctrines, and more at highlighting their underlying unity or compatibility. The Third rDo grub chen, ’Jigs med bstan pa'i nyi ma (1865–1926), is known for his comparative writings on elements of gSar ma and rNying ma tantra, in the course of which he repeatedly asserts the correspondence of the subtle mind of clear light (’od gsal; prabhāsvara) described in Highest Yoga Tantra and the pure awareness (rig pa) of rDzogs chen. Unlike Mi pham and his followers, ’Jigs med bstan pa'i nyi ma claimed that the principal difference between rDzogs chen and gSar ma tantra lies in the methods they employ, rather than their respective views. And although encouraged by Mi pham to promote the rNying ma school, he neither made use of Mi pham’s distinctive terminology nor echoed his key assertions. While ’Jigs med bstan pa’i nyi ma maintains the superiority of Atiyoga and thus proposes an inclusivist, hierarchical model of the various vehicles, his rDzogs chen writings are notable for their emphasis on commonality as well as difference. mDo sngags chos kyi rgya mtsho (1903–1957) was a dGe lugs pa lama from dPal sNyan mo Monastery in mGo log, who drew inspiration from ’Jigs med bstan pa’i nyi ma and his immediate disciples. In his writings he explicitly sought to heal sectarian division by uniting rNying ma views on rDzogs chen, especially those expressed in the works of Klong chen rab ’byams (1308–1364) and Rong zom Chos kyi bzang po (1012–1088), with the views on Highest Yoga tantra set out by Tsong kha pa Blo bzang grags pa (1357–1419). These syncretistic appeals to unity are in marked contrast not only to the distinguishing approach taken by the likes of ’Ju Mi pham and Bod pa sprul sku bsTan pa’i nyi ma (1898–1959), but also to the more exclusivist tendencies prevalent within the dGe lugs pa school – as witnessed, for example, in the infamous letters of Pha bong kha pa bDe chen snying po (1878–1941 Through this brief examination, I will suggest that the approach of strengthening scholastic traditions and highlighting their uniqueness may have actually served to increase intersectarian rivalry and conflict. Although the more ecumenical approaches discussed in the paper had only limited influence, they represent significant ideological opposition to dominant trends, especially as rival claimants to the loaded term “non-sectarian” (ris med). While Tibetan Buddhism has tended in recent years towards sectarian differentiation, with religious leaders concentrating their efforts on preserving and re-establishing their own traditions in exile, the Fourteenth Dalai Lama has often attempted to highlight the underlying unity of the major schools. And, in so doing, he has drawn upon the very writings discussed in this paper. In conclusion, then, I will suggest that there is a broader significance to this 20th century debate. It certainty represents an intriguing case of ‘intra-religious dialogue’, but it also raises perennial questions, both for Tibet and more generally, such as: What does it mean to be truly non-sectarian?
Legal ideology in medieval Tibet
Fernanda Pirie
This presentation traces the account given by medieval Tibetan historians about the introduction of law into Tibet, that is, accounts found in histories written between the end of the empire and the beginning of the Ganden Podrang government. A relatively consistent story emerged concerning the introduction of the ‘king’s law’ (rgyal khrims) by the early emperors (Songtsan Gampo or Tri Song Detsen), which can be traced back to the Old Tibetan Chronicle. However, the nature of that law and its relations with the ‘religious law’ (chos khrims) were not always presented in the same way. This paper will describe and analyse the way in which the presentation changed during the period. It will ask whether any of the changes can be attributed to contemporary political or religious events, and whether we can see the development of a more Buddhist account, from which references to the death penalty were, for example, excised. It will also explore the possible influence of this ideology on legal practices and writing during the period.
A Feast for the Learned: The Power of Genre and Genres of Power in Research Collaborations Among Scholars of Tibetan Buddhism
Annabella Pitkin
Academic research on Tibetan Buddhist topics often involves collaboration between researchers trained in non-Buddhist academic settings and Tibetan Buddhist intellectuals trained in Buddhist educational institutions. Especially where academic research involves oral history, shared study, joint translation efforts, and other collaborative research with living Tibetan religious scholars and experts, urgent issues of power, mutual intelligibility, and representation come into play. Based on an ongoing research project involving scholars and religious intellectuals from multiple backgrounds and intellectual formations, this paper argues for discussing genre (of written and spoken work) as a key location for exploring collaboration and difference in scholarly projects, for asking how different styles of intervention are received, and for illuminating questions of power and authority. I explore here possible "principles and conditions required" for scholarly conversations that include Tibetan religious intellectuals, secular intellectuals, and scholars trained in contemporary international forms of academic study, in a context of mutuality and collaboration. This kind of scholarly engagement offers an alternative to approaching traditional holders of Tibetan Buddhist expertise (including monastics, lay teachers, retreat meditators, yogic practitioners, authors of Tibetan commentarial and interpretive works, etc.) as "informants,” rather than experts trained in distinctive intellectual traditions. Collaborative scholarly conversation and mutual engagement emerge amidst multiple factors. Some considerations are structural: who has funding, and of what kind; what kinds of publications or other research outcomes scholars with different social locations want, or need; which languages are used for research and publication, etc. Other considerations are philosophical, with political and ethical implications. Whose work, and what genres of work in particular, are framed as scholarly interventions, rather than other kinds of cultural products? What assumptions about authority and expertise are at play in these questions of genre? I examine several modes of scholarly conversation, from a variety of institutional settings and genres of written or orally presented work, including models drawn from Tibetan systems of lineage formation and training; models drawn from the natural sciences; and models of scholarly interaction rooted in artistic practice.
Wildlife Conservation in the Himalyan Borderlands: An investigation of the Shagya Agreement
Nadine Plachta
In this presentation, I examine how the Tsumpa, a community in Nepal’s northern borderlands, perceive, narrate, and interact with the natural environment, in particular with livestock and non-domesticated animals. In April 2012, the Nepalese Prime Minister Baburam Bhattarai visited the region to take part in a “Tsum Valley Cultural Shagya Festival.” The main purpose of the three-day event was to spread the Buddhist moral precept of non-violence by revitalizing an agreement dating back to the Bhutanese Drukpa Rinpoche Ngawang Palsang, who is known for highlighting the nature of human-animal relationships. Formulated by Drakar Taso Tulku Tenzin Norbu, the Shagya Agreement since 1939 has been prohibiting the killing of any animal in Tsum, a regulation that is more precisely defined to include any form of slaughter, hunting, poaching, and even trading animals to a place beyond the region where they would face certain death. The initial text has undergone several amendments, with the most recent changes taking place in 2012, an event reported by national broadcast and print media. In combining oral historical narratives with a study of the existing Shagya documents, I accentuate the factors which helped in shaping the agreements in their Tibetan and Nepali versions. These include, for example, the Khampa guerillas' presence in Tsum and later the establishment of a police post in the valley.
The translation of the Rgyud bzhi analysed from a historical point of view
Florian Ploberger
The Rgyud bzhi is considered the most important text of Tibetan Medicine. Since the 13th century the Rgyud bzhi, also known as the “Four Tantras”, has been the basic traditional text and it continues to be learned by heart by aspiring Tibetan physicians. According to Tibetan tradition the current version of this text is attributed to G.yu thog gsar ma Yon tan mgon po (twelfth century). The German translation is based on a copy of a wooden print block of the Rgyud bzhi, which originates from 1892 and is known under the name of “Lcags ri (Iron Hill) wooden print”. In analysing and translating the Rgyud bzhi certain aspects have emerged with potential importance for the future development of Tibetan Medicine in the 21st century. Analysis and correct translation of the Rgyud bzhi is only possible by using the commentaries which have been created during the last centuries. It is noticeable that the authors of various commentaries of the Rgyud bzhi have interpreted and thus also commented in a different way in some cases. This illustrates how the understanding of the “Four Tantras” has been influenced in history. Commentaries used for analysis mainly are the following: (1) „Blue Beryl“ of the Regent of the 5th Dalai Lama, important politician, historian and medical writer Desi Sangye Gyatso (1653-1705) (Gso ba rig pa'i bstan bcos sman bla'i dgongs rgyan rgyud bzhi'i gsal byed baidur sngon po'i malli ka), (2) the commentary by Kyempa Tsewang (skyem pa tshe dbang) (written 1479): mkhas dbang skyem pa tshe dbang mchog gis mdzad pa'i rgyud bzhi'i 'grel pa and (3) the most important Rgyud bzhi commentary of the last century, the “Oral Instructions of the Sages” by Khenpo Troru Tsenam (1928- 2004) (Gso rig rgyud bzhi'i 'grel chen drang srong zhal lung). A second aspect to be considered is the terminology used in the Rgyud bzhi.To begin with, many Tibetan medical terms in available literature, like various pulse qualities, syndromes and anatomical terms, have not been translated consistently and are interpreted differently in different commentaries. Terms in the 1st, 2nd and 4th Tantra of the Rgyud bzhi are described differently in some cases, for example dbugs mi bde ba (“asthma”) and srin (“tiny organism”). In particular the analysis of these seemingly less important terms provides a deeper understanding of the Tibetan culture as well as broadening knowledge about translations of Tibetan medical texts. Western, biomedical terms were not used in the German translation. Instead, such terms were translated literally or in an explanatory way. Tibetan diseases are precisely described by relevant causes, diagnostic methods including urine and pulse diagnoses, symptoms, even subgroups in many cases, etc. The fact that there are correlations with Western medical syndromes in some parts does not mean that they are identical. The translation would be highly simplified and would not live up to both systems if obvious but not accurate translations are used. Another challenge of translating Tibetan medical terms is the fact that the Rgyud bzhi is written originally in verse form. Due to its verse form, various text parts are missing grammatically important syllables or parts of sentences which are needed for translating and expounding the meaning accurately. This makes translation difficult and requires additional commentaries. Furthermore, many old Tibetan terms from the 13th century are included in the Rgyud bzhi, which are no longer used in the language spoken today and are not found in modern dictionaries. Finally, while Tibetan Medicine is already increasingly popular outside Asia, the analysis of the translation of the Rgyud bzhi shows the importance of engaging experts in international as well as interdisciplinary dialogue, to prepare Tibetan Medicine for meeting the challenges of the next centuries. Like Traditional Chinese Medicine, Tibetan Medicine may benefit from reliable translations into foreign languages and the development of a unified nomenclature of Tibetan Medicine. Thorough interdisciplinary studies of Tibetan Medicine, defining unified English and German translations of the numerous medical terms could enable a standard dictionary to be published. A consistent translation would open this treasure to a wider audience.
The Life of the Buddha on the door of the Alchi Dukhang – iconography and art- historical considerations
Heinrich Poell
After Second Diffusion and throughout the mediaeval period, Ladakhi artists have depicted the Buddha’s life story in murals and woodcarving. One of the earliest extant examples for this can be found on the ca. late 12th c. portal of the Dukhang in Alchi. The woodcarvings of the Dukhang doorframe in Alchi depict the life of the Buddha in 28 scenes, from the sojourn in the Tushita heaven to the parinirvana; this life cycle is comprised in a complex composition of Jinas, Bodhisattvas, sacrificial goddesses and Buddhas in various mudras, presided over by Prajnaparamita. The doorframe itself is integrated into the wood architecture of the temple façade (now only partially preserved), and reflects and contributes to the overall iconographic programme of Dukhang. On the basis of a comprehensive photographic documentation, the paper will analyse the iconography of the life cycle, and the stylistic influences that can be identified in the various scenes. It will be shown that the Buddha life on the Dukhang door has drawn on artistic conventions, iconographic models and textual sources from the Indian plains art and Buddhist traditions. Individual scenes of the life cycle show Indian material culture (a.o. in Shakyamuni’s wedding ceremony), the dynamism of (post-)Gupta sculptural styles, Kushan iconographic conventions (such as raised arms to indicate grief), and “Greek” decorative patterns that might have been taken from Sarnath. However, Indian art never produced a complete depiction of the Buddha life that could have been used as a model for the carvings on the Dukhang door. At the time of the creation of the Dukhang portal, Eastern Indian art used the astha-maha- pratiharya iconography, which abbreviated the life story to the four cardinal events of Birth, Enlightenment, First Sermon and Parinirvana, plus four miracle scenes. These artworks were certainly known to Ladakhis from pilgrimage to the holy sites of Buddhism in Bihar, but Ladakhi artists never followed this iconography. By contrast, the Dukhang life story emphasizes the ‘human’ life of Shakyamuni, showing numerous pre-Enlightenment scenes, while omitting the ‘superhuman’ miracles (such as the Miracle of Twins and the Descent from Heaven) at Sankara. Depictions of the Buddha's biography in Ladakh must therefore be seen as an artistic innovation that emerged in the Western Tibetan area from the 10th c. onwards. This is reflected in numerous details of the Dukhang carvings for which no Indian models exist.
The Bumthang web: migrations, alliances, economy and religion.
Françoise Pommaret
The importance and beauty of the Bumthang region in Bhutan is acknowleged by all the Bhutanese as well as in Tibetan historiography. This article would like to go beyond that accepted knowledge and explore how the Bumthang region is at the centre of a web which was constructed, consciously or unconsciously, at least since the 15th century and encompassed most of Bhutan except the western region. This reach and influence of the Bumthang region was achieved through migrations, either temporary or permanent to other regions, religious lineages, economic complementarity and alliances within the elite families of religious descent. The regions encompassed in this sphere of influence go from eastern Bhutan to central and south central Bhutan, as far west as the Black Mountains, the historical border between west and east Bhutan. Through written sources, fieldwork data, oral information and genealogies, we will be able to draw a map showing the extension of this web and really articulate why the Bumthang region played a central role in the cultural as well as socio-economic history of Bhutan.
The Seventeenth Karmapa and Bhikshuni Ordination
Darcie Price-Wallace
The issue of nuns’ ordination within the Tibetan Buddhist tradition recently has been reconsidered by the Seventeenth Karmapa, Orgyen Thinley Dorje. This paper will question the contemporary aspects of this issue of ordination as it pertains to the Seventeenth Karmapa’s recent decision to initiate the process towards full ordination for nuns and the potential historical questions his involvement raises for both narrating the past and the future of Tibetan nuns. According to the Seventeenth Karmapa, one of his predecessors, the Eighth Karmapa, Karma Mikyö Dorje (1507-1554), fully ordained bhikshunis. On January 8, 2015 at the Arya Kshema Winter Gathering in Bodh Gaya, India the Seventeenth Karmapa noted that in Eighth Karmapa’s collection of vinaya rituals it states that the bhikshu sangha is able to confer bhikshuni vows; he further states, “When we look at the activity of this previous Karmapa, he also put a lot of effort into supporting and reviving the nuns’ communities in general.” The Seventeenth Karmapa asserts that it was potentially only the Eighth Karmapa who made such alterations for bhikshuni ordination. His poignant statements are significant for several reasons. Firstly, it further challenges the grand narrative of a broken lineage of fully ordained nuns in Tibet (Dan Martin, 2005: 72). Secondly, it further situates him as the emerging leader for the exile community. Thirdly, it suggests that bhikshus could potentially confer full ordination in way that is not inconsistent with previous religious leaders within the Tibetan tradition. Additional references for figures providing ordination to women solely via the bhikshu sangha include figures such as Bodong Chogle Namgyal and Shakya Chogden (Diemberger, 2007: 133-134). Tashi Tsering references both the Uttaragrantha and the Vinayasūtra in which the bhikshuni ordination is conferred via the bhikshu rite; however, it is noted that those who perform ordination in this manner will incur infractions (Tashi Tsering, 2010: 171, 178). Thus, this method is not only somewhat controversial, but also previously attempted by other figures in addition to the Eighth Karmapa. This paper also aims to historicize and contextualize the Seventeenth Karmapa’s comments through understanding how the Eighth Karmapa was influenced by Bodong Chogle Namgyal (1376-1451), in particular in light of the fact that he conferred full ordination to Chokyi Dronma; and, determining if there is a correlation between her ordination and Shakya Chogden’s (1428-1507) ordaining women. Additionally, this paper will contextualize the relevance of the Seventeenth Karmapa’s recent assertion that the Eighth Karmapa ordained women. What, if any, is the correlation between the changing dynamics of the relationship between the Bodongpa and Ngawang Lobsang Gyatso, the Fifth Dalai Lama (1617-1682) and hegemony of Gelugpa school in the fifteenth century and Fifth Dalai Lama’s stance on ordination? For instance, his biography frequently references conferring novice vows to nuns; yet other sources suggest that he was against ordination all together (Tashi Tsering and Philippa Russell, 1986: 29). What were the political and social contexts for such changes? How are these continuing into present day in light of the Seventeenth Karmapa’s stance and movement forward on the issue of full ordination for nuns? The Seventeenth Karmapa will be potentially conferring this initial ordination in January 2016. Whether this historical event manifests and how it comes to fruition is in motion and will be carefully regarded by bhikshunis. The working thesis that this paper aims to put forth is that by asserting an affiliation between the Eighth Karmapa and his role in potentially fully ordaining nuns not only legitimates the Karmapa’s place in further doing so, but also his suggestion regarding dual ordination could be a potential political move to ameliorate and strengthen the dynamics with the PRC in years to come. Does he aim to conduct the dual ordination with a nunnery in China? By using the rite of ordination he reverses the potential moves of the Fifth Dalai Lama who perhaps demoted ordination as means for unification and the Seventeenth Karmapa may insist on dual ordination not only to concretize an unbroken lineage for fully ordained Tibetan nuns, but also as a strategic political move. Therefore, while this rite may confer certain legitimacy for nuns, it may also be a move to cut across nationalist platforms that the Dalai Lama has been unable to address due to his desires to maintain the infrastructure of the exile community. While the Seventeenth Karmapa references the Eighth Karmapa’s revision of the vinaya in which only bhikshus ordain bhikshunis, he then also proposes a dual ordination with nuns from the Dharmagupta lineage. Thus, what are the ramifications for either choice? What is the necessity for an unbroken lineage and what purpose does it serve politically and socially? What potential will this ordination create for nuns living in exile as compared to nuns living in the Tibetan Autonomous Region?
Ritual paraphernalia used by pawo and neyjorma spirit mediums in rural western Bhutan
Johanna Prien
This paper is based upon field research conducted from January to June 2015 and January to March 2016, during which time I stayed with a group of four female neyjorma and one male pawo spirit mediums in the rural area of Gaselo, western Bhutan. During my fieldwork, I was able to gain a holistic overview of the lives and practices of these ritual specialists, who serve not only individual clients and households, but also entire village communities. Ritual specialists who operate oustside of institutional contexts (e.g. Buddhism) are often classified according to the rites they perform and the terms used to desginate them. However, the paraphernalia they employ are often neglected in attempts to classify and understand them. Concerning the neyjorma and pawo of my research area, certain garments and ritual objects are needed to perform their rituals. Accoutrements such as drums and bells are one part of this. Often it is important to wear new or expensive clothes. Additionally, an altar is prepared with offerings which can be made out of consumable ingredients, including rice, alcohol, butter and pork. All aspects of the paraphernalia have to be regarded within the overall cosmology contextualising these ritual specialists and their practices and how this is articulated in the local research context. This has to include investigation of ontological status of persons, animals and deities or spirits involved, notions of causality, expressions of states we analytically term ‘possession’ and/ or ‘embodiment’, qualities and rankings of substances, symbolic values, and so on. Within a research focus on local ritual specialists across the wider Tibetan Cultural Area, the literature available for Bhutan is very scarce and often superficial for such a complex ethno-linguistic environment. Thus, my contribution presents data on ritual paraphernalia together with general information on the work and life of ritual specialists in western Bhutan, and comparisons with the material culture of ritual from elsewhere in the Tibetan Cultural Area.
Allagories of Kingship: Animal motifs in banquet ware of the Tibetan Empire
David Pritzker
Despite the strong commitment in Tibetan toreutics to animal imagery over that of figural or textual scenes (as was common in Sasanian art), there is an enormous amount of allegorical narrative imbued within the animal and floral motifs which have been freely adapted to meet the tastes of the royal Tibetan patrons. The animal figures not only work in concert with each other: interacting, playing, dancing, chasing each other, and so forth, but are also individually filled with emotive meanings, the combination of which can often result in significant allegorical narratives. As in the art of the Sasanian Empire, where the pictorial display of kingship through hunts, banquets and investiture scenes is filled with motifs and topoi central to the culture’s ideas of power and divinity, so does the animal imagery in Tibetan toreutics convey relevant information as to the social, cultural, and historical significance of the objects. Defining the early toreutic art of Imperial Tibet is not a clear-cut task. Due to the paucity of textual material, little is known of the social atmosphere, or rather the social life of the object. Through a close study of form, function, technical execution, iconography, and patterns of décor, particular trends in the visual language become clearer and seemingly disparate objects may then begin to take on more precise attributions with regard to craftsmanship, origin, patronage, iconography, and relative dating. In order to push the field forward it seems worthwhile, therefore, to expand the tools of deduction and allow for a new hypotheses to be tested against the whole. It is in this spirit that this preliminary theory on the allegories found in Old Tibetan silver and gold will be presented, with the hope to provoke further conversations on the rich material culture of the Royal Court of Tibet.
Barley-and-butter goats for the mountain gods: rejection and adaptation of red offerings in eastern Amdo
Valentina Punzi
This paper explores the now dismissed practice of animal sacrifices (dmar mchod) dedicated to mountain gods in the Amdo region. Based on extracts from local written sources and oral accounts that bear witness to this tradition in Reb-gong and rTse-khog Counties, I will first elucidate how and why until the recent past libations of alive and dead animals, meat and blood were offered and burnt on various occasions by different parties, showing the intertwinement of religious and social purposes in the community life. Previous studies mentioning animal sacrifices mainly refer to those performed during the Klu-rol festival in Reb-gong and provide different dates for their interruption, ranging between the 1980s (mKhar-rtse-rgyal 2008:284-9 and 416; Nagano 2000:584) and the early 1990s (Buffetrille 2008:41). However, Epstein and Peng maintained that animal sacrifices were already halted by Rdzong-dkar sprul-sku of Rong-bo monastery in the mid-1940s (1998: 184). However, we can further predate the discussion about limiting animal sacrifices in Amdoto the nineteenth century. Drawing on textual sources, I will discuss the early condemnation of animal sacrifices in the text in Zhabs-dkar-pa’s (1781-1851) autobiographic text Chos bshad gzhan phan nyi ma and in the text Dmar mchod kyi nyes dmigs, authored by Rig dzin gar gyi dbang phyug (1858-1930). Nowadays, following the abandonment of this traditional ritual offering, Buddhist lay and cleric discourses label animal sacrifices as an inappropriate and cruel pre-Buddhist practice and consider it nothing but a reflection of the darkness and barbarianism of Bon, thus reinforcing negative demonizing stereotypes about Bon in general. By examining this ritual practice in historical perspective, as included in but not limited to Klu-rol, this paper will further introduce oral accounts about animal sacrifices that were commonly performed for mountain gods in areas where Klu-rol was never celebrated. By tracing back the relatively recent decay of this practice, I will reflect on the contemporary persistence of animal sacrifices in revisited forms. Red offerings indeed shifted to the imitative level of barley-dough made figures of sheep and goats that continue to be a constituent part of offerings to mountain gods. In addiction, the original offering of animal killing has been in some cases substituted by animal freeing, following the consolidated Buddhist practice of tshe-thar. In particular, I will present examples of real size barley-dough sheep from the contemporary performance of Klu-rol in Sgo- dmar village (Reb-gong County); gtor-ma with impressed animal figures made for the mountain god A-myes Brag-dkar in Rtse-khog; alive chickens freed on the top of A-myes Bar-dbon mountain. Frontier Lamas and Monastic Networks in the Himalayan Borderlands
Andrew Quintman
This paper considers how a leading institution of the Himalayan borderlands—Brag dkar rta so Monastery, situated along the Mang yul Gung thang corridor—became the site of significant religious preservation, innovation, and transmission, and thereby exercised a widespread and enduring influence on the region’s religious traditions. The paper contends that it did so not despite its location at the outer limits of Central Tibetan authority, but precisely due to its presence in a frontier zone of contact with Nepal. Following Richard Sullivan’s notion of “monk as frontiersman,” the paper explores the role of Brag dkar rta so’s abbots, many of whom were also members of the so-called Brag dkar sprul sku lineage, as agents capable of creating a new institutional identity on the margins of state control while forming institutional links across and beyond those margins. The paper draws mainly on the text A History of Drakar Taso and its Abbatial Lineage (Brag dkar rta so’i gnas dang gdan rabs bla ma brgyud pa’i lo rgyus) written by the institution’s leader Chos kyi dbang phyug (1775-1837) in 1817. Through a careful reading of this work, Brag dkar rta appears as a monastery self-consciously set on the edge of the Tibetan cultural world, yet one that assumed a central position within a broad trans-Himalayan network of religious activity.