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Structural Survey Adaptive reuse of industrial heritage for cultural purposes in , and Jie Chen, Bruce Judd, Scott Hawken, Article information: To cite this document: Jie Chen, Bruce Judd, Scott Hawken, (2016) "Adaptive reuse of industrial heritage for cultural purposes in Beijing, Shanghai and Chongqing", Structural Survey, Vol. 34 Issue: 4/5, pp.331-350, https://doi.org/10.1108/SS-11-2015-0052 Permanent link to this document: https://doi.org/10.1108/SS-11-2015-0052 Downloaded on: 26 April 2018, At: 18:22 (PT) References: this document contains references to 50 other documents. To copy this document: [email protected] The fulltext of this document has been downloaded 574 times since 2016* Users who downloaded this article also downloaded: (2011),"Adaptive reuse of heritage buildings", Structural Survey, Vol. 29 Iss 5 pp. 411-421 https://doi.org/10.1108/02630801111182439 (2007),"Adaptive reuse and sustainability of commercial buildings", Facilities, Vol. 25 Iss 1/2 pp. 20-31 https://doi.org/10.1108/02632770710716911

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Adaptive Adaptive reuse of industrial reuse of heritage for cultural purposes in industrial Beijing, Shanghai and Chongqing heritage Jie Chen, Bruce Judd and Scott Hawken 331 Faculty of the Built Environment, Received 29 November 2015 of , , Revised1March2016 Accepted 17 May 2016 Abstract Purpose – With the dramatic transformation of ’s industrial landscape, since the late 1990s, adaptive reuse of industrial heritage for cultural purposes has become a widely occurring phenomenon in major Chinese . The existing literature mainly focusses on specific cases, yet sees heritage conservation similarly at both national and regional scale and rarely identifies the main factors behind the production of China’s industrial-heritage reuse. The purpose of this paper is to examine the differences in heritage reuse outcomes among three Chinese mega-cities and explore the driving factors influencing the differences. Design/methodology/approach – This paper compares selected industrial-heritage cultural precincts in Beijing, Shanghai and Chongqing, and explores the local intervening factors influencing differences in their reuse patterns, including the history of industrial development, the availability of the nineteenth and/or twentieth century industrial buildings, the existence of cultural capital and the prevalence of supportive regional government policy. Findings – The industrial-heritage reuse in the three cities is highly regional. In Beijing, the adaptation of industrial heritage has resulted from the activities of large-scale communities and the local government’s promotion of the ’s cultural influence; while in Shanghai, successful and more commercially oriented “sea culture” , private developers in creative industries and the “creative industry cluster” policy make important contributions. Chongqing in contrast, is still at the early stage of heritage conservation, as demonstrated by its adaptive reuse outcomes. Considering its less-developed local cultural economy, Chongqing needs to adopt a broader range of development strategies. Originality/value – The paper contributes to knowledge by revealing that the production of industrial-heritage cultural precincts in Chinese mega-cities is influenced by regional level factors, including the types of industrial heritage, the spontaneous participation of artist communities and the Downloaded by UNSW Library At 18:22 26 April 2018 (PT) encouragement of cultural policy. Keywords Local context, Adaptive reuse, Chinese mega-city, Cultural precinct, Industrial heritage Paper type Case study

1. Introduction The specific industrial development histories of Chinese mega-cities have left them with a variety and depth of industrial heritage. Modern industrial development commenced in China after the 1840 Opium War with Britain. Industry continued to develop according to Chinese socialist production policies after the founding of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 1949. By the end of the 1950s private ownership had been largely eliminated in favour of state-owned enterprises (SOEs) (Parker and Pan, 1996) and the old industrial sites built in the nineteenth century were combined or

transformed into SOEs. Despite economic stagnation brought about by political Structural Survey “ ” “ Vol. 34 No. 4/5, 2016 movements such as the (1958-1960) and the Cultural pp. 331-350 Revolution” (1966-1976), SOEs grew modestly during the 1960s and 1970s. Until 1978, © Emerald Group Publishing Limited 0263-080X the SOEs share in the industrial output was up to 77.63 per cent (Yang, 2007) and the DOI 10.1108/SS-11-2015-0052 SS industrial sites occupied 30 per cent of the urban core land in large Chinese cities 34,4/5 (Hsing, 2006). Since the economic reform from “central planning” to a “market economy with Chinese characteristics” in 1978, the following two decades saw the traditional industries in the SOEs go into decline. Pressures on inner city factories were also increased by China’s high rate of urbanisation which resulted in high urban land values and unacceptable levels of pollution in the inner city from the heavy industries. In 332 response to these trends, Chinese industrial cities then entered into a new development stage with the transformation of industry distribution, type and structure. The regeneration of the old industrial sites became an urgent task for local authorities. One common way of regeneration has been the adaptive reuse of inner-city industrial heritage as cultural precincts. However, the recent tide of heritage conservation as cultural precincts in China is not unique as it has also been experienced in many western cities. Some prominent precedents include the Iron- Gorge and the Derwent Valley Mills in England, and the Zollverein Coal Mine Industrial Complex in . The combination of cultural industry and heritage conservation has drawn much attention in heritage studies. These studies have identified the importance of heritage in urban development, such as the use of heritage in tourism (Kerstetter et al., 1998), economic development (Throsby, 2001; Graham, 2002), and the heritage effects on branding or national identities (Evans, 2003). Discussion of heritage research has also been linked to the study of a host of related issues, including urban regeneration (Zhong, 2013), sustainable urban development (Landorf, 2009) or building sustainability (Wilkinson et al., 2014), the creative city or creative class (Evans, 2009), knowledge-based economy (Graham, 2002), creative industry (Keane, 2009), (Currier, 2008), the entrepreneurial city (Zheng, 2011) and entrepreneurial governance (Su, 2015). Therefore, the relationship between heritage and the concepts above is well understood. In most cases, as Barber (2013, pp. 1182-1183) argued, “heritage was treated as a feature of territory, whether urban, regional or national”. However, studies of heritage itself have explored little concerning the production of similar heritage conservation phenomenon among different cities. When it comes to the Chinese context, empirical studies mainly focus on specific cases in certain cities (Currier, 2008; Hee et al., 2008; , 2009; Zheng and Chan, 2013;

Downloaded by UNSW Library At 18:22 26 April 2018 (PT) Zielke and Waibel, 2013; O’Connor and Gu, 2014), but have rarely examined the heritage reuse phenomenon at both national and regional scales. So far, heritage conservation has become a widely occurring phenomenon in major Chinese cities. Zheng (2011), drawing on observations from the global cities of North America, Europe and , points out that cities have shown significant differences due to varying local conditions. Similarly, as Wang (2004) reminds us, the regions in China are qualitatively different. In this sense, the specific patterns of industrial-heritage reuse in Chinese mega-cities can be assumed as unique. This raises the following questions: what are the patterns for adaptive reuse of industrial heritage as cultural precincts in Chinese mega- cities? Are there any differences or similarities in reuse patterns? And what are the local contexts behind the different reuse patterns?. From a literature review, three related perspectives about the influencing forces upon the formation of China’s art districts were identified. The first perspective focusses on transitional industrial land, starting with SOE reform and deepened by the impact of urban transformation (Ma and , 2005; Yang, 2007). The dereliction of industrial sites increases the stock of workshops and warehouses for artists’ occupation. The second view concerns the development of China’s contemporary art (Wang, 1996; Zhang and Frazier, 2015) and the role of artists in the occupation of industrial lands as art Adaptive districts (Currier, 2008; Liu et al., 2013). The third perspective emphasises the role of state reuse of intervention in regulating industrial land and the development of cultural industries (Zheng, 2011; and , 2012; Tsu-Lung, 2012; Zielke and Waibel, 2013; Liu et al., 2013). industrial Through the comparison of the current industrial-heritage cultural precincts in Beijing, heritage Shanghai and Chongqing, the author broadly supports the views from the above insights concerning the production of China’s art districts. The argument in this paper is that the 333 patterns of adaptation and reuse of industrial heritage for cultural purposes are influenced by three regional level factors, including historical development, that is the availability of the nineteenth and/or twentieth century industrial buildings; the existence of cultural capital, that is local artist community, cultural organisation and resources; and the prevalence/absence of regional cultural policy.

2. Case selection and methodology Beijing, Shanghai and Chongqing are chosen for three reasons. First, these three cities have same city status in China as they are directly under the Chinese central government. In terms of urban characteristics, Beijing is the with traditional Chinese characteristics; Shanghai is an international consumption city, as the investment by foreign and domestic forces has strengthened the city’s eminence in commercial functions. Chongqing, having a unique geographic defense advantage, has served the defense functions for China (Figure 1). Second, Chongqing has lagged behind Beijing and Shanghai in terms of urban regeneration (Table I). A tripartite regional development by the central state policyafter1978hadpreviouslyprivilegedthe“elite cities” in East China, as opposed to the central and western regions (Wu, 2003; Goodman, 2004). Third, concerning the approach to industrial heritage, inherited from varying industrial development histories, rich industrial heritage has remained in the three cities. In contrast with the Downloaded by UNSW Library At 18:22 26 April 2018 (PT)

Figure 1. Source: Google Maps, www.google.com.au/maps/ Location of the @34.496606,86.0871955,4z selected cities SS big scale of the transformation of industrial landscape in the two leading eastern 34,4/5 cities, the outcome of heritage reuse in Chongqing is less dramatic. As the Nizhny Tagil Charter (TICCIH, 2003, p. 1) has defined, the subjects of industrial heritage encompass “the remains of industrial culture which are of historical, technological, social, architectural or scientific value”, and also consists of “buildings and machinery, workshops, mills and factories, mines and sites for processing and 334 refining, warehouses and stores, places where energy is generated, transmitted and used, transport and all its infrastructure, as well as places used for social activities related to industry such as housing religious worship or education”. Adaptive reuse, the act of finding a new use for a historical building (Bullen, 2007), refers to “change of use” in the original structure, fabric of a building for extending the life of property (Wilkinson et al., 2014). As outlined by Clark (2013), the common reuses of industrial heritage were for arts and creative industries, tertiary education, residential uses and recreation. Grodach and Loukaitou-Sideris (2007) listed three cultural development strategies: “progressive strategies”, “creative class strategies” and “entrepreneurial strategies” (Table II). Depending on the goals, cultural activity and target audiences in the above strategies, the cultural precincts discussed in this paper refer to public cultural precincts, creative class clusters and tourism precincts. The first type provides a public space for local cultural development, such as a public park, museum and/or

Gross output value of pillar industries Urban (billion ) population Urban land GDP in 2013 Primary Secondary Tertiary Cities (million) area (km2) (billion yuan) industrya industryb industryc

Beijing 18.25 12,187 19,500.56 161.83 4,352.30 14,986.43 Shanghai 21.64 6,341 21,602.12 129.28 8,027.77 13,445.07 Table I. Chongqing 17.33 6,134 12,656.69 1,016.74 6,397.92 5,242.03 Indicators Notes: aPrimary industry: agriculture, horticulture, fishing, , forestry; bsecondary for Beijing, industry: manufacturing, mining and utilities; ctertiary industry: financial institutions, real estate, Shanghai and transport and hotels

Downloaded by UNSW Library At 18:22 26 April 2018 (PT) Chongqing in 2013 Source: Based on National Bureau of Statistics of China (2014)

Types of cultural projects Strategy type Goals and programmes Target audiences

Progressive Community development Public arts centres Underserved Art education and access Arts education programmes residential population Creative class Economic growth through Arts and entertainment Prospective residents quality of life amenities districts “Knowledge-based” Promotion of “creative Collaboration between arts economy” and private sector Table II. Entrepreneurial Economic growth through Cultural landmarks Tourists Types of cultural tourism and city image Cultural festivals Affluent residents development Private sector investments Promotional activities strategies Source: Based on Grodach and Loukaitou-Sideris (2007) exhibition space. A “creative class cluster” cultural activity refers to the creative class’ Adaptive cultural production, such as independent artist’s studios and/or design-based reuse of companies. Cultural activities in a “tourism precinct” involve cultural production and consumption. The presence of an nightlife economy, the strength of a small firm industrial economy, and education facilities can also be included. Using the progressive, creative heritage and entrepreneurial strategies as a framework, we set out to determine the specific cases for comparisons in the three cities. The selected cases have common 335 characteristics: inhabiting the former abandoned industrial areas and having been converted to the three above cultural uses. The investigation adopts a qualitative approach including the author’s own field reconnaissance, a review of academic literature, available documents and an internet search. The author did a preliminary scoping study of industrial-heritage cultural precincts in these three cities in 2014, taking photos and collecting primary information of these precincts. Further, through an internet search using the keywords “art ”, “artist village” and “creative industry cluster (CIC)” in the Chinese Academic Database CNKI (www.cnki.net) from 1990 to 2013, more detailed information of these cases were supplemented. The author then reviewed newspaper and available official documents, such as official introduction brochures, architectural proposals of the studied cases, and historical mapping of the former factories, as an auxiliary qualitative method. From primary and secondary sources, the paper investigates the commencement time of the transformation, the original factory characteristics, cultural uses, tenant type, the development process and the relevant policy environments. The following section compares heritage reuse in selected cases within the three cities. This is contextualised through an analytical framework, and then followed by a summary of the difference in reuse patterns.

3. Analytical framework: understanding the local intervening factors In order to provide guidance for case comparison of heritage reuse patterns, this section establishes an analytical framework to characterise three local intervening factors.

3.1 Physical type of industrial heritage Downloaded by UNSW Library At 18:22 26 April 2018 (PT) Many cities in China have a similar industrial past, with industrial development largely having commenced in the late nineteenth century (Zhong, 2013). The types of current industrial heritage in Chinese cities were brought about by three periods, including industrial development history in the nineteenth and twentieth century, Chinese socialist production practice during 1949 and 1978, and the impact of urban transformation in post-reform period since the late 1970s.

3.2 The role of artist community As some researchers (Evans, 2009; Zielke and Waibel, 2013) have pointed out, local artist groups have played the leading role in the informal formation of the cultural districts. The creative clusters and cultural quarters have emerged organically in Europe and the USA in the 1970s and 1980s (Zielke and Waibel, 2013), including examples such as Sheffield's Cultural Industries Quarter, Manchester's Northern Quarter and New York’s SoHo. Attracted by lower rents and looser controls, local artist groups first occupied the fringe workshops areas and spontaneously transformed the vacant factories into art districts (Evans, 2009). SS 3.3 Policy intervention 34,4/5 Zielke and Waibel (2013) summarised the main stakeholders in the establishment of the cultural precincts transformed from industrial sites, including the local state, artist groups, private developers and the former SOEs owners. Four development modes were identified. First, “bottom-up” examples where industrial areas are spontaneously occupied by the artists and then promoted by local government 336 through official grant policy. Second, “top-down” examples where the local state plays multiple roles as the transformer of land-use rights, the investor, and the mediator between the SOEs and the private developers. Third, the “public private partnership” (PPP) mode, where the local state and private sector usually jointly establish a public-private company to coordinate the interests between them. However, in fourth, the “private development” case, local government only acts as a project supervisor or supporter, while the private developer finances the full or major cost of construction, and in return the value added by development belongs to the private sector. From one of these four modes, state intervention makes a contribution in shaping the dynamics of cultural precincts.

4. Case comparison: the industrial-heritage reuse pattern in the study cities As seen in Table III, the industrial-heritage reuse trend in Beijing can be summarised in three ways: spontaneously reused by the artists in the 1990s, established by a private developer or through a PPP in the , and driven by the local state in the . , a cultural complex in a former electronics factory established in the 1950s, is the most notable representative in Beijing. Its development process transitioned from an “underground space of arts” reused by local artists into “maturing creative cluster” promoted by the Beijing government (Zielke and Waibel, 2013). In the late 1990s, a group of artists rehabilitated the deserted warehouses as art studios (Liu et al., 2013). Public and private galleries moved in and hosted several art festivals (Ren and Sun, 2012). After designated by Beijing government as a municipal-level CIC in 2005, it was developed into a tourism precinct, which has received three million visitors annually (Zielke and Waibel, 2013). The process in Shanghai can be divided into two stages: emergence in the 1990s Downloaded by UNSW Library At 18:22 26 April 2018 (PT) reused by artist groups and then expanded by the Shanghai CIC policy after 2004. M50 is a typical case. It was first reused by ten local celebrities in the 1990s, and then in 2004, designated by the Shanghai municipal government as a CIC. The story of industrial-heritage reuse in Chongqing is less dramatic as only one example can be observed in urban Chongqing. In 2000, the Art School refurbished a tank warehouse as a teaching space. In 2006, a SOE and a private developer jointly invested in the reuse of a warehouse nearby as artists’ studios. With provision of funding for cultural festivals, local authorities promoted them as a cultural landmark called “Huangjiaoping Art Zone” (Plate 1).

4.1 Industrial development history and heritage types As shown in Table IV, the types of industrial heritage in the three cities consist of the industrial buildings from the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, socialist construction period and post-reform period since the late 1970s. Lacking the geographic advantage of the coastline, Beijing is not an ideal site for modern industrialisation compared to coastal cities, and therefore was not forced to serve as a Downloaded by UNSW Library At 18:22 26 April 2018 (PT)

Cultural precinct Time Original factory Cultural type Tenant Policy Process

Beijing 798 Art Zone 1990s Electronics factory Tourism precinct Independent artist, Store CIC Bottom-up Songzhuang Art Zone 1990s Village and Warehouse Creative class cluster Independent artist CIC Bottom-up Feijia Art Village 1990s Village and pickles plant Creative class cluster Independent artist Bottom-up Art Zone 2002 Village and warehouse Creative class cluster Independent artist Bottom-up No. 46 Fangjia 2008 Machine tool plant Creative class cluster Design company Bottom-up Huitong Times Square 2003 Electronics factory Creative class cluster Design company CIC Private development Brewery International 2005 Brewery Creative class cluster Independent artist, art Private development institute, gallery Huantie Times Art 2006 Warehouse Creative class cluster Independent artist, art Private development institute, gallery No. One Art Institute 2007 Aluminium factory Creative class cluster Independent artist, art CIC PPP institute, gallery The Image Base 2007 Cotton factory Creative class cluster Design company CIC Private development Dagao Arts Zone 2009 Windows and doors plant Creative class cluster Independent artist, art Private development institute, gallery 751 D-Park 2010 Gas plant Tourism precinct Design company, PPP fashion show Laijin Creative Zone 2011 Textile factory Creative class cluster Design company CIC PPP Capital Steel Industrial Park 2010 Steel factory Cultural flagship Public park Top-down Chaoyang 1919 Theatre 2010 Factory Hall Cultural flagship Government cultural Top-down project Shanghai M50 1990s Textile factory Creative class cluster Independent artist, CIC Bottom-up design company Tianzifang 1990s -long factory Tourism precinct Independent artist, CIC Bottom-up artwork store South Creek 1999 Warehouse Creative class cluster Independent artist CIC Bottom-up Sihang Creation Warehouse 1999 Warehouse Creative class cluster Independent artist, CIC Bottom-up Design company No. 8 Bridge 2003 Motor parts factory Tourism precinct Design company, art CIC Private development exhibition, Restaurant Jingan Industrial Park 2004 Radio factory Creative class cluster Design company CIC Private development

(continued) eetdeape of examples Selected industrial-heritage utrlprecincts cultural industrial Adaptive heritage es of reuse al III. Table 337 Downloaded by UNSW Library At 18:22 26 April 2018 (PT) 338 34,4/5 SS al III. Table

Cultural precinct Time Original factory Cultural type Tenant Policy Process

X2 Creative Space 2005 Printing plant Creative class cluster Design company CIC Private development Joy Way 700 2005 Hosiery Factory Creative class cluster Design company CIC PPP Tonglefang 2005 Li-long factory Tourism precinct Gallery, Restaurant, CIC Private development Store Warehouse E 2006 Motor parts warehouse Tourism precinct Design company, art CIC Private development exhibition, restaurant Space 188 2006 Radio factory Tourism precinct Design company CIC Private development Husizhan 2006 Cotton factory Tourism precinct Design company CIC Private development Creation Source 2006 Rubber plant Tourism precinct Design company, Store CIC Private development Z58 2006 Watch factory Creative class cluster Design company CIC Private development Shangjie Loft 2007 Cotton factory Tourism precinct Design company, Store CIC Private development Chuangyi Jinshagu 2007 Clutch factory Creative class cluster Design company, store CIC Private development Yuejie Creative Zone 2007 Television factory Tourism precinct Design company, Store CIC Private development Wending Living Style Plaza 2008 Cold drawn steel plant Tourism precinct Design company, store, CIC Private development restaurant 1933 Shanghai 2008 Slaughterhouse Tourism precinct Design company, store, CIC Private development restaurant Space 2004 Steel plant Cultural flagship Public park, Museum, CIC Top-down Design company 2010 Expo 2010 Factories cluster Cultural flagship Government cultural Top-down project Chongqing Huangjiaoping Art Zone 2000 Tank warehouse Creative class cluster Studios for an art school Funding Bottom-up Source: Based on the information from the author’s field reconnaissance and internet search Downloaded by UNSW Library At 18:22 26 April 2018 (PT)

Source: By the author aeos (right) Warehouse htso 9 Art 798 of Photos oe(o) M50 (top), Zone lf) n Tank and (left), industrial Adaptive heritage es of reuse lt 1. Plate 339 SS Industrial 34,4/5 City development period City orientation Types of industrial heritage

Beijing Chinese socialist Capital city, socialist State-led heavy-industry project practice (1949-1977) production base Light industry: cotton and textile industry Post-reform period Capital city, China’s political Reduce manufacturing industry 340 (1978-present) and cultural centre Shanghai 19th and 20th centuries Since 1842: trading port Urban infrastructure for its (1842-1948) European concessions Local handicraft manufacturing industry Chinese socialist Socialist production base State-led heavy-industry project practice (1949-1977) Post-reform period China’s modern international Reduce manufacturing industry (1978-present) Chongqing 19th and 20th 1891-1936: trading port Light industry: match, cotton Centuries (1891-1948) and industry 1937-1948: capital city Military industry Table IV. Chinese socialist 1949-1962: socialist production State-led heavy-industry project Industrial practice (1949-1977) base development history 1963-1977: “” city Military industry of Beijing, Shanghai Post-reform period China’s important modern Develop manufacturing and Chongqing (1978-present) manufacturing base industry

treaty port to western countries (Wei and Yu, 2006). The industrialisation histories of Shanghai and Chongqing can be traced back to the nineteenth century when both cities were successively forced to serve as trading ports to western Countries after the Chinese defeat in the First Anglo-Chinese War (1840-1842) and the First Sino-Japanese War (1894-1895). Beijing’s industrial development commenced when it was established as the capital city for the PRC in 1949 and national industrial initiatives were then launched as it was planned to be transformed into a socialist production base. Since the 1950s,

Downloaded by UNSW Library At 18:22 26 April 2018 (PT) the Beijing government first established industries related to urban life, such as the cotton and textile industry. During the 1960s and 1970s, large-scale heavy-industry projects were introduced by the central state, sponsored by the former as well as the former (Wei and Yu, 2006). Beijing experienced the fastest industrial growth among its peers, with the gross industrial output increasing 171 times from 1949 to 1978 (Wei and Yu, 2006). The manufacturing industry was largely reduced from 1978 since Beijing was designated as China’s political and cultural centre. As demonstratedbyJiao(2014),intheremaining industrial heritage comprising 182 factories in urban Beijing, light industry presents 70 per cent. Shanghai’s industrial development began with urban infrastructure for its European concessions in the nineteenth century. The development of local handicraft manufacturing in the early twentieth century sped up Shanghai’s industrialisation (Zhong, 2013). However, the wartime period (1937-1949) saw industrial stagnation in Shanghai. After 1949, the city’s development was associated with the national policy of state-led industrialisation; the old industrial sites built in late nineteenth century were combined or transformed into SOEs (Wu, 2003). Like Beijing, the primary and secondary industry declined in Shanghai since 1978. The remaining Adaptive industrial heritage covers almost every industry type from urban infrastructure for the reuse of concessions to local and foreign manufacturing industry and state-led heavy industry, ranging from small-scale “house manufacturing workshops” (Lilong zuofang in industrial Chinese) to the huge-scale SOEs. heritage Unlike Beijing and Shanghai, the history of Chongqing’s industrial development records China’s whole industrialisation process, spanning the Treaty Port Period 341 (1891-1936), the Wartime Period (1937-1949), the Post-war Period (1950-1962), the “Three Fronts”[1] (sanxian) Period (1963-1977) and the Reform Period (1978-present). Chongqing experienced the most rapid industrialisation in the wartime (1937-1945) as it served as China’s capital due to its geographic defense advantage. Since 1938, over 400 large-scale factories located in the eastern cities were moved to the inland regions, while 243 factories of defense-related heavy-industries were moved to Chongqing (, 2014). A second industrial expansion followed between 1963 and 1977, under a policy called “Three Fronts”, which was a regional scheme for the allocation of industrial resources, carried out by the central government due to the same defense considerations (Han and Wang, 2001). Traditional manufacturing industry continued to develop in Chongqing after 1978. Table V indicates the value- added growth in the tertiary industry of Beijing and Shanghai and the decrease of primary and secondary industry from 1999 to 2013. Traditional primary and secondary industry has dominated Chongqing’s economic growth, but it lagged behind other municipalities in terms of tertiary industry.

4.2 Cultural capital: artist community and cultural organisation The driving force behind the reuse of industrial heritage in Beijing is the critical mass of artists. Beijing has a very long history serving as the capital for five dynasties. Its unique city status determines that Beijing has long been a political and cultural centre. Having China’s largest number of cultural institutions such as leading , art schools[2] and national cultural enterprises, Beijing’s cultural environment is ideal for art activities. Taking the national universities listed in the 211 project[3] as an example, of the total 107 universities, Beijing has 23, followed by Shanghai ten, while Chongqing Downloaded by UNSW Library At 18:22 26 April 2018 (PT)

City 1999 GDP in 1999 (%) 2005 GDP in 2005 (%) 2013 GDP in 2013 (%)

Value-added of primary industry (billion yuan) Beijing 87.48 4.0 97.99 1.4 161.83 0.8 Shanghai 80.00 2.0 80.34 0.9 129.28 0.6 Chongqing 284.28 19.2 463.40 15.1 1,016.74 8.0 Value-added of secondary industry (billion yuan) Beijing 840.23 38.7 2,026.51 29.5 4,352.30 22.3 Shanghai 1,953.98 48.4 4,452.92 48.6 8,027.77 37.2 Chongqing 604.39 40.8 1,259.12 41.0 6,397.92 50.5 Table V. Value-added of tertiary industry (billion yuan) Value-added of Beijing 1,246.75 57.3 4,761.81 69.1 14,986.43 76.9 primary, secondary Shanghai 2,000.98 49.6 4,620.92 50.5 13,445.07 62.2 and tertiary industry Chongqing 591.04 39.9 1,023.35 43.9 5,242.03 41.4 in the three cities, Source: Based on National Bureau of Statistics of China (2000, 2006, 2014) 1999-2013 SS has only two. As Beijing’s second pillar industry, the value-added of culture and related 34,4/5 industries was 38.59 billion yuan in 2004, accounting for 6.37 per cent of GDP, increasing to 64.14 billion yuan in 2008, and further to 240.6 billion yuan in 2013 (National Bureau of Statistics of China, 2015) (Table VI). Attracted by Beijing’s art environment, China’s most avant-garde artists have gathered in Beijing since the emergence of China’s contemporary art scene in the late 342 1970s (Liu et al., 2013). These artist groups are mostly comprised of the “drifting in Beijing” crowd ( in Chinese), who are not official Beijing residents, living on the fringes of the city, both physically and psychologically, as well as the local famous artists and professional graduates from the leading art schools (Tsu-Lung, 2012). The culture of Beijing is characterised by authoritarianism, orthodoxy and classicism due to Beijing’s position as China’s capital for five dynasties (Wang, 2012). The commercial functions of Beijing have always been overshadowed by its pre-eminence as a political and cultural centre (Gaubatz, 1999; Zheng, 2011). Influenced by this, the nature of Beijing culture, correspondingly, is not oriented towards commercialism. Inherited from Beijing’s cultural characteristics, its artists place low priority on market needs and more emphasis on fine art activities – which, however, cannot guarantee a stable or high income (Ren and Sun, 2012). The abandoned factories in the accommodate the artists’ needs for cheap properties and large working spaces. The large number of artists spontaneously gathered in certain areas which were later called artists’ villages. 798 Art Zone, Songzhaung and Feijia village are examples of such artists’ villages. Songzhuang accommodates 3,000 artists and 798 Art Zone contains 200 galleries. The number of artists in Shanghai cannot rival Beijing’s strong artist group and therefore does not have its large-scale artists’ villages. Second, the nature of Shanghai culture is different from the orthodoxy of Beijing’s culture. Unlike Beijing’s pre- eminence as a political centre, the development of Shanghai was largely shaped by a wide variety of global and local commercial forces (Gaubatz, 1999). Developed under the influence of the semi-feudal and semi-colonial characteristic during the trading port period, Shanghai’s modern culture (known as “sea culture”) has a hybrid nature, a fusion of the western and eastern culture. Commercialism is also characteristic of Shanghai’s “sea culture” (Wu, 2004). Shanghai artists naturally inherit the values of

Downloaded by UNSW Library At 18:22 26 April 2018 (PT) “sea culture” and it is observed that their artworks tend to be more market driven, and popular (Wang, 2012). Its cultural activities place more emphasis on design-based industries, such as media, fashion and advertising (Ren and Sun, 2012). Such artists have reused the factories as their studios as they were attracted by their large spaces and historical atmosphere. Tianzifang and M50 are two

Public Value-added of Universities museum, Employed person culture and Cultural listed in the Art library and in urban units of related industries 211 project School theatre culture, sports and industries in GDP Table VI. City (number) (number) (number) entertainment (billion yuan ) (%) Comparison of education Beijing 23 7 337 181,000 240.6 12.3 and culture Shanghai 10 2 241 59,000 138.8 6.4 resources in the Chongqing 2 1 126 26,000 40.6 3.2 study cities in 2013 Source: Based on National Bureau of Statistics of China (2014, 2015) and Feng and Zhao (2015) examples of cultural clusters reused by local successful and more commercially Adaptive oriented “sea culture” artists. Bridge No. 8, was driven by a private developer who reuse of invested in the refurbishment of a motor parts plant and then charged high commercial rents to design companies. Meanwhile tax was paid to the local state for industrial the re-designation of the industrial land. heritage Even though Chongqing has a rich industrial heritage, in comparison with Beijing and Shanghai, it is still at the early stage of industrial-heritage reuse mainly due to the 343 lack of a critical mass of artists. Chongqing cannot rival Beijing and Shanghai in terms of educational and cultural development. As demonstrated in Table VI, Chongqing has two leading national universities and one art school. Compared with the rich cultural resources of Beijing, it is not an attractive site for China’s artists. According to the official figures from National Bureau of Statistics of China (2014, 2015), the number of employed persons in urban units of culture, sports and entertainment is much less than the other two cities – 26,000 in Chongqing, compared to 181,000 in Beijing and 59,000 in Shanghai. The value-added of culture and related industries in Chongqing in 2013 was only 40.6 billion yuan, while Beijing contributed 240.6 billion yuan, and Shanghai 138.8 billion yuan.

4.3 Policy intervention The government’s role in promoting heritage reuse provides necessary space for the artists in Beijing. Following the announcement of the 2008 Summer Olympics, Beijing was concerned with its international image as a global city (Keane, 2009). Like other global cities, it has been recognising the symbolic importance of culture and arts within its urban political economy (Currier, 2008). To rival other global cities, with its unique historical advantage, Beijing was eager to expand its urban cultural brand. Supported by the China central government, the Beijing authorities have been actively engaged in the construction of cultural space since 2000. More specifically, the local government’s strategies for the development of creative industries include: sponsoring certain cultural spaces, providing special funding for creative industries, and offering a “permanent resident card” for prominent professionals (Tsu-Lung, 2012). In all, 30 municipal CICs were established under the government’s efforts, prominent cases including Zhongguan Hi-Tech Area, and National Media Base. CICs in

Downloaded by UNSW Library At 18:22 26 April 2018 (PT) reused industrial heritage include 798 Art Zone, Songzhuang Art Zone and Huitong Times Square. Moreover, the local state has encouraged private developers to participate in the construction of cultural districts, providing 500 million RMB every year since 2006 for support. Huitong Times Square, Huantie Times Art and Right Left Art Zone were driven by private developers, while No. One Art Institute, 751 D-Park, and Laijin Creative Zone were constructed through a PPP process. Starting with the organic clustering of the grassroots artist communities, and further expanded by the local state’s effort, these CICs began to generate the “agglomeration effect” (Yang et al., 2012), attracting a growing number of foreign and domestic artists and professionals. Apart from the CIC policy, the Beijing authorities’ other effort for heritage conservation is to invest in the public space transformed from the industrial sites. Capital Steel Industrial Park and Chaoyang 1919 Theatre are examples of such state-sponsored cultural projects. The CIC policy in Shanghai makes an important contribution to heritage reuse outcomes. Inspired by the movement of local artists into old industrial sites, and also for the expansion of the tertiary sector of the urban economy, Shanghai authorities recognised the necessity to combine economic restructuring and urban cultural SS development in the inner industrial sites (Wu, 2004). With the introduction of the 34,4/5 term “creative industry”, the Shanghai Economic Committee set up the CICs in 2004. It allowed the owners of land-use rights to charge high commercial rents for industrial land without paying fees for the formal re-designation (O’Connor and Gu, 2014). To attract more artists, professionals and private developers to participate, the Shanghai government implemented preferential policies such as tax concessions 344 and special funding for the combination of industrial heritage and creative industry. A new policy called “three non-change and five changes” was introduced for the regulation of the reuse of the old industrial buildings. It involved maintaining ownershipofpremises,oldbuildingstructures and land status by the old SOEs, while allowing changes in employment structure, management, type of tenants, form of business organisation and enterprise culture (Zheng, 2011). The policy benefits those who combine “art, creativity and entrepreneurship” (Wang, 2009). The private sector rents the SOE’sassets,andthenwiththelowcostof refurbishment can charge high commercial rents from the new tenant (O’Connor and Gu, 2014). Under the influence of the government’s preferential policy, from 2005 to 2010, CICs spread rapidly across Shanghai expanding to 75 in four rounds of re-designation. Similarly to Beijing, Shanghai was also concerned with its international reputation as a global city. To compete with other large Chinese cities, the Shanghai government was active in the promotion of local cultural influence, such as via hosting mega-event flagships. Shanghai 2010 Expo was the most notable example. To recognise Shanghai’s history of industrial development, 5.28 km2 of industrial sites along the Huangpu River were selected as the location of the Shanghai 2010 Expo (Deng and Poon, 2012). In the final version of post-Expo site redevelopment, some industrial heritage was retained as the Shanghai Expo Public Park. This park has hosted several cultural events, such as the Jazz Music Festival in 2011 and the Strawberry Music Festival in 2012. In comparison with other municipalities, Chongqing’s government policy for redevelopment still places more emphasis on the manufacturing industry. Unlike the domination of the value-added of tertiary industry in Beijing and Shanghai, traditional primary and secondary industries take a leading role in Chongqing’s economic growth

Downloaded by UNSW Library At 18:22 26 April 2018 (PT) (Tables I and V). The development guidelines for Chongqing after 1978 have been largely related to the PRC’s national development strategy throughout the reform era. This regional development strategy had favoured the eastern regions, especially the large cities such as Shanghai, and , as they were intended to develop fastest. Yet the western regions including Chongqing were not given such development privilege. In mid-1999, the central state announced another regional development policy called “Open up the West”[4] (xibu da kaifa in Chinese), with the goal of social and economic development of the interior and western regions (Goodman, 2004). Chongqing, as the single city in the western regions, since 1997, was given subsidies by the central state for its economic restructuring. However, in contrast to Beijing and Shanghai, the major goal of Chongqing has been to serve as an important modern manufacturing base in China. One unavoidable result of Chongqing’s development being reliant on traditional manufacturing industry is that the city government has been less active in the promotion of local cultural development, including heritage conservation. Preferential policy for industrial-heritage reuse, CICs or state-sponsored mega-event flagships has not emerged in Chongqing. 5. Discussion and conclusion Adaptive The specific industrial development histories have left Beijing, Shanghai and reuse of Chongqing with a variety and depth of industrial heritage. However, the reuse stories of industrial heritage as cultural precincts in the three cities are quite different. industrial The reuse trend in Beijing has resulted from the activities of large-scale artist heritage communities and the local government’s promotion of the city’s cultural influence. The emergence of similar cultural precincts in Shanghai is related with successful, 345 and more commercially oriented “sea culture” artists with CIC policy making an important contribution to heritage reuse outcomes. Chongqing is, however, still at the early stage of industrial-heritage reuse, since only one precedent can be observed in . This negative outcome is mainly due to the lack of a critical mass of artists and incentive policies to encourage the retaining of industrial heritage, as Chongqing is less-developed both in cultural and economic terms. Being more reliant on traditional manufacturing industry, the Chongqing authorities have been under great pressure for local economic restructuring. Understandably, an unavoidable result of placing local economic growth as such a high priority has led to the Chongqing government being less supportive of heritage conservation (Table VII). Research on the formation of industrial-heritage reuse in China so far had been carried out separately. The study on the “transitional industrial land” is related to the reform of SOE and the transfer of land-use rights, with much attention on the shift of economic structure, that is the growing impact of market forces, and the relaxation of political intervention (Ma and Wu, 2005; Hsing, 2006; Yang, 2007). The study of local artist communities is almost entirely devoted to the “elite cities” in East China, such as Beijing, Guangzhou and Shanghai, and ignore their development in West China (Wu, 2004; Currier, 2008; Wang, 2009, 2012; Zheng, 2011; Zheng and Chan, 2013; Zhong, 2013; Zielke and Waibel, 2013). The study on urban governance

Cities Type of industrial heritage Cultural capital Government policy

Beijing Starts from socialist Possesses China’s most CIC policy construction since 1949 avant-garde artists, rich Cultural policy on expanding Downloaded by UNSW Library At 18:22 26 April 2018 (PT) Light industry presents cultural and educational its cultural brand 70% in the remaining resources Government-sponsored mega- industrial building event flagships Shanghai Starts from trading port Possesses successful, and CIC policy period since 1842 more commercially oriented Cultural policy on the Industrial stagnation in “sea culture” artists combination of economic the Wartime (1937-949) Local artists, cultural restructuring and urban Possesses almost every organisation and cultural development industry type educational resources are Government-sponsored fewer than Beijing mega-event flagships Chongqing Starts from trading port Possesses fewer artist Lacks CIC policy and period since 1891 community, cultural and government-sponsored Industrial expansion in the educational resources mega-event flagships Table VII. Wartime (1937-1949) and Summary of the “Three Fronts” Period similarities and (1963-1977) differences of Possesses major types of regional factors in heavy industry the three cities SS of cultural industries has mainly focussed on the institutional milieu of creative 34,4/5 space, that is, the role of local state on the establishment of creative spaces (Ren and Sun, 2012; Tsu-Lung, 2012; Zielke and Waibel, 2013; Liu et al., 2013). However, research does show that the production of urban space is related to capital accumulation, social class struggle and urban governance (Harvey, 1989). Viewed in this light, in terms of the industrial-heritage reuse, the driving 346 forces can be grouped into the transformation of industrial lands, the rising of artist community and the encouragement of cultural policy. But to date such a linkage has notbeenestablishedinthestudyofChinese mega-cities. This research aims to explore main factors behind the production of China’s industrial-heritage reuse (Table VIII). Through comparison of three individual variables in Beijing, Shanghai and Chongqing, it concludes that the remaining heritage from industrial development history, local cultural capital and policy intervention have contributed importantly to the adaptation and reuse of industrial heritage. However, due to the lack of a more systematic evaluation, the exogenous factors outside of China, such as the influence of international precedents and/or heritage charters, are largely not discussed in this paper. A fruitful research agenda could study how such external influences co-work with local intervening factors in the production of China’s art district. While this paper relies on a case study approach, future investigation via stakeholder interviews will develop greater understanding of which factors are of greater or lesser importance. Finally, regarding urban policy issue, the finding of this paper reveals that industrial-heritage reuse in Chinese mega-cities is highly regional, suggesting that future heritage reuse policy requires greater consideration of the regional context. It should be aware that, except for the types of industrial heritage, community participation and government cultural policy are both important to heritage reuse. This research provides an initial classification of intervening factors that can be incorporated into the decision-making process for adoption in heritage reuse policy. At present, for the cities in West China, such as Chongqing, local economic growth dominates the agenda of government policy. Accordingly, most investment is devoted into more productive areas that serve to promote local GDP. But economic Downloaded by UNSW Library At 18:22 26 April 2018 (PT)

Type of industrial heritage Cultural capital Government policy

Industrial development history Urban history, culture CIC policy the nineteenth and twentieth characteristics and historical Government-sponsored centuries, heritage mega-event flagships socialist construction period Public cultural organisation Incentive policy or special (1949-1977), Public-owned or private cultural funding on local cultural post-reform period enterprises industry and workers in creative (since 1978), Education resource: universities, industry Industry structure (primary, art school Incentive policy or special second and tertiary industry) Artist community and funding on heritage programme professionals employed in cultural funding on cultural festival Table VIII. industry, cultural economy: value- Summary of the added of cultural industries, classification of percentage of cultural industries intervening factors in GDP and cultural development needs to be properly balanced. From the lessons in Beijing Adaptive and Shanghai, culture has been recognisedasanemergingindustryforcapital reuse of accumulation, which suggests policy makers in other Chinese mega-cities should adopt incentive policies as an incubator or catalyst for developing local cultural industrial economy. A broader approach could be adopted, such as setting up a government heritage agency, that is “Creative Industry Centre” in Shanghai or “Science and Technology Sector” in Beijing, to establish special sources of funding, provide tax concessions for 347 investment of social capital in cultural industries, and offer a stable residency status for creative industry workers. Converting the industrial buildings for mixed-uses, such as the case of Bridge No. 8 in Shanghai, could also be encouraged. Developing the heritage tourism industry is another means of generating a greater appreciation of industrial heritage amongst local government, the citizens, the many former factory workers and their families. The lack of economic prospects, the high rates of unemployment among the former workers is a social constraint to local government. Onestrategyinthecaseofthe“Capital Steel Factory” in Beijing was to convert the steel plant into a tourism precinct, while offering new jobs to the former workers. A similar strategy for Chongqing could also serve to raise the tourism profile of the area, and generate more revenue to the government.

Notes 1. “Three Fronts”: for the sake of national defense, the Chinese government sought to develop a military-industrial heartland away from the PRC’s eastern and northern borders. The coaster borders were classified into the “First Front”; the inland areas as the “Third Front”, and the rest as the “Second Front” (Han and Wang, 2001). 2. Art School: listed in Schools Ranking (Feng and Zhao, 2015). 3. 211 Project: included 107 national key universities which are funded by the Ministry of Education of the PRC. 4. “Open up the West”: a state project of nation-building directed at the interior provincial-level jurisdictions, launched by the Chinese Community Party and started at 2000 (Goodman, 2004).

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Corresponding author Jie Chen can be contacted at: [email protected] Downloaded by UNSW Library At 18:22 26 April 2018 (PT)

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