Nuclear Program of Iran and Perception of West

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Nuclear Program of Iran and Perception of West Nuclear Program of Iran and Perception of West Sajida Begum Naudir Bakht Atomic program of Iran was started in the mid-1950s, however it stayed lazy for a few years after the Iranian Islamic insurgency, and it was before long renewed. Repeating Iran's stand in regards to its interest atomic innovation, its administration assured to west about peaceful atomic program.As indicated by the west, the focal issue isn't atomic innovation, yet rather Iran's conduct as a progressive state, with desire that crash into the interests of its neighbors and the West.Nuclearprogram of Iran was propelled in 1953, conflictingly with the assistance of the US as a component of the Atoms for Peace Program. Atomic program of Iran isn't without its problems, because western countries sanctioned on Iran’snuclear program.The study examines the European and Russian position on Iran's atomic desire and additionally the International Atomic Energy Agency's endeavors to reach a compromise that would fulfill the worldwide network's worries and Tehran's demands. Historical background of Iran's Atomic mission The historical backdrop of Iran's mission for atomic innovation returns to the mid- 1950s. “In 1957, Iran consented to an arrangement with the United States for participation in inquire about on the tranquil employments of atomic vitality. Shortly, Iran set up a Nuclear Research Center at Tehran University and acquired a little research reactor. Iran was among the first countries to sign and ratify the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT). However, it was just in the mid-1970s that Iran started to discussion of the need to create atomic power plants to deliver power and to spare its oil and gas saves for modern objectives and fare. At the time, Iran Nuclear Program of Iran and Perception of West 183 looked to the United States and Europe for required reactors, know-how, and fuel”. That time; Iran was a nearby western partner and the Shah's atomic desire did not produce solid uneasiness, in spite of the fact that there was some doubt that he may in the end need to get atomic weapons.Later on, the primary chief of Iran's nuclear vitality association, Dr. Akbar admired, the Carter organization had built up a few worries about Iran's designs.The first Iranian nuclear power plant was established in 1978 by a German company, the Craftwork Union. Iran also connected "EURODIF". Each of these goals was abandoned after the disturbing war between Iran and Iraq. It was in the mid-1970s that Iran began to talk about the need to build nuclear power plants to keep oil and gas tariffs for mechanical targets and freight under control and set aside. At that time Iran saw the United States and Europe for the reactors, the know-how and the necessary fuels. Because Iran was a Western partner at the time, the Shah's nuclear targets are not very worrying. He rejected the path with which, over time, he might need vulnerability to obtain nuclear weapons. Later, according to the head of the Iranian affiliate, Dr. Akbar Etemad, the Carter Association developed tension on the Iranian contours and urged the Shah to send it to Washington in 1977 to return it. (Hunter, 2010) The Iranian nuclear program changed in 2002 only on a fundamental theme in its relations with the United States and other Western countries. On August 14, 2002, the PMOI stated that it had installed a Natanz nuclear bomb officer and a liberal water reactor at Arak. Change in these working environments does not mean that the NPT has been hurt. It is also logical that the IAEA, and perhaps the information associations of Western countries, including the United States, have studied Iran's exercises.However, the way in which Iran has not officially trained the IAEA in these exercises has led them to obviously think they were suspects. As some reports show, the IAEA Authority has told the writers that it would be great if we had already been informed of the choice to bring together these work environments. In 2009, according to the report, the Director General of the IAEA saw this and several signs of Iran's joint efforts with the union. He noted that "Iran has worked together to improve safeguard measures at the FEP [fuel enrichment plant] in Natanz. (Hunter , 2010) Theoretical frameworks It is the contention of this volume that no single theory of international relations realist, neorealist (structural realist), or constructivist can fully explain the behavior of states and less so the intricacies of their foreign policies. The realist theory, which emphasizes the pursuit of power as the main motivation behind state behavior, fails to pay adequate attention to ideational and institutional factors, such as the role of 184 Pakistan Vision Vol. 19 No. 2 key agents’ identities and interests in determining state behavior. The constructivists emphasize the role of ideas and the identities and interests of purposive actors, which they claim are shaped by shared ideas, in deciding state behavior. However, the constructivists’ overemphasis on ideational dynamics behind state behavior tends to ignore the fact that often ideas are used to serve purposes determined by power calculations. In short, both theories tend to ignore the close relationship between power and idea dynamics in state behavior. Furthermore, the structure of international system as argued by the New realists specially the facts that even today international system is characterized by a lack of an efficient mechanism to prevent conflict, settle disputes, and ensure peace and, hence, is in a state of anarchy, clearly affects states’ behavior. It also sets certain boundaries for state behavior, overstepping of which often involves costs, especially to less powerful states. This means that in pursuance of their ambitions and goals, whether determined by power considerations or ideas, states have to consider structural factors. This also means that, in analyzing states external behavior, structural factors should be taken into account. (Waltz, 1979) Iran’s Nuclear Program and Sanctions So, it is actualityassessed that “lifting sanctions against the country could reduce the world price of crude petroleum by 10%”. “This reduction would salt away the US approximately $80 billion per annum. Besides, the American companies that are functioning abroad will get much benefit by the opening of Iranian market foreign investment. While those who are against this deal assert that if the sanctions are raised up, the situation might permit Iran to build up nuclear weapons, which could cause oil prices to double (Demas, 2013). The US has its interests - Iran is a profitable market. Iranians require a lot of infrastructure for rebuilding that could produce billions of dollars for US and UK oil companies”. (Maclean,2013). “Inevitably the US-Iran relations are connected to the energy interests and security of the global community. Over 20% of world oil supply is carried out daily through the Strait. If the previous uptight relations were to soar between the US and Iran, Iran could strike back by trying to seal or interrupt traffic in the Strait of Hormuz. This, in turn, might end in an armed conflict between the US and Iran, which certainly will engage the Middle Eastern Region as a Whole”. (Khalid &Safdar,2016). Organized within 33 years of common antagonism subsequently revolution, “this deal specifically addresses the central problem of mistrust between the West and Iran. The American President Obama is of the view point that it is Iran that has to bear out to the world that its nuclear program is going to be nonviolent and passive. Iran has already mastered the critical technology of uranium enrichment but has not gone beyond 20% grade while making a bomb requires 90% of uranium enrichment but for that, Iran would have to break out of UN controls which it has Nuclear Program of Iran and Perception of West 185 shown no sign of doing.However US officials noted that this decision was reversible depending on Iran’s compliance and that sanctions imposed on the oil and banking sector would not be affected at this stage”.(Geran& Warrick, 2013). “Iran’s enriched uranium stockpile would increase the time- frame necessary to produce enough material for one bomb to six months or more. The P5+1 state would also like Iran to abandon the unfinished Arak reactor, which represents a long term proliferation threat, but Iran will likely resist such an outcome. One compromise might be to convert Arak to a more proliferation resistant light water reactor, or agree to verifiably remove the spent fuel for disposal by a third country possibly Russia to prevent it from becoming a source of plutonium. To secure a final phase agreement, the P5+1 will need to further scale back the oil and financial sanctions that are devastating Iran's economy, which will require action by the European Union states and Congressional approval of revised sanctions legislation. Negotiating an agreement along these lines will be difficult. Implementing those steps will be even harder”. (Kimball, 2013) Iranian procurement of atomic weapons is probably going to serve its interests principally in hindering the utilization of military power against the administration and growing its impact in the area instead of as a military instrument. All things considered, the math of hazard in starting and directing traditional clashes amongst Iran and the United States and different states in the area would change if Iran somehow managed to get atomic weapons. This could prompt more restriction on Iran's part; however it could likewise urge an ability to raise a traditional clash and conceivably utilize its atomic weapons.( David& Lowell,2008) Iran’s point of view on her nuclear program Iran has enough oil for an additional 75 years and feels its esteemed oil must be utilized for higher esteem products, and not just to create vitality.
Recommended publications
  • Iran Nuclear Programme: Revisiting the Nuclear Debate
    Journal of Power, Politics & Governance June 2014, Vol. 2, No. 2, pp. 223-227 ISSN: 2372-4919 (Print), 2372-4927 (Online) Copyright © The Author(s). 2014. All Rights Reserved. Published by American Research Institute for Policy Development Iran Nuclear Programme: Revisiting the Nuclear Debate Khurshid Ahmad Mir1 The trajectory of the nuclear program of Iran dates back to the 1950s. The nuclear programme of Iran was assisted by the west in general and the United States of America in particular as part of the Atoms for Peace program (Roe, 2007). The United States and Western European governments continued to support the Iran's nuclear program continued until the 1979 Iranian Revolution. The revolution of 1979 toppled the Shah of Iran (Iran Affairs, 2006). It was 1957 when Iran and The United States of America signed a civil nuclear co-operation agreement. The agreement was signed as a part of the U.S. Atoms for Peace program. As a confidence building measure Iran signed the Partial nuclear test ban treaty (PTBT) on August 9, 1963: and ratified it on December 23, 1963. And more importantly, in July 1968 Iran signed the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and latter ratified it. Therefore, there was a marriage between the West and Iran and under the Shah regime, Iran initiated a series of motivated nuclear projects that relied on assistance and backing from the United States of America and Europe. The support from the west made it possible for Iran to launch a nuclear programme which presently seems a global concern. The revolution of 1979 in Iran brought a tremendous change in the policies of the Iran.
    [Show full text]
  • The Threat of Nuclear Proliferation: Perception and Reality Jacques E
    ROUNDTABLE: NONPROLIFERATION IN THE 21ST CENTURY The Threat of Nuclear Proliferation: Perception and Reality Jacques E. C. Hymans* uclear weapons proliferation is at the top of the news these days. Most recent reports have focused on the nuclear efforts of Iran and North N Korea, but they also typically warn that those two acute diplomatic headaches may merely be the harbingers of a much darker future. Indeed, foreign policy sages often claim that what worries them most is not the small arsenals that Tehran and Pyongyang could build for themselves, but rather the potential that their reckless behavior could catalyze a process of runaway nuclear proliferation, international disorder, and, ultimately, nuclear war. The United States is right to be vigilant against the threat of nuclear prolifer- ation. But such vigilance can all too easily lend itself to exaggeration and overreac- tion, as the invasion of Iraq painfully demonstrates. In this essay, I critique two intellectual assumptions that have contributed mightily to Washington’s puffed-up perceptions of the proliferation threat. I then spell out the policy impli- cations of a more appropriate analysis of that threat. The first standard assumption undergirding the anticipation of rampant pro- liferation is that states that abstain from nuclear weapons are resisting the dictates of their narrow self-interest—and that while this may be a laudable policy, it is also an unsustainable one. According to this line of thinking, sooner or later some external shock, such as an Iranian dash for the bomb, can be expected to jolt many states out of their nuclear self-restraint.
    [Show full text]
  • The Israeli Strategy Vis-À-Vis the Us Foreign Policy in the Iran Nuclear Deal
    ULB- LUISS Double Degree Master’s Degree in International Relations, Major in: Political violence and Security Practices ( ULB) Geopolitical Scenarios and Political risk (LUISS) Master’s dissertation: THE ISRAELI STRATEGY VIS-À-VIS THE US FOREIGN POLICY IN THE IRAN NUCLEAR DEAL SUPERVISORS Prof. Christian Olsson (ULB) Prof. Giuseppe Scognamiglio (LUISS) CANDIDATE Michela Muscau (638382) CO-SUPERVISOR Prof. Gregory Alegi (LUISS) 0 1 Alla mia famiglia, A Davide e a mio Padre, a chi non smette di credere. 2 TABLE OF CONTENT ACKNOWLEDGMENT .......................................................................................................................................................... II ACRONYMS/ LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS. ........................................................................................................................... III SUMMARY. ............................................................................................................................................................................. I INTRODUCTION. .................................................................................................................................................................. 1 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK: PREMISES AND THEORY. .......................................................................................... 5 METHODOLOGY. ................................................................................................................................................................. 8 OPERATIONAL CONCEPTS.
    [Show full text]
  • Highlights of Iran's Perilous Pursuit of Nuclear Weapons
    INSTITUTE FOR SCIENCE AND INTERNATIONAL SECURITY REPORT Highlights of Iran’s Perilous Pursuit of Nuclear Weapons By David Albright with Sarah Burkhard and the Good ISIS Team August 25, 2021 Iran’s Perilous Pursuit of Nuclear Weapons chronicles the Islamic Republic of Iran’s effort to acquire nuclear weapons. It started slowly, building to a crash nuclear weapons program in the early 2000s to create five nuclear weapons and an industrial complex to produce many more. Under international pressure, fearful of military attack, the program was driven to downsize and deeper secrecy. Nonetheless, Iran remains on the brink of becoming a nuclear weapons power; its nuclear material production capabilities stronger than ever, its weaponization capabilities lurking under the surface. But just how close did Iran get to nuclear weapons during its crash program and how close is it today? Up until the events of a cold, clear night in January 2018, the world could only guess. In a dramatic nighttime raid, the Israeli Foreign Intelligence Service Mossad broke into a warehouse in Tehran and seized a large cache of documents detailing Iran’s darkest and long- denied secret. The Amad Plan, the codename for its crash nuclear weapons program, was far larger and made much more progress than previously known. Containing many top secret details, the seized documents offer unprecedented insights into Iran’s progress—and the hurdles it faced in building nuclear weapons. With what Iran learned about building nuclear weapons during the Amad Plan, combined with its subsequent accomplishments, the Islamic Republic has developed a sophisticated capability to make nuclear weapons.
    [Show full text]
  • Masaryk University, Brno
    MASARYK UNIVERSITY, BRNO Faculty of Social Studies Department of International Relations and European Studies Political influence of Iran in the Middle East after 2003 Bachelor‟s thesis Author: Oleg Kuznetsov (UČO 330969) MVZ-EVS 2013 Supervisor: PhDr. Pavel Pšeja, Ph.D. Brno 2013 I hereby declare that this thesis I submit for assessment is entirely my own work and has not been taken from the work of others save to the extent that such work has been cited and acknowledged within the text of my work. Date: Signature 2 Acknowledgment: As the author of this thesis, first of all I would like to thank my supervisor PhDr. Pavel Pšeja Ph.D. for his patience, help, and advices during writing this work. I would like to acknowledge my family for giving me moral support during writing the thesis. I also would like to acknowledge Ms. Shahira Amin and Rohit Jobanputra for their support, kindness and friendship. 3 Contents Abstract ............................................................................................................................................................... 5 Introduction ........................................................................................................................................................ 6 I) Iran’s overview ................................................................................................................................................. 7 Iran’s political system and overview of the country ......................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Indonesian Government Policy on the Iranian Nuclear Program for Energy
    INDONESIAN GOVERNMENT POLICY ON THE IRANIAN NUCLEAR PROGRAM FOR ENERGY By YAYAN FIRMANSYAH ID No. 016201000071 A thesis presented to the Faculty of International Relations, Communication and Law President University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for Bachelor’s Degree in International Relations Specialization in Diplomacy 2014 THESIS ADVISER RECOMMENDATION LETTER This thesis entitled “Indonesian Government Policy on the Iranian Nuclear Program for Energy” prepared and submitted by Yayan Firmansyah in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts in International Relations in the School of International Relations, Communications and Law, President University, has been reviewed and found to have satisfied the requirements for a thesis fit to be examined. I therefore recommend this thesis for Oral Defense. Jakarta, Indonesia, January 25th, 2014 Thesis Adviser _______________________________ Dr. Muhammad A.S. Hikam, M.A DECLARATION OF ORIGINALITY I declare that this thesis entitled “Indonesian Government Policy on the Iranian Nuclear Program for Energy” is, to the best of my knowledge and belief, an original piece of work that has not been submitted, either in whole or in part, to another university to obtain a degree. Jakarta, Indonesia, January 23th 2014. _____________________________ Yayan Firmansyah PANEL OF EXAMINER APPROVAL SHEET The panel of examiners declare that the thesis entitled “Indonesian Policy on Iranian Nuclear Program for Energy” that was submitted by Yayan Firmansyah majoring in International Relations from the Faculty of Business and International Relations was assessed and approved to have passed the Oral Examinations on (February 17th 2014) Hendra Manurung, MA. Chair – Panel of Examiners Prof. Anak Agung Banyu Perwita Ph.D.
    [Show full text]
  • Sayı / Issue: 17 TÜRKİYE NEDEN BAŞARILI? Why Turkey Is Thriving
    İSTANBUL AYDIN ÜNİVERSİTESİ UYGULAMA GAZETESİ / ISTANBUL AYDIN UNIVERSITY PERIODICAL JOURNAL 1 Mayıs-1 Haziran 2013 / 1st May – 1st June 2013 nobel Barış AlmAn mucizesinin AmerikA’nın Geleceği tahrip olAn cepheyi darAlTmAk sosyAl Doku Ödüllü Tevekkül sırrı: ArGe Dini ve ToplumsAl YahuDi sorunu, KarmAn istanbul krizler ve bunlArın orta sınıfın krizi Nasıl filisTin AyDın üniversiTesi sonuçlArı ve AmerikAn Gücü sorunu’nA DönüşTü KadrosunA KatılDı The fuTure THE DESTRUCTION OF NarrowInG DoWn THE WINNER OF NOBEL The secreT of The of USA THE SOCIAl TeXTu The fronT PEACE PRIZE, TEVEKKÜL GermAn mırAcle: relIgIous AnD THE CRISIS OF THE hoW The jewIsh kARMAn hAs JOINED r&D THE TeACHING sTAFF socIal crısıs MIDDLE CLASS AnD problem TurneD OF ISTANBUL AyDIN AnD Theır THE POWER OF ınTo The problem of UNIVERSITy consequence s AMERICA PalestIne Klaus Deuser James Petras George Friedman Celal Tahir 02 03 04 06 10 Sayı / Issue: 17 TÜRKİYE NEDEN BAŞARILI? Why Turkey is Thriving Jeffrey D. Sachs EW YORK – Türkiye’ye yaptığım son ziyaret, EW YORK – A recent visit to Turkey reminded son on yıldaki büyük ekonomik başarıyı bana me of its enormous economic successes during the hatırlattı. Ekonomi hızlı bir şekilde büyümüş, last decade. The economy has grown rapidly, in- eşitsizlikN azalıyor ve innovasyon yükselişte. equalityN is declining, and innovation is on the rise. Türkiye’nin başarıları, komşuları düşünüldüğünde, Turkey’s achievements are all the more remarkable when daha fazla dikkate değerdir. Batı komşuları Kıbrıs ve Yu- one considers its neighborhood. Its neighbors to the west, nanistan, euro bölge krizinin merkezindedir. Güneydo- Cyprus and Greece, are at the epicenter of the eurozone cri- ğusunda, neredeyse 400000 mülteciyi Türkiye’ye sü- sis.
    [Show full text]
  • Solving the Iranian Nuclear Puzzle
    An Arms Control Association Briefing Book Solving the Iranian Nuclear Puzzle February 2013 ACA Research Staff An Arms Control Association Briefing Book Solving the Iranian Nuclear Puzzle February 2013 ACA Research Staff Arms Control Association Research Staff Tom Z. Collina is ACA’s Research Director. He previously served as Director of the Global Security Program at the Union of Concerned Scientists and Executive Director of the Institute for Science and International Security. Kelsey Davenport is the Nonproliferation Research Analyst at ACA. She first joined ACA in 2011 as the Herbert Scoville Jr. Peace Fellow. She has worked for a think tank in Jerusalem researching regional security issues and track II diplomatic negotiations and holds a masters degree in peace studies from the Kroc Institute for International Peace Studies at the University of Notre Dame. Daryl G. Kimball has been Executive Director of ACA since 2001. Previously, he was Executive Director of the Coalition to Reduce Nuclear Dangers, a consortium of 17 of the largest U.S. nongovernmental organizations working on nonproliferation and disarmament, and was Director of Security Programs for Physicians for Social Responsibility. Greg Thielmann joined ACA as Senior Fellow in 2009. He served more than three decades in the executive and legislative branches of government, specializing in political-military and intelligence issues, including as a senior professional staffer of the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence and Director of the Strategic, Proliferation and Military Affairs Office in the Department of State’s Bureau of Intelligence and Research. Acknowledgements The Arms Control Association is grateful for the generous support of our members and donors, without which this report would not have been possible.
    [Show full text]
  • Possible US Return to Iran Nuclear Agreement
    Possible U.S. Return to Iran Nuclear Agreement: Frequently Asked Questions January 29, 2021 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R46663 SUMMARY R46663 Possible U.S. Return to Iran Nuclear January 29, 2021 Agreement: Frequently Asked Questions Kenneth Katzman President Joseph Biden and members of his Administration have expressed an intention to Specialist in Middle reverse various Trump Administration policies toward Iran, particularly the Trump Eastern Affairs Administration’s decision to end its participation in the 2015 multilateral nuclear agreement known as the “Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action” (JCPOA). This report provides background Paul K. Kerr and analysis on the agreement, the conditions under which the United States might re-enter it, Specialist in and potential legal, congressional, and regional implications. Nonproliferation The JCPOA, which was finalized on July 14, 2015, by Iran and the United States and five other powers (Russia, China, the United Kingdom, France, and Germany), exchanged relief from Jennifer K. Elsea international sanctions for restrictions on Iran’s nuclear program. The Obama Administration Legislative Attorney called the JCPOA a significant diplomatic achievement that would accomplish the core U.S. national security goal of preventing Iran from developing a nuclear weapon. The Trump Dianne E. Rennack Administration asserted that the JCPOA did not address the broad range of Iran’s objectionable Specialist in Foreign Policy behaviors and that JCPOA-mandated limitations on Iranian nuclear activities did not justify the Legislation sanctions relief provided. In May 2018, the Trump Administration announced that the United States would exit the JCPOA and would instead apply “maximum pressure” on Iran’s economy Clayton Thomas in an attempt to change its behavior more broadly, centered on enforcement and imposition of Analyst in Middle Eastern comprehensive economic sanctions on Iran.
    [Show full text]
  • Conceptualizing Financial Loses As a Result of Advanced Persistent Threats Christopher Levine Honors College, Pace University
    Pace University DigitalCommons@Pace Honors College Theses Pforzheimer Honors College 5-1-2013 Conceptualizing Financial Loses as a Result of Advanced Persistent Threats Christopher Levine Honors College, Pace University Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.pace.edu/honorscollege_theses Part of the Computer Sciences Commons Recommended Citation Levine, Christopher, "Conceptualizing Financial Loses as a Result of Advanced Persistent Threats" (2013). Honors College Theses. Paper 122. http://digitalcommons.pace.edu/honorscollege_theses/122 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Pforzheimer Honors College at DigitalCommons@Pace. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors College Theses by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Pace. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Conceptualizing financial losses as a result of Advanced Persistent Threats Pace University – Seidenberg School of Computing Science One Pace Plaza, New York, NY By Christopher Levine Graduation date: May 15, 2013 Advisor Dr. Darren Hayes Abstract Advanced Persistent Threat (APT) attacks are the biggest threat in the computing world. Currently, there is ample information available on how these attacks occur and who supports these attacks. However, there is dearth of information available that adequately describes the potentiality for financial losses. These losses are a direct result of the attacks themselves, however these attacks could only operate with the support of well-funded groups, such as nation states. Therefore, it is important to understand this relationship to conceptualize how these losses occur. In exploring the results of both Operation Aurora and Stuxnet, two famous APT attacks, it is evident that there are considerable financial losses that go along with APT attacks, thus making them a threat.
    [Show full text]
  • Iran Versus Saudi Arabia. Geopolitical Struggle in the Middle East
    Vereniging voor de Verenigde Naties Model United Nations - Flanders, 15th Edition SIMULATION EXERCISE EEYYEESS 5 - 8 December 2019 OONNLLYY Iran versus Saudi Arabia. Geopolitical struggle in the Middle East. Prof. dr. David Criekemans, University of Antwerp (Belgium) Introduction In the Middle East, a ‘shadow war’ is currently raging between two regional powers; the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the Islamic Republic of Iran. The fight is bitter. It is waged on many fronts; in Syria, in Yemen, in Iraq, across the strategically important Strait of Hormuz since June 2019, but recently also directly. On 15 September 2019, an oil refinery of Saudi Arabia was hit by more than twenty allegedly Iranian drones. The situation has become tense and the conflict potential is so high that a direct conflict between both nations cannot be ruled out. But if this were to happen the ramifications for the whole region would be dire. The geopolitical struggle between Saudi Arabia and Iran can be seen through many looking glasses; the regional component of Shia versus Sunni, the political component of a kingdom against a theocratic republic, the energy dimension of an oil economy at the summit of its power or in potential decline versus a country endowed with natural gas – a probable ‘bridge fuel’ towards a renewable energy future, the regional aspirations of both countries in the region, the question of the potential usage of the nuclear program of Iran for military, non-civilian purposes and the havoc this would create in terms of skewed power balances and a potential tsunami of new nuclear weapon states, the security destabilization since twenty years in the region – which has led to both countries supporting their proxies (in)directly in regional wars, the humanitarian and civilian cost which the proxy conflict between both powers have caused in such countries as Iraq, Syria and Yemen, etc.
    [Show full text]
  • The U.S. Nuclear Disarmament Policy Imposed Towards Iran During Obama’S Presidency with a Focus on the Reasons, Procedures and Implications of This Policy
    People’s Democratic Republic of Algeria Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research جامعة 8 ماي 5491 قالمة University of 8 May 1945 / GUELMA كلية اﻵداب واللغات Faculty of Letters and Languages قسم اﻵداب واللغة اﻻنجليزية Department of Letters and English language Option: Civilization The U.S. Nuclear Disarmament Policy Imposed towards Iran during Obama’s Presidency. A Dissertation Submitted to the Department of Letters and English Language in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Master Degree of Philosophy in Anglophone Language, Literature and Civilizations Submitted by Supervisor: LABROUKI Yaakoub Mrs. BARES Meryem Board of Examiners Chairwoman: Mrs. ZIYAYA Rima (M/B) (University of 8 May 1945/ Guelma) Supervisor: Mrs. BARES Meryem (M/B) (University of 8 May 1945/ Guelma) Examiner: Mrs. SADAOUI Lamia (M/B) (University of 8 May 1945/ Guelma) Septembre 2016 I Dedication I dedicate this work to my family, my beloved mother, who stayed up all nights with me when I was sick during last few months. I would like to thank her for encouraging me to carry on my academic career and finish university when I was about to leave it for a job opportunity I have received in 2013. Special thanks for my father who really inspired me to love politics and chose civilization because of his discussions which turn around daily political issues. Also this work is dedicated to my brother Ryan who tried hard to reach any congress man in the United States and conduct a short interview with him even though he failed to do so. Big thanks go to my friends and classmates who supported me during the whole year, Houssem, Safwan, Rabeh, and special thanks for Besma, Halima, and Fatma.
    [Show full text]