DOCSLIB.ORG

The London School of Economics and Political Science

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The London School of Economics and Political Science The London School of Economics and Political Science The Double Crisis: China and the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 Dandan ZHU A thesis submitted to the Department of International History of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, June 2009 UMI Number: U615950 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615950 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 -meses W 3 Librarv e n t v s f ' L ^ a ' v ^ * ' •'•• and i0 Q W ^ - Scenci- i Z03 o"}o Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without the prior written consent of the author. I warrant that this authorization does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. 2 Abstract The 1956 crisis in Hungary had a profound impact on China’s international affairs and domestic politics. The Chinese Communist Party leadership - party chairman Mao Zedong in particular - had by the end of mid-1950s begun to conceive of “a great Chinese revolution”, which would largely take the form of large-scale industrial modernization. At the same time, China's awareness that it could develop into a leading player in the international socialist camp led Mao and his colleagues actively to intervene on the East European scene, posing an implicit challenge to the Soviet dominance in the bloc. The apparent desire of the Hungarian people to break free from Stalinist socialism, and the real risk, as Mao saw it, of the bloc foundering, convinced the Chinese Party that only reverting to a Stalinist pattern of inter-state socialism could keep the camp intact. In the domestic context, the Hungarian events likewise played a formative role in the evolution of Chinese social policy as top officials critically reviewed the Soviet experience of collectivization. Intellectuals and statesmen began to doubt the efficiency of the party’s rule, while Mao rejected meaningful reforms of institutional socialism in favour of'soft” means of conscripting the intellectuals and “remolding” popular thought. Having opened up to party to criticism from outside, Mao cited the risk of domestic opponents fomenting a Hungarian-style crisis in China in terminating the Hundred Flowers campaign and moving to a program of ideological purges and massive economic stimulation. By 1958 China was definitively set on the course of the Great Leap Forward and the break with the Soviet Union. 3 Acknowledgements I am first of all deeply indebted to Prof. Odd Arne Westad, my supervisor, for his direction of this research and helpful comments on the manuscript. I have been truly lucky to be his student for both my M.Phil. and PhD studies, during which time his example helped inspire me to make a career in International History. It would have been impossible for me to complete the task without his help and encouragement. Many people helped me in completing this thesis, but I would like to single out James Griffiths, who read each chapter, made numerous suggestions for improving phrasing. I owe a great deal to my husband, Yi Mingdeng, for his gathering Chinese materials for me in the first six months of research and for his encouragement and support over the last four years. My special acknowledgments go to the International History Department and IDEAS center of LSE and particularly to Mrs. Tiha Franulovic for her generous assistance. Most of all, I would like to express my deepest gratitude to my mother, Liu Yiping, whose love, support, guidance have behind every successful step of my life. 4 Contents Introduction 6 Chapter 1: Communist China and the Communist world (1949 -1956) 19 Chapter 2: China and the East European bloc: after the CPSU 20th Congress 53 Chapter 3: China's Diplomatic and Political Involvement in the Hungarian Crisis October-Novem ber 1956 111 Chapter 4: The Impact of the Hungarian Crisis on Chinese Domestic Politics, 1956-1957 178 Conclusion 236 Bibliography Materials in Chinese 245 Materials in Other Languages 254 5 Introduction The idea of Europe as the central battlefield of the Cold War as that face-off took shape between the two great powers has to be revised to take account of the emergence into international prominence of events in Asia in the early 1950s.1 The Asian region, as an “other side” or front of the Cold War, has now started to enter into historiography with the end of the conflict and declassification of Chinese state documents, whose scrutiny promises to cast cold war history in a new light both globally and regionally.2 The development of the study of Communist China’s Cold War history has more than any other historiographical development begun to contribute to a more integral and truly global Cold War history. In Mao Zedong’s words, 1956 was a year of “big events”, both at home and abroad.3 The “secret speech” delivered by Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev to the Communist Party of the Soviet Union’s (CPSU) Twentieth Congress had, according to Mao, “opened the lid” on the repressiveness of the immediately post-War Soviet regimes, thereby “making a mess” in ideologically inspiring a wave of de-Stalinization marked by massive demonstrations in Poland and Hungary. These mass movements demanded from their governments the improvement of their countries’ living standards and the safeguarding of national independence and political rights in the teeth of the Soviet Union.4 The Hungarian events, in particular, were more complicated than either a populist anti-socialist protest or a form of proto-nationalist agitation, and the Chinese leaders exerted great effort in trying to apply the lessons of Hungary to their own domestic situation.5 1 On Europe as the origin and central battleground of the Cold Wars, see Antonio Varsori, ‘Reflections on the Origins of the Cold War', in Odd Arne Westad ed., Reviewing the Cold War.Approaches, Interpretations and Theory (London: Frank Cass, 2000), 281-302. 2 See the back cover of John Lewis Gaddis, We now Know: Rethinking Cold War History (New York: Oxford, 1997). 3 Liu Congwen, Chen Shaotao et al., Liu Shaoqii nianpu, 1898-1969 [A Chronological Record of Liu Shaoqi] (LSN), 2vols., (Beijing: Zhongyang wenxian, 1996), 809. 4 See Wu Lengxi, Shinian lunzhan, 1956-1966: Zhongsu guanxi huiyilu [Ten-Year Polemical Debate, 1956-1966: A Memoir on Sino-Soviet Relations] (Beijing: Zhongyang wenxian, 1999), 6. Wu Lengxi was then director of the ‘New China News Agency’ and editor-in-chief of ‘People’s Daily’, and he attended several Politburo Standing Committee meetings discussing the de-Stalinization issue. Mao repeated the same claim later on several occasions. Mao repeated the same claim later on several occasions. Also see Chen Jian, M ao’s China and the Cold War (Chapel Hill, London: The University of North Carolina Press, 2001), 64. 5 See Bo Yibo, Ruogan zhongda juece yu shijian de huigu (xiajuan) [Review on a Certain Number of Crucial Decisions and Events, vol. 2, thereafter huigu] (Beijing: Remmin, 1997) 597-599. 6 The purpose of this thesis is to make sense of the inner connection between China's political and diplomatic involvement in the Hungarian crisis and the influence this crisis had on China's domestic policy from late 1956 to 1957. In this short but very crucial period of time, Chinese domestic politics changed dramatically from the rhetorically inclusive and pluralistic "rectification" and Hundred Flowers campaigns (HF) to the repressive and authoritarian Anti-Rightist campaign, changes in which Chairman Mao's interpretation of the Hungarian Crisis of 1956 played an essential role. This thesis takes advantage of the wealth of newly available archival material in opting for a domestic-centered method in studying the relations between China and the Hungarian crisis of 1956. Its particular focus lies with how the crisis prompted Mao to adopt a more aggressive agenda in promoting the "socialist revolution and [effort of] reconstruction" at home, at the same time as emphasizing the necessity to keep hierarchical order within the Communist camp against the background of the Cold War. This attention, while centrally devotes to China, nevertheless captures an international dimension of the Hungarian crisis to which insufficient attention has as yet been paid.6 6 Up to 1990s, the books and articles on the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 either written by the Hungarian scholars or western researchers rarely touch upon Chinese diplomatic and political involvement in the process of the events, let alone seeking to assess the impact of the October Revolution on the Chinese domestic scene throughout late 1956 to late 1957. Janos Radvanyi, a senior official in the Hungarian diplomatic service in 1956, published an article in 1970 recollecting his observation of the Chinese role in the 1956 Hungarian Crisis.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • February 04, 1949 Memorandum of Conversation Between Anastas Mikoyan and Mao Zedong
    Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified February 04, 1949 Memorandum of Conversation between Anastas Mikoyan and Mao Zedong Citation: “Memorandum of Conversation between Anastas Mikoyan and Mao Zedong,” February 04, 1949, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, APRF: F. 39, Op. 1, D. 39, Ll. 54-62. Reprinted in Andrei Ledovskii, Raisa Mirovitskaia and Vladimir Miasnikov, Sovetsko-Kitaiskie Otnosheniia, Vol. 5, Book 2, 1946-February 1950 (Moscow: Pamiatniki Istoricheskoi Mysli, 2005), pp. 66-72. Translated by Sergey Radchenko. http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/113318 Summary: Anastas Mikoyan and Mao Zedong discuss the independence of Mongolia, the independence movement in Xinjiang, the construction of a railroad in Xinjiang, CCP contacts with the VKP(b), the candidate for Chinese ambassador to the USSR, aid from the USSR to China, CCP negotiations with the Guomindang, the preparatory commisssion for convening the PCM, the character of future rule in China, Chinese treaties with foreign powers, and the Sino-Soviet treaty. Original Language: Russian Contents: English Translation On 4 February 1949 another meeting with Mao Zedong took place in the presence of CCP CC Politburo members Zhou Enlai, Liu Shaoqi, Ren Bishi, Zhu De and the interpreter Shi Zhe. From our side Kovalev I[van]. V. and Kovalev E.F. were present. THE NATIONAL QUESTION I conveyed to Mao Zedong that our CC does not advise the Chinese Com[munist] Party to go overboard in the national question by means of providing independence to national minorities and thereby reducing the territory of the Chinese state in connection with the communists' take-over of power.
    [Show full text]
  • Chinax Course Notes – Modern History
    ChinaX Course Notes – Modern History I transmit, I do not innovate.216 If you copy this document, please do not remove this disclaimer These are the class notes of Dave Pomerantz, a student in the HarvardX/EdX MOOC course entitled ChinaX. My ChinaX id is simply DavePomerantz. First, a very big thank you to Professors Peter Bol and Bill Kirby and Mark Elliot and Roderick MacFarquhar, to the visiting lecturers who appear in the videos and to the ChinaX staff for assembling such a marvelous course. The notes may contain copyrighted material from the ChinaX course. Any inaccuracies are purely my own. Where material from Wikipedia is copied directly into this document, a link is provided. See here. I strongly encourage you to download the PDF file with the notes for the entire course. Sections do not stand alone. Each one refers many times to the others with page numbers and footnotes, helping to connect many of the recurring themes in Chinese history. 216 The Analects 7.1. See page 35. ChinaX Part 9 Communist Liberations Page 305 of 323 Part 9: Communist Liberations 37: Rise of the Communist Party Part 9 Introduction Founded in 1921with only 57 members, the CCP had millions of members by 1949 and ruled all of China. Mao Zedong was only 28 when he attended the first Congress, but he led that ruling party in 1949. John Fairbank wrote that no one in human history ever equaled that accomplishment, given the sheer size and magnificent history of China. How did the CCP come to power? The success was in part the result of early efforts under the Comintern to plan the revolution.
    [Show full text]
  • Mao and the 1956 Soviet Military
    ! ! !"#$"%&'()#$*+,$-"& .(#/&0122& & & & & 3%4&'()#$*+,$-"5&& & & & SHEN ZHIHUA & MAO AND THE 1956 SOVIET MILITARY INTERVENTION IN HUNGARY & & & & !"#$#%&''()*+,'#-./0)#%1) 2./)3456)7+%$&"#&%)8/9:'+;#:%)&%0);./)<:9#/;)=':>)?:+%;"#/-1)8/&>;#:%-)&%0) 8/*/">+--#:%-)) @0#;/0),()AB%:-)CD)8&#%/"E)F&;&'#%)<:G'&#) 2./)H%-;#;+;/)I:");./)7#-;:"():I);./)3456)7+%$&"#&%)8/9:'+;#:%E)7#-;:"#>&')J">.#9/-):I) ;./)7+%$&"#&%)<;&;/)</>+"#;(E)=+0&*/-;E)KLLM)) & 003Shenjo:Elrendezés 1 2007.11.11. 12:24 Oldal 24 SHEN ZHIHUA MAO AND THE 1956 SOVIET MILITARY INTERVENTION IN HUNGARY Sino-Soviet relations entered a honeymoon period when Khrushchev came to power. Friendship and cooperation were unimpaired despite worries on the part of Mao Zedong about some of Khrushchev’s actions at the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU). In fact, Khrushchev’s bold criticism of Stalin suited Mao Zedong because it relieved some pressure on him. Generally speaking, the guiding principles of the 20th Congress of the CPSU were identical with those of the 8th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP),1 to whose views 24 Moscow attached great importance at the time. Pravda went so far as to translate into Russian and reprint a CCP article entitled “On the historical experience of proletarian dictatorship”, which was also issued as a pamphlet in Russian in 200 000 copies, for study by the whole party.2 When another CCP article, “More on the historical experience of proletarian dictatorship”, was published, Soviet radio used its star announcer
    [Show full text]
  • H-Diplo Essay 267- Shen Zhihua on Learning the Scholar's Craft
    H-Diplo H-Diplo Essay 267- Shen Zhihua on Learning the Scholar’s Craft: Reflections of Historians and International Relations Scholars Discussion published by George Fujii on Tuesday, September 15, 2020 H-Diplo Essay 267 Essay Series on Learning the Scholar’s Craft: Reflections of Historians and International Relations Scholars 15 September 2020 The Journey of Scholarship https://hdiplo.org/to/E267 Series Editor: Diane Labrosse | Production Editor: George Fujii Commissioning Editors: Sergey Radchenko and Yafeng Xia Translated for H-Diplo by Yafeng Xia Essay by Shen Zhihua, East China Normal University I turned seventy on April 20, 2020. There is an old saying in China: “A man seldom lives to be seventy years old.” You can’t help but sigh helplessly. It is not uncommon that old age clouds your memory. Perhaps, too, it is still too early to pass the final judgment on me. But when looking back, many things come vividly to my mind. And I frequently reflect on the road I took to become a scholar. Without exaggeration, I was successful in my youth. I am the same age as New China. My parents went to Yan’an in 1936-38, studied at the Anti-Japanese University[1] and joined the Eighth Route Army. After the founding of the People’s Republic of China, they were both assigned to work at the Ministry of Public Security. I grew up within the compound of the Ministry of Public Security, which was diagonally opposite of Tiananmen Square at the time. As a descendant of revolution, I was very comfortable from an early age.
    [Show full text]
  • New China and Its Qiaowu: the Political Economy of Overseas Chinese Policy in the People’S Republic of China, 1949–1959
    1 The London School of Economics and Political Science New China and its Qiaowu: The Political Economy of Overseas Chinese policy in the People’s Republic of China, 1949–1959 Jin Li Lim A thesis submitted to the Department of International History of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, September 2016. 2 Declaration: I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 98,700 words. 3 Abstract: This thesis examines qiaowu [Overseas Chinese affairs] policies during the PRC’s first decade, and it argues that the CCP-controlled party-state’s approach to the governance of the huaqiao [Overseas Chinese] and their affairs was fundamentally a political economy. This was at base, a function of perceived huaqiao economic utility, especially for what their remittances offered to China’s foreign reserves, and hence the party-state’s qiaowu approach was a political practice to secure that economic utility.
    [Show full text]
  • Download Thesis
    This electronic thesis or dissertation has been downloaded from the King’s Research Portal at https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/ Across the Geo-political Landscape Chinese Women Intellectuals’ Political Networks in the Wartime Era 1937-1949 Guo, Xiangwei Awarding institution: King's College London The copyright of this thesis rests with the author and no quotation from it or information derived from it may be published without proper acknowledgement. END USER LICENCE AGREEMENT Unless another licence is stated on the immediately following page this work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International licence. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ You are free to copy, distribute and transmit the work Under the following conditions: Attribution: You must attribute the work in the manner specified by the author (but not in any way that suggests that they endorse you or your use of the work). Non Commercial: You may not use this work for commercial purposes. No Derivative Works - You may not alter, transform, or build upon this work. Any of these conditions can be waived if you receive permission from the author. Your fair dealings and other rights are in no way affected by the above. Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 30. Sep. 2021 Across the Geo-political Landscape: Chinese Women Intellectuals’ Political
    [Show full text]
  • Searching for a New Constitutional Model for East-Central Europe
    The Catholic University of America, Columbus School of Law CUA Law Scholarship Repository Scholarly Articles and Other Contributions Faculty Scholarship 1991 Searching for a New Constitutional Model for East-Central Europe Rett R. Ludwikowski The Catholic University of America, Columbus School of Law Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.edu/scholar Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, and the Constitutional Law Commons Recommended Citation Rett. R. Ludwikowski, Searching for a New Constitutional Model for East-Central Europe, 17 SYRACUSE J. INT’L L. & COM. 91 (1991). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at CUA Law Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Scholarly Articles and Other Contributions by an authorized administrator of CUA Law Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. SEARCHING FOR A NEW CONSTITUTIONAL MODEL FOR EAST-CENTRAL EUROPE Rett R. Ludwikowski* TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION ........................................ 92 II. CONSTITUTIONAL TRADITIONS: THE OVERVIEW ....... 93 A. Polish Constitutional Traditions .................... 93 1. The Constitution of May 3, 1791 ............... 94 2. Polish Constitutions in the Period of the Partitions ...................................... 96 3. Constitutions of the Restored Polish State After World War 1 (1918-1939) ...................... 100 B. Soviet Constitutions ................................ 102 1. Constitutional Legacy of Tsarist Russia ......... 102 2. The Soviet Revolutionary Constitution of 1918.. 104 3. The First Post-Revolutionary Constitution of 1924 ........................................... 107 4. The Stalin Constitution of 1936 ................ 109 5. The Post-Stalinist Constitution of 1977 ......... 112 C. Outline of the Constitutional History of Romania, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia and Hungary ............. 114 III. CONSTITUTIONAL LEGACY: CONFRONTATION OF EAST AND W EST ............................................
    [Show full text]
  • New Documents on Mongolia and the Cold War
    Cold War International History Project Bulletin, Issue 16 New Documents on Mongolia and the Cold War Translation and Introduction by Sergey Radchenko1 n a freezing November afternoon in Ulaanbaatar China and Russia fell under the Mongolian sword. However, (Ulan Bator), I climbed the Zaisan hill on the south- after being conquered in the 17th century by the Manchus, Oern end of town to survey the bleak landscape below. the land of the Mongols was divided into two parts—called Black smoke from gers—Mongolian felt houses—blanketed “Outer” and “Inner” Mongolia—and reduced to provincial sta- the valley; very little could be discerned beyond the frozen tus. The inhabitants of Outer Mongolia enjoyed much greater Tuul River. Chilling wind reminded me of the cold, harsh autonomy than their compatriots across the border, and after winter ahead. I thought I should have stayed at home after all the collapse of the Qing dynasty, Outer Mongolia asserted its because my pen froze solid, and I could not scribble a thing right to nationhood. Weak and disorganized, the Mongolian on the documents I carried up with me. These were records religious leadership appealed for help from foreign countries, of Mongolia’s perilous moves on the chessboard of giants: including the United States. But the first foreign troops to its strategy of survival between China and the Soviet Union, appear were Russian soldiers under the command of the noto- and its still poorly understood role in Asia’s Cold War. These riously cruel Baron Ungern who rode past the Zaisan hill in the documents were collected from archival depositories and pri- winter of 1921.
    [Show full text]
  • 11/6 Reading Assignment Why Is Angela Merkel in A
    11/6 Reading Assignment Why is Angela Merkel in a comfortable position compared to Peer Steinbruck? The hypothesized impact of the eurozone debt crisis and, related, Germany's eurozone role. Though Merkel represents the country's ideological right, how might her prescription for economic growth contrast with the right among American candidates for federal office? Who and what experienced the "biggest election victory " since reunification (i.e., of E. and W. Germany into one Germany)? How does the position of "party chairman" in Germany contrast with, for example, the Republican Party Chairman or Democratic Party Chairman in the United States? What is Sigmar Gabriel's job and what is his goal? What is driving the Social Democratic Party into a likely, grand coalition with the Christian Democrats? What drove the Greens and the CDU apart? Where do we see federalism (e.g., Bavaria's role) factoring into the CDU/CSU's willingness to accommodate SDP demands? What demands are those? What are Merkel's "red lines"? The significance (not just defitinition) of gerechtigkeit, particularly in light of the liberalizing labor and welfare reforms enacted a decade ago (ironically [Why "ironically"?] by the SPD-Green government. The impact of Catholic/Lutheran views on the right-of-center CDU/CSU. Can you speculate, based on this, why the FDP was ejected from parliament? How is Merkel thinking about economic inequality in terms of electoral strategy? What is a GINI coefficient? What is the trend in GINI in the east and west of the country? How does public opinion contradict the measured reality of inequality? So, how might this explain the growing fortunes of the Left and Greens at the expense of the Free Democrats? How does Germany compare to other OECD nations based on the varying New Social Maret Economy's (INSM) quality of life indicators? ------------------------------------------------------- The Boston Globe (The Boston Globe) - Clipping Loc.
    [Show full text]
  • China's Domestic Politicsand
    China’s Domestic Politics and Foreign Policies and Major Countries’ Strategies toward China edited by Jung-Ho Bae and Jae H. Ku China’s Domestic Politics and Foreign Policies and Major Countries’ Strategies toward China 1SJOUFE %FDFNCFS 1VCMJTIFE %FDFNCFS 1VCMJTIFECZ ,PSFB*OTUJUVUFGPS/BUJPOBM6OJGJDBUJPO ,*/6 1VCMJTIFS 1SFTJEFOUPG,*/6 &EJUFECZ $FOUFSGPS6OJGJDBUJPO1PMJDZ4UVEJFT ,*/6 3FHJTUSBUJPO/VNCFS /P "EESFTT SP 4VZVEPOH (BOHCVLHV 4FPVM 5FMFQIPOF 'BY )PNFQBHF IUUQXXXLJOVPSLS %FTJHOBOE1SJOU )ZVOEBJ"SUDPN$P -UE $PQZSJHIU ,*/6 *4#/ 1SJDF G "MM,*/6QVCMJDBUJPOTBSFBWBJMBCMFGPSQVSDIBTFBUBMMNBKPS CPPLTUPSFTJO,PSFB "MTPBWBJMBCMFBU(PWFSONFOU1SJOUJOH0GGJDF4BMFT$FOUFS4UPSF 0GGJDF China’s Domestic Politics and Foreign Policies and Major Countries’ Strategies toward China �G 1SFGBDF Jung-Ho Bae (Director of the Center for Unification Policy Studies at Korea Institute for National Unification) �G *OUSPEVDUJPO 1 Turning Points for China and the Korean Peninsula Jung-Ho Bae and Dongsoo Kim (Korea Institute for National Unification) �G 1BSUEvaluation of China’s Domestic Politics and Leadership $IBQUFS 19 A Chinese Model for National Development Yong Shik Choo (Chung-Ang University) $IBQUFS 55 Leadership Transition in China - from Strongman Politics to Incremental Institutionalization Yi Edward Yang (James Madison University) $IBQUFS 81 Actors and Factors - China’s Challenges in the Crucial Next Five Years Christopher M. Clarke (U.S. State Department’s Bureau of Intelligence and Research-INR) China’s Domestic Politics and Foreign Policies
    [Show full text]
  • Social Welfare Under Chinese Socialism
    SOCIAL WELFARE UNDER CHINESE SOCIALISM - A CASE STUDY OF THE MINISTRY OF CIVIL AFFAIRS by LINDA WONG LAI YEUK LIN Thesis submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the London School of Economics and Political Science University of London May, 1992 - 1 - UMI Number: U615173 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615173 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 n + £ s ^ s F l O U o ABSTRACT All complex human societies make social provisions to ensure the wellbeing and security of their citizens and to facilitate social integration. As in other societies, China's formal welfare system is embedded in its social structure and its informal networks of self help and mutual aid. This thesis explores the development of one of China's major welfare bureaucracies - the Ministry of Civil Affairs and the local agencies which it supervises from 1949, with especial reference to the period between 1978 to 1988. The study begins by surveying the theories, both Western and socialist, that purport to explain the determinants of welfare.
    [Show full text]
  • And the C a U S E S of War
    Human Nature and the C a u s e s of War JOHN DAVID ORME Human Nature and the Causes of War John David Orme Human Nature and the Causes of War John David Orme Oglethorpe University Brookhaven, GA, USA ISBN 978-3-319-77166-3 ISBN 978-3-319-77167-0 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-77167-0 Library of Congress Control Number: 2018936599 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2018 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifcally the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microflms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specifc statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affliations.
    [Show full text]