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Social Welfare Under Chinese Socialism

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SOCIAL WELFARE UNDER CHINESE SOCIALISM - A CASE STUDY OF THE MINISTRY OF CIVIL AFFAIRS by LINDA WONG LAI YEUK LIN Thesis submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the London School of Economics and Political Science University of London May, 1992 - 1 - UMI Number: U615173 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615173 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 n + £ s ^ s F l O U o ABSTRACT All complex human societies make social provisions to ensure the wellbeing and security of their citizens and to facilitate social integration. As in other societies, China's formal welfare system is embedded in its social structure and its informal networks of self help and mutual aid. This thesis explores the development of one of China's major welfare bureaucracies - the Ministry of Civil Affairs and the local agencies which it supervises from 1949, with especial reference to the period between 1978 to 1988. The study begins by surveying the theories, both Western and socialist, that purport to explain the determinants of welfare. Richard Rose's welfare mix concept (1986) is modified to yield a framework that posits welfare development in terms of the role of the state, the family, the collective and the traditional culture of welfare. The operational definition in the Chinese context is then set out with reference to the programmes of social amelioration established under the aegis of the Minstry of Civil Affairs in order to assist those social groups that lack the capacity and resources for independent living. Before 1978, Civil Affairs Departments functioned as agencies of last resort, playing a small but vitally important role in meeting the needs of the poorest members of Chinese society. This remains true at the present time. Then policy developments in the current period are analysed in both the national context and in the province of Guangdong, where the economic reforms have gone furthest in reshaping Chinese social life. Emerging frcm the review is the interaction between social and economic policies, including the impact of the transformation of the institutional context and the changes in broader political objectives. In the final section, attention is drawn to the narrowly residualist character of the Ministry's approach to welfare. Several institutional factors, it is suggested, account for the degree of residual ism - the state's narrow conception of the role of statutory welfare, the cultural importance of utilitarian Chinese familism, the all-embracing nature of the collective canopy and the general influence of the cultural legacy. The Chinese welfare system, it is argued, is what it is because it fits the structural requirements of Chinese socialism. - 2 - r F m C A T K K To Siu Inn and Yu 3 aaqCTrrrcTMFirrs This thesis took five years to complete and I have man/ persons to thank for sustaining me in this daunting task. First of all, I would like to express my deep appreciation to Professor Robert Pinker, my supervisor, for his stimulation, guidance and unfailing support. He introduced me to many useful ideas? his own he never tried to sell. Besides this intellectual debt, I want to thank him for strengthening my trust in the importance of this study and my ability to see it through, however difficult it was. He was ever patient with my progress, which was slew due to the marry commitments of work and family life, and generous with encouraging comments. If not for this, my mental anguish would have been unbearable. Next, I have to thank my family for putting up with this long ordeal. My husband, Siu Iim, and, son, Yu, have suffered from neglect of their needs but have bravely soldiered on. Other family members have likewise been extremely supportive. I appreciate hew lucky I have been. A few persons deserve my warm gratitude. My good friend Dr. Veronica Pearson has been most supportive, in both psychological and pragmatic ways. In respect of the latter, she has read through drafts of the thesis and wisely pointed cut many areas for - 4 - improvement. Tcwands the final stage, I also had the good fortune of having Professor Stewart MacFherson, who has become a colleague at work, to comment on the final draft. I alone am responsible for all the faults in my work. Besides, I would also like to thank the City Polytechnic of Hang Kang for sponsoring my studies. My head of department, Dr. H.K. Wong has been very understanding and supportive, so have other colleagues, in particular Dr. Julia Tao and Miss Edith Yeung, who helped with the word processing. In addition, my gratitude goes to Helen and Keith Boldersan for giving me a home away from home during my working stints in London. I cannot have asked for a more sustaining and stress-free environment to do my work. Finally, my deep appreciation goes to the very many people working in civil affairs departments and other agencies in China, who have taken the trouble to tell me about their work. A very special debt is owed to the Guangdong Province Civil Affairs Department for making my research in Guangdong possible. They do much good work under difficult circumstances. I hope their story will reach a wider audience and lead to greater understanding of social welfare in China. - 5 - AHFKFVTATTCNS BR Beijing Review CAD Civil Affairs Departments Cidian Jianming Zhongguo Minzheng Cidian Chronology A Chronology of the IRC. 1949-1984 CQ Ihe China Quarterly CSY China Statistical Yearbook CR Cultural Revolution Dangdai Dangdai Zhongguo De Zhigong Fuli He Shehui Baoxian Dashiji Minzheng Bu Dashiji DG Dongguan Pcigui Xuahbian Minzheng Fagui Xuahbian h~h:h k Far Eastern Economic Review FYP Five Year Plan E5 Fenjinde Sishinian FYUD The Forty Years of Urban Development Gailun Minzheng Gongzuo Gailun GD Guangdong GCMZ Guangdong Minzheng (Magazine) GDPCAD Guangdong Province Civil Affairs Deparment GD6 ZJ Gaige Kaifang Zhongde Zhongguo Shehui Fuli - Guangdong Sheng Zhuanji GDKEJNJ Guangdong Sheng Tongji Nianjian GZ Guangzhou GZCAD Guangzhou Civil Affairs Department Huibian Minzheng Gongzuo Wenjian Huibian HZ Huazhou Jiaocai Minzheng Gailun Shiyong Jiaocai MCA Ministry of Civil Affairs MIA Ministry of Internal Affairs NH Nanhai PEA Pprp1ft»s T.iberation Army IRC Beetle's Republic of China FY Panyu SD Shunde SEZ Special Economic Zone SHBZB Shehui Baozhang Bao Shigao Zhongguo Minzheng Shigao Shouoe Minzheng Gongzuo Shouce Tansuo Minzheng Gongzuo De Tansuo Wenjian Xuahbian Minzheng Gongzuo Wenjian Xuanbian Wenxuan Minzheng He Shehui Baozhang Wenxuan ZC34Z Zhongguo Minzheng (Magazine) Z O J d D N J Zhongguo Nangcun Tongji Nianjian ZGSHEJZL Zhongguo Shehui Tongji Ziliao ZGSHB Zhongguo Shehui Bao ZS Zhongshan - 6 - crnfiSKHY CCP Chinese Communist Party Civil Affairs or minzheng gongzuo. means work carried under the aegis of civil affairs departments, which includes social welfare services and production, disaster and social relief, resettlement of demobilized soliders, preferential treatment, marriage and society registration, funeral reform, territorial boundary administration and supervision of grassroots neighbourhood organizations. CcaiirnLinity or shegu fuwu. refers to services and amenities Services provided by urban neighbourhood organizations. Such provisions include nurseries, aged homes, social centres for the elderly, disabled and soldiers' dependants, reading roams, canteens, shops, repair services, home help, support groups and so on. Services are financed by local communities and are given free or at a small charge. Danwei work unit for urban employees. For students, the danwei is their school or college; for the unemployed, it is the urban neighbourhood organization. The "Five or wubao. is a rural relief scheme run by rural Guarantees" communities that provides for food, clothing, housing, medical care, burial (for the aged) or schooling (for orphans) to the aged, disabled and orphans who have no family, work ability or means of livelihood. Fuli welfare Fuli Yuan social welfare institutions Fupin literally means aid to the poor. Fupin or development aid refers to loans granted to hardship households to start economic projects, also include support through supply of raw materials, training and technical assistance. Guanxi personal connections Household a system whereby rural households contract with Responsibility the local collective (village) to lease land for System cultivation. After delivering the agreed quota of produce (or cash in lieu), peasants can keep the surplus. This frees peasants to make their own productive decisions and assume responsibility for profit and losses. - 7 - Jiuii relief Kaifang Gaige open door and reform labour Insurance or laodong baoxian. refers to social insurance for urban employees which includes retirement, sickness, disability, survivor, maternity and health benefits. Minzhencr Bu Ministry of Civil Affairs Mou one-sixth of an acre Neibu for internal use Preferential or voudai fuxu or voufu. refers to aid given to Treatment veterans, serving soldiers and their dependants. Social Welfare or shehui fuli give or shehui fulidhang. refers to Enterprises or productive enterprises where at least 35% of the Factories operatives are disabled persons. Such units qualify for tax reduction or exemption from the state. Socialization of or shehui fuli shehuihua. means the sharing of Social Welfare responsibility in the funding and administration of welfare support so as to avoid sole dependence on the state. local communities, work units, social groups, families and individuals are expected to contribute to this effort.
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