The Politics of Feasible Socialism
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The Party of European Socialists, European Greens and European Left Party Respond to the Crisis1
All anti-neo-liberal now? The Party of European Socialists, European Greens and European Left Party respond to the crisis1 Luke March University of Edinburgh [email protected] Paper for PSA 2013 Draft version 1.0. Work very much in progress. Please do not quote without author’s permission. Why has the left failed to benefit from the post-2008 economic crisis? This is a common, but perhaps slightly unfair question. It is difficult to see any one political family as a unique beneficiary, and indeed the right’s apparent earlier ideological hegemony has become unstuck with the ‘austerity medicine’ having consistently failed to revive the European patient. Nevertheless, there is still something remarkable about socio-economic conditions that should be a ‘perfect storm’ for left-wing politics regularly failing to produce anything like a clear boon for the left. The February 2013 Italian elections are just the latest that may mark a ‘no- confidence’ vote in the Centre-Left (McDonnell and Bobba 2013). The social democratic Democratic Party (PD) and its more leftist ally, the post-communist Left Ecology Freedom threw away an apparently unassailable lead to squeak ahead of the right and Beppe Grillo’s Five-Star Movement. This paper aims to contribute to answering this overarching question by comparing the policy and ideological response to the crisis undertaken by the three ‘left’ transnational party federations (TNPs) at European level, the Party of European Socialists (PES), European Green Party (EGP) and European Left Party (EL).2 Comparing the three TNPs is an apposite approach. Although TNPs are ‘timidly rising actors’, relatively weak formations that fall far short of being fully integrated parties, they at the very least aspire to a minimal level of ideological and policy co-ordination (Bardi 2004; cf. -
Remaking Italy? Place Configurations and Italian Electoral Politics Under the ‘Second Republic’
Modern Italy Vol. 12, No. 1, February 2007, pp. 17–38 Remaking Italy? Place Configurations and Italian Electoral Politics under the ‘Second Republic’ John Agnew The Italian Second Republic was meant to have led to a bipolar polity with alternation in national government between conservative and progressive blocs. Such a system it has been claimed would undermine the geographical structure of electoral politics that contributed to party system immobilism in the past. However, in this article I argue that dynamic place configurations are central to how the ‘new’ Italian politics is being constructed. The dominant emphasis on either television or the emergence of ‘politics without territory’ has obscured the importance of this geographical restructuring. New dynamic place configurations are apparent particularly in the South which has emerged as a zone of competition between the main party coalitions and a nationally more fragmented geographical pattern of electoral outcomes. These patterns in turn reflect differential trends in support for party positions on governmental centralization and devolution, geographical patterns of local economic development, and the re-emergence of the North–South divide as a focus for ideological and policy differences between parties and social groups across Italy. Introduction One of the high hopes of the early 1990s in Italy was that following the cleansing of the corruption associated with the party regime of the Cold War period, Italy could become a ‘normal country’ in which bipolar politics of electoral competition between clearly defined coalitions formed before elections, rather than perpetual domination by the political centre, would lead to potential alternation of progressive and conservative forces in national political office and would check the systematic corruption of partitocrazia based on the jockeying for government offices (and associated powers) after elections (Gundle & Parker 1996). -
Antisemitism in the Radical Left and the British Labour Party, by Dave Rich
Kantor Center Position Papers Editor: Mikael Shainkman January 2018 ANTISEMITISM IN THE RADICAL LEFT AND THE BRITISH LABOUR PARTY Dave Rich* Executive Summary Antisemitism has become a national political issue and a headline story in Britain for the first time in decades because of ongoing problems in the Labour Party. Labour used to enjoy widespread Jewish support but increasing left wing hostility towards Israel and Zionism, and a failure to understand and properly oppose contemporary antisemitism, has placed increasing distance between the party and the UK Jewish community. This has emerged under the leadership of Jeremy Corbyn, a product of the radical 1960s New Left that sees Israel as an apartheid state created by colonialism, but it has been building on the fringes of the left for decades. Since Corbyn became party leader, numerous examples of antisemitic remarks made by Labour members, activists and elected officials have come to light. These remarks range from opposition to Israel’s existence or claims that Zionism collaborated with Nazism, to conspiracy theories about the Rothschilds or ISIS. The party has tried to tackle the problem of antisemitism through procedural means and generic declarations opposing antisemitism, but it appears incapable of addressing the political culture that produces this antisemitism: possibly because this radical political culture, borne of anti-war protests and allied to Islamist movements, is precisely where Jeremy Corbyn and his closest associates find their political home. A Crisis of Antisemitism Since early 2016, antisemitism has become a national political issue in Britain for the first time in decades. This hasn’t come about because of a surge in support for the far right, or jihadist terrorism against Jews. -
The Poverty and Welfare Rhetoric of Lyndon Johnson and Ronald Reagan
UNLV Retrospective Theses & Dissertations 1-1-2007 Defining eality:r The poverty and welfare rhetoric of Lyndon Johnson and Ronald Reagan Andrea Lyn Finan University of Nevada, Las Vegas Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalscholarship.unlv.edu/rtds Repository Citation Finan, Andrea Lyn, "Defining eality:r The poverty and welfare rhetoric of Lyndon Johnson and Ronald Reagan" (2007). UNLV Retrospective Theses & Dissertations. 2230. http://dx.doi.org/10.25669/hkov-c02c This Thesis is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by Digital Scholarship@UNLV with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Thesis in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This Thesis has been accepted for inclusion in UNLV Retrospective Theses & Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Digital Scholarship@UNLV. For more information, please contact [email protected]. DEFINING REALITY: THE POVERTY AND WELFARE RHETORIC OF LYNDON JOHNSON AND RONALD REAGAN by Andrea Lyn Finan Bachelor of Arts University of Nevada, Las Vegas 2005 A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Arts Degree in Communication Studies Department of Communication Studies Greenspun College of Urban Affairs Graduate College University of Nevada, Las Vegas December 2007 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. -
'The Left's Views on Israel: from the Establishment of the Jewish State To
‘The Left’s Views on Israel: From the establishment of the Jewish state to the intifada’ Thesis submitted by June Edmunds for PhD examination at the London School of Economics and Political Science 1 UMI Number: U615796 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615796 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 F 7377 POLITI 58^S8i ABSTRACT The British left has confronted a dilemma in forming its attitude towards Israel in the postwar period. The establishment of the Jewish state seemed to force people on the left to choose between competing nationalisms - Israeli, Arab and later, Palestinian. Over time, a number of key developments sharpened the dilemma. My central focus is the evolution of thinking about Israel and the Middle East in the British Labour Party. I examine four critical periods: the creation of Israel in 1948; the Suez war in 1956; the Arab-Israeli war of 1967 and the 1980s, covering mainly the Israeli invasion of Lebanon but also the intifada. In each case, entrenched attitudes were called into question and longer-term shifts were triggered in the aftermath. -
Social Welfare Under Chinese Socialism
SOCIAL WELFARE UNDER CHINESE SOCIALISM - A CASE STUDY OF THE MINISTRY OF CIVIL AFFAIRS by LINDA WONG LAI YEUK LIN Thesis submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the London School of Economics and Political Science University of London May, 1992 - 1 - UMI Number: U615173 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615173 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 n + £ s ^ s F l O U o ABSTRACT All complex human societies make social provisions to ensure the wellbeing and security of their citizens and to facilitate social integration. As in other societies, China's formal welfare system is embedded in its social structure and its informal networks of self help and mutual aid. This thesis explores the development of one of China's major welfare bureaucracies - the Ministry of Civil Affairs and the local agencies which it supervises from 1949, with especial reference to the period between 1978 to 1988. The study begins by surveying the theories, both Western and socialist, that purport to explain the determinants of welfare. -
Dimensions and Alignments in European Union Politics: Cognitive Constraints and Partisan Responses
Working Paper Series in European Studies Volume 1, Number 3 Dimensions and Alignments in European Union Politics: Cognitive Constraints and Partisan Responses DR. SIMON HIX DEPARTMENT OF GOVERNMENT LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS AND POLITICAL SCIENCE Houghton Street London, WC2A 2AE United Kingdom ([email protected]) EDITORIAL ADVISORY COMMITTEE: GILLES BOUSQUET KEITH COHEN COLLEEN DUNLAVY ANDREAS KAZAMIAS LEON LINDBERG ELAINE MARKS ANNE MINER ROBERT OSTERGREN MARK POLLACK GREGORY SHAFFER MARC SILBERMAN JONATHAN ZEITLIN Copyright © 1998 All rights reserved. No part of this paper may be reproduced in any form without permission of the author. European Studies Program, International Institute, University of Wisconsin--Madison Madison, Wisconsin http://polyglot.lss.wisc.edu/eur/ 1 Dimensions and Alignments in European Union Politics: Cognitive Constraints and Partisan Responses Simon Hix Department of Government, London School of Economics and Political Science, London, United Kingdom Abstract As the European Union (EU) has evolved, the study agenda has shifted from ‘European integration’ to ‘EU politics’. Missing from this new agenda, however, is an understanding of the ‘cognitive constraints’ on actors, and how actors respond: i.e. the shape of the EU ‘political space’ and the location of social groups and competition between actors within this space. The article develops a theoretical framework for understanding the shape of the EU political space (the interaction between an Integration-Independence and a Left-Right dimension and the location of class and sectoral groups within this map), and tests this framework on the policy positions of the Socialist, Christian Democrat and Liberal party leaders between 1976 and 1994 (using the techniques of the ECPR Party Manifestos Group Project). -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Pets Are Popular with U.S. Presidents
Pets Are Popular With U.S. Presidents Most people have heard by now that President-elect Barack Obama promised his two daughters a puppy if he were elected president. Obama called choosing a dog a “major issue” for the new first family. It seems that pets have always been very popular with U.S. presidents. Only two of the 44 presidents -- Chester A. Arthur and Franklin Pierce -- left no record of having pets. Many presidents and their children had dogs and cats in the White House. President and Mrs. Bush have two dogs and a cat living with them -- the dogs are named Barney and Miss Beazley and the cat is India. But there have been many unusual presidential pets as well. President Calvin Coolidge may have had the most pets. NEWS WORD BOX He had a pygmy hippopotamus, six dogs, a bobcat, a goose, a donkey, a cat, two lion cubs, an antelope, and popular issue record wallaby a wallaby. President Herbert Hoover had several dogs pygmy hippopotamus and his son had two pet alligators, which sometimes took walks outside the White House. Caroline Kennedy, the daughter of President John F. Kennedy, had a pony named Macaroni. She would ride Macaroni around the White House grounds. Some pets also worked while at the White House. Pauline the cow was the last cow to live at the White House. She provided milk for President William Taft. To save money during World War I, President Woodrow Wilson brought in a flock of sheep to trim the White House lawn. The flock included a ram named Old Ike. -
Download the Full Issue (PDF)
JULY/AUGUSTl 996 VOLUME XXV NUMBER 4 Sl . 50~.,o,_o_ - ... , DEMOCRATIC ,., , . ~ 6 AMA11.~ , ·X 523 1 06 1 PUBLISHED BY THE DEMOCRATIC SOCIALISTS OF AMERICA -."" M 'Y . E D T 0 R A L DSA's Perspective on the 1996 Elections A STATEMENT FROM DSA's NATIONAL PouncAL COMMITTEE he key goal for progre.ssives an~ socialms in_t~e 1996 elec • supporting civil rights by defeating the California Civil T tions is to defeat the Republican right. To do thtS involv~ three Rights Initiative (which would actually take away key rights important usks: for people of color and women); • defeat Bob Dole; • advancing the principle of health care for all by support • retake Congre.ss from the Republicans; and for iniuatives on HMOs; and • enlarge and strengthen the Progressive Caucus in • strengthening the principle of a living wage for all by sup Congress. pon for the initiative rai~ing the minimum wage. To most of us on the le.ft the 1996 Presidential race offers little In addttion, the Progress Caucus has developed a •progressive in the way of hope for positive social and economic change. Polls today Prom1~e to America• which includes eleven agenda items from corporate suggest that President Clinton has a commanding lead. But it's far to early responsibility to a living wage to downsizing the military budget. In Wash to declare victory. And of course a Ointon victory would be a partial one ington, DSA has been working ~-ith the Caucus and the Committee on at best. Econoffilc Insecunty to develop public bearing~ on issues related w this Four years ago, Clinton won the Presidential election by fo agenda. -
Welfare Reform and Political Theory
WELFARE REFORM AND POLITICAL THEORY WELFARE REFORM AND POLITICAL THEORY LAWRENCE M. MEAD AND CHRISTOPHER BEEM EDITORS Russell Sage Foundation • New York The Russell Sage Foundation The Russell Sage Foundation, one of the oldest of America’s general purpose foundations, was established in 1907 by Mrs. Margaret Olivia Sage for “the improvement of social and living conditions in the United States.” The Founda- tion seeks to fulfill this mandate by fostering the development and dissemina- tion of knowledge about the country’s political, social, and economic problems. While the Foundation endeavors to assure the accuracy and objectivity of each book it publishes, the conclusions and interpretations in Russell Sage Founda- tion publications are those of the authors and not of the Foundation, its Trustees, or its staff. Publication by Russell Sage, therefore, does not imply Foundation endorsement. BOARD OF TRUSTEES Robert E. Denham, Chair Alan S. Blinder Larry V. Hedges Alan B. Krueger Christine K. Cassel Jennifer L. Hochschild Cora B. Marrett Thomas D. Cook Timothy A. Hultquist Eric Wanner Christopher Edley Jr. Kathleen Hall Jamieson Mary C. Waters John A. Ferejohn Melvin J. Konner Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Welfare reform and political theory / Lawrence M. Mead and Christopher Beem, editors. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 0-87154-595-0 1. Public welfare—United States. 2. Public welfare—Great Britain. 3. Welfare recipients—Employment—United States. 4. Welfare recipients—Employment— Great Britain. 5. United States—Social policy—1993- 6. Great Britain—Social policy—1979- 7. Public welfare—Political aspects. 8. Citizenship. I. Mead, Lawrence M. II. -
First Felines
SPRING 2021 NO. 40 First Felines Calvin Coolidge owned a variety of cats, including 4 housecats, a bobcat named Bob, and 2 lion cubs called Tax Reduction and Budget Bureau, according to the Coo- lidge Foundation. The housecats included Tiger, Blacky, Bounder, and Timmie. Blacky's favorite haunt was the White House elevator, whereas Timmie liked to hang out with the family canary perched between his shoul- ders. Tiger caused quite a stir when he went miss- ing. President Coolidge appealed to the people by calling for their help in a radio address. His beloved pet was lo- cated and returned to 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue. The Kennedys kept several pets during their time at the presidential residence. Tom Kitten technically be- longed to Carolyn, JFK's daughter. Unfortunately, the cat had to be removed from office when it was discovered President Kennedy was allergic to felines. Tom Kitten was the first cat to receive an obituary notice from the press. Socks, Clinton’s famous cat Bill Clinton arrived at the White House with Presidential history has had it’s fair share of famous Socks, perhaps the most felines. They were not above reaching a paw across the famous presidential fe- aisle and uniting pet lovers from both parties. Here are line. The black and white just a few of the country's former "First Cats". cat was a media favorite Abraham Lincoln was the first president to bring cats and the subject of a chil- into the White House. Then Secretary of State William dren's book and a Seward (Alaska purchase fame) presented his boss with song.