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A RE-SET for GERMAN FOREIGN and SECURITY POLICY by Annette Heuser
JANUARY 31, 2014 A RE-SET FOR GERMAN FOREIGN AND SECURITY POLICY by Annette Heuser German President Joachim Gauck may lack the executive powers of his US counterpart, but his call today at the Munich Security Conference for a more active German role in global affairs is significant for the trans-Atlantic relationship. Berlin could now be at the threshold of a new era of global outreach, including military involvement. Gauck defined nothing less than a new narrative for his country’s position in the world. He argued that Germany reaps more economic benefits from globalization than most other nations and, consequently, must assume its foreign and security responsibilities. He urged Germany, which has been instrumental for more than 60 years in the formation and growth of a peaceful, stable and prosperous Europe, to use its recent history as the bedrock for a newfound self-assuredness: “...we are now permitted to have confidence in our abilities and should trust in ourselves. For we know that people who trust in themselves gain the strength to reach out to the world. People who trust in themselves can be relied on by their partners.” Gauck included in this outreach a military component firmly embedded in Berlin’s western alliances. He labeled as a German duty the further support and shaping of a coherent European foreign and security policy. He reconfirmed a commitment to creating a European defense, albeit one that complements NATO. At the same time, he questioned current German capabilities to confront today's new threats and challenges, from cyber attacks to terrorism. -
Searching for a New Constitutional Model for East-Central Europe
The Catholic University of America, Columbus School of Law CUA Law Scholarship Repository Scholarly Articles and Other Contributions Faculty Scholarship 1991 Searching for a New Constitutional Model for East-Central Europe Rett R. Ludwikowski The Catholic University of America, Columbus School of Law Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.edu/scholar Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, and the Constitutional Law Commons Recommended Citation Rett. R. Ludwikowski, Searching for a New Constitutional Model for East-Central Europe, 17 SYRACUSE J. INT’L L. & COM. 91 (1991). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at CUA Law Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Scholarly Articles and Other Contributions by an authorized administrator of CUA Law Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. SEARCHING FOR A NEW CONSTITUTIONAL MODEL FOR EAST-CENTRAL EUROPE Rett R. Ludwikowski* TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION ........................................ 92 II. CONSTITUTIONAL TRADITIONS: THE OVERVIEW ....... 93 A. Polish Constitutional Traditions .................... 93 1. The Constitution of May 3, 1791 ............... 94 2. Polish Constitutions in the Period of the Partitions ...................................... 96 3. Constitutions of the Restored Polish State After World War 1 (1918-1939) ...................... 100 B. Soviet Constitutions ................................ 102 1. Constitutional Legacy of Tsarist Russia ......... 102 2. The Soviet Revolutionary Constitution of 1918.. 104 3. The First Post-Revolutionary Constitution of 1924 ........................................... 107 4. The Stalin Constitution of 1936 ................ 109 5. The Post-Stalinist Constitution of 1977 ......... 112 C. Outline of the Constitutional History of Romania, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia and Hungary ............. 114 III. CONSTITUTIONAL LEGACY: CONFRONTATION OF EAST AND W EST ............................................ -
CALENDRIER Du 22 Au 28 Juillet 2019 Brussels, 19 July 2019 (Susceptible De Modifications En Cours De Semaine) Déplacements Et Visites
European Commission - Weekly activities CALENDRIER du 22 au 28 juillet 2019 Brussels, 19 July 2019 (Susceptible de modifications en cours de semaine) Déplacements et visites Lundi 22 juillet President Jean-Claude Juncker meets Mr Joseph Muscat, Prime Minister of Malta, in Valletta, Malta. President Jean-Claude Juncker meets Mr Joseph Muscat, Prime Minister of Malta, for a working dinner, in Senglea, Malta. Mr Neven Mimica in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia: meets Mr Abiy Ahmed, Prime Minister of Ethiopia; Mr Moussa Faki Mahamat, Chairperson of the African Union Commission. Mr Karmenu Vella receives Mr Jari Leppä, Minister for Agriculture and Forestry of Finland. Mr Vytenis Andriukaitis receives representatives of the European Association of Hospital Pharmacists (EAHP). M. Dimitris Avramopoulos à Paris, France: participe à la réunion de travail informelle sur les migrations en Méditerranée. Ms Vĕra Jourová receives Ms Martina Lubyová, Minister for Education, Science, Research and Sport of Slovakia. Mr Tibor Navracsics receives Mr Thomas de Maizière, Chairman of Deutsche Telekom Foundation. Mr Tibor Navracsics in Brussels: participates in and speaks at the event 'Digital Skills in the EU' organised by the Representation of North Rhine-Westphalia to the EU and the Deutsche Telekom Foundation, alongside Mr Thomas de Maizière, Chairman of Deutsche Telekom Foundation, and Ms Yvonne Gebauer, Education Minister of North Rhine-Westphalia. Mardi 23 juillet President Jean-Claude Juncker meets Mr George Vella, President of Malta, in Valletta, Malta. President Jean-Claude Juncker is awarded honorary membership of the National Order of Merit by Mr George Vella, President of Malta, in Valletta, Malta. President Jean-Claude Juncker receives Ms Ursula von der Leyen, President-elect of the European Commission. -
Absolute Power?
Nick Sitter, BI & CEU, 12 May 2011, p.1 Forthcoming as Nick Sitter “Absolute Power? Hungary Twenty Years after the Fall of Communism” in Elisabeth Bakke (ed.) Twenty Years after the Fall of the Berlin Wall (Berlin: Berliner Wissenschafts-Verlag, 2011) Absolute Power? Hungary Twenty Years after the Fall of Communism In April 2010 Viktor Orbán acquired absolute power. The prime minister-elect spoke of an electoral revolution, and compared 2010 to 1956 and 1989. Twenty years after the fall of the Berlin Wall, he announced that the time had come to complete Hungary’s regime change. His party – the Fidesz Hungarian Civic Union and the Christian Democratic People’s Party (Fidesz-KDNP), commonly known simply as Fidesz – had just secured more than two-thirds of the seats in parliament. With this he acquired the power to re- write the constitution. Within weeks the government announced that it would do precisely this. Large-scale personnel changes in the public sector followed over the summer, as ministries, independent regulators and the state-owned media had their senior management replaced by new government appointees. A parliamentary committee began to investigate violations of law by the state apparatus in the previous eight years. Changes to economic policy and Central Bank independence drew threats of legal action from the EU. When the Constitutional Court ruled a retroactive tax law unconstitutional, a constitutional amendment was passed to limit Court’s power of review. A new constitution was adopted on 18 April 2011. Never, in the history of the European Union, has an election in a member state resulted in political, legal, economic and administrative changes of this magnitude over such a short period of time. -
The German Election: a Verdict on Europe?
Transcript The German Election: A Verdict on Europe? Thomas Kielinger OBE London Correspondent, Die Welt David Marsh Co-Founder, German-British Forum Dr Constanze Stelzenmueller Senior Transatlantic Fellow, German Marshall Fund of the United States Chair: Professor Maurice Fraser Associate Fellow, Europe Programme, Chatham House 24 September 2013 The views expressed in this document are the sole responsibility of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the view of Chatham House, its staff, associates or Council. Chatham House is independent and owes no allegiance to any government or to any political body. It does not take institutional positions on policy issues. This document is issued on the understanding that if any extract is used, the author(s)/ speaker(s) and Chatham House should be credited, preferably with the date of the publication or details of the event. Where this document refers to or reports statements made by speakers at an event every effort has been made to provide a fair representation of their views and opinions, but the ultimate responsibility for accuracy lies with this document’s author(s). The published text of speeches and presentations may differ from delivery. Transcript: The German Election Maurice Fraser: Ladies and gentlemen, a very warm welcome to this event on the German elections and their significance, and what they might mean going forward. This is an event that Chatham House has organized in association with the British-German Association, many of whose members are here. I am Maurice Fraser, I am professor of European politics at the LSE. The event is being held on the record and it’s also being streamed live. -
New Perspectives Foreword
The future of the EU: new perspectives Foreword Brexit has dominated the media and political landscape of the United Kingdom since the referendum of 2016. One interesting side effect of this has been the way the ropeanEu Union – still the UK’s nearest and largest trading partner – has been discussed solely in terms of its role in the Brexit negotiations. Yet whatever the outcome of these discussions, what the European Union is and does will continue to affect not only its own citizens but also the UK itself. This strikes me as an excellent moment to attempt to focus more directly on the EU itself and understand what is going on within it and how it might develop in the future. We find ourselves early in the EU’s new institutional cycle, with a new cast of EU leaders and a new set of policy priorities. Despite the much-vaunted unity that the 27 have displayed during the Brexit process, conflicts and tensions between member states, as well as between some of them and the EU institutions, persist. There remain fundamental disagreements between member states and institutions on issues like migration and the euro zone, not to mention more existential questions about future integration and the rule of law. Underlying everything are difficult to resolve differences on the balance of burden ring.sha I’m delighted we’ve been able to bring together some of the best young writers and thinkers on the EU to offer their take on the future of the EU’s institutions, its member tessta and its policies. -
Great Expectations the New European Commission, Its Ambition and European Public Opinion
Great expectations The New European Commission, its Ambition and European Public Opinion Great expectations The New European Commission, its Ambition and European Public Opinion Catherine E. de Vries & Isabell Hoffmann #2019 / 2 Catherine E. de Vries Professor of European Politics Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam [email protected] Isabell Hoffmann Senior Expert Bertelsmann Stiftung [email protected] www.eupinions.eu Description The Eurozone crisis has pushed reform of the European Union (EU) to the forefront of political debate. How can a Union of 28 states with a population of over half a billion be reformed to weather future economic crises and political challenges? Finding an answer to this question is extremely difficult not only because current reform proposals are so varied, but even more so because we lack insights into the preferences for reform amongst national elites and publics. Although EU support has interested scholars for over three decades now, we virtually know nothing about public support for EU reform. Current research focuses almost exclusively on the causes of support for the current project and fails to provide a sufficient basis for effective reform decisions. Surely, thefeasibility and sustainability of EU reform crucially hinges on the support amongst national publics. eupinions examines public support for EU reform by developing a theoretical model and employing cutting-edge data collection techniques. Our findings will aid policy makers to craft EU reform proposals that can secure widespread public support. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Executive Summary s the new European Commission prepares to take office, it faces a con- siderable challenge. The Commission must prove itself capable of tackling A pressing political issues, such as climate change, slowing economic growth, migration and challenges to the rule of law while exercising caution in balancing the interests of the various political forces that now make up the European Parliament and which influence the member states of the European Council. -
CEE 1992-2001 & Western Europe
Genuinely New Parties in Eastern Europe Appendix to Sikk, Allan (2005). “How Unstable? Volatility and the Genuinely New Parties in Eastern Europe,” European Journal of Political Research, 44(1): 391-412. The following tables show vote and seat shares for genuinely new parties. Other parties that might be considered new are listed with comments on why they do not qualify as genuinely extra- parliamentary. The comments are normally derived from Rose et al (1998), references are given only to other sources. Bulgaria 1991 votes% seats% 6 BANU Nikola Petkov 3.4 0.0 7 UDF (Centre) 3.2 0.0 8 UDF (Liberal) 2.8 0.0 9 Kingdom of Bulgaria 1.8 0.0 10 Bulgarian Business Bloc 1.3 0.0 11 Bulgarian National Radicals 1.1 0.0 13 Bulgarian Communists 0.7 0.0 Others and independents 6.6 0.0 11.5 0.0 6, 7 and 8 were successors of Union of Democratic forces (2) in 1990. Bulgaria 1994 votes% seats% 3 BANU 6.5 7.5 9 Kingdom of Bulgaria 1.4 0.0 10 Bulgarian Business Bloc 4.7 5.4 11 Bulgarian National Radicals 0.5 0.0 13 Bulgarian Communists 1.5 0.0 Others and independents 5.6 0.0 13.7 5.4 3 was present in parliament until 1991. Bulgaria 1997 votes% seats% 11 Bulgarian National Radicals 0.2 0.0 13 Bulgarian Communists 1.2 0.0 16 Alliance for National Salvation 7.7 7.9 Others and independents 3.5 0.0 4.9 0.0 16 is a merger of Movement for Rights and Freedom (4) and Kingdom of Bulgaria (9). -
The Future of the EU's Lead-Candidate Procedure
ARI 40/2021 5 April 2021 The future of the EU’s lead-candidate procedure Paul Schmidt | Generalsekretär, Österreichische Gesellschaft für Europapolitik | @_PaulSchmidt Johanna Edthofer | Österreichische Gesellschaft für Europapolitik | @JohannaEdthofer Theme This analysis proposes the following policy recommendations. (1) the EU Parliament would be well advised to resuscitate and reform the EU’s lead-candidate procedure, which it vehemently claimed and defended until shortly after the European elections of 2019; (2) the EU Parliament should convince the Council of the EU to jointly enforce an electoral reform agenda well before the next European elections in 2024; and (3) transnational electoral lists could be a key element of this electoral reform, with the European lead-candidates being elected directly, thus further raising public interest in the European elections and increasing the democratic legitimation of the European Commission’s President. Summary The EU’s lead-candidate procedure was first applied at the European elections in 2014. The European parties reached an agreement that only those who had run as lead- candidates in the European elections for their respective political party would be approved as candidates for President of the European Commission. The lead-candidate of the party with the most votes is to be proposed by the European Council as the candidate for President of the European Commission and elected by the European Parliament. However, after the European elections of 2019, neither a fragmented European Parliament nor the EU heads of state and government in the European Council were able to agree on one of the candidates. Nevertheless, the lead-candidate procedure should not be abandoned. -
Class Cleavage Roots and Left Electoral Mobilization in Western Europe ONLINE APPENDIX
Lost in translation? Class cleavage roots and left electoral mobilization in Western Europe ONLINE APPENDIX Parties in the Class bloc For the classification of political parties in the class bloc, we have included “those parties which are the historical product of the structuring of the working-class movement” (Bartolini and Mair 1990 [2007], 46). Moreover, as the class cleavage is not only a historical product but a dynamic concept, we have also carefully assessed the potential inclusion of all those parties that are: 1) direct successors of traditional working-class parties or 2) new parties emphasizing traditional left issues. As regards direct successors of traditional working-class parties, issues related to party continuity and change across time arise. Class bloc parties changing name or symbol, merging or forming joint lists with other class bloc parties are obviously included in the Class Bloc. Conversely, in the case of splits or in the case of mergers between a class bloc party and a non-class bloc party, choices become less straightforward. Generally speaking, we looked at the splinter party and included it in the Class bloc whenever it still maintained a clear communist, socialist, or social democratic programmatic profile (e.g., the case of Communist Refoundation Party in Italy in 1992). Conversely, “right-wing” splits from Social democratic parties (e.g., the Centre Democrats from the Social Democratic Party in Denmark in 1973) that have explicitly abandoned their former ideological references to social democracy, shifting their programmatic focus away from economic left issues and embracing liberal, radical, green, or “new politics” ideological profiles, have been generally excluded from the Class Bloc. -
Germany's Stance on the Idea of the Construction of a Federal European
CONFRONTATION AND COOPERATION 1000 YEARS OF POLISH–GERMAN–RUSSIAN RELATIONS V OL . I(V)/2019: 10–20 DOI: 10.2478/conc-2019-0002 Krzysztof Garczewski Kazimierz Wielki University in Bydgoszcz, Poland Germany’s stance on the idea of the construction of a federal European Union Key words: European Parliament, election, European Union, Germany’s European policy Introduction new integration model and European Union needs new reforms, new elites and political leaders. It also needs Beginning of the 21st century was a breakthrough mo- NATO and closer cooperation in the Euro-Atlantic sy- ment for the European Union. It’s been decades of stem. As the only security assurance for the West and unification for Europe. A few years ago the EU faced its high position in the multipolar international order is challenges and problems calling for the debate about a strong transatlantic community based on strong its future. During 2004–2013 number of the member NATO and effective EU, for Europe not to be a half states doubled causing issues with making key decisi- periphery or the periphery in a multipolar international ons1. Reforms to improve coherence and effectiveness order”2. EU leaders were more and more aware that wi- of the EU turned out to be ineffective. The financial cri- thout bold changes the organization may be pushed to sis lasting for several years has revealed many deficien- the margins of the world politics. cies in the operation of this organization and activated Thus, the key role played Germany due to its poli- supporters of a European federation. They engaged in tical and economic input in Europe. -
Open Letter to President Ursula Von Der Leyen
To: European Commission President Ursula Von der Leyen Cc. Executive Vice President Frans Timmermans Berlaymont, Rue de la Loi 200 1000 - Brussels 30 October 2020 REF SBE 020/074 Dear Commission President Von der Leyen, Re: Withdrawal of the Commission proposal for the post-2020 Common Agricultural Policy We are writing to you to call on the European Commission to withdraw1 its proposal on the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) in order to safeguard your Commission’s flagship policy, the European Green Deal. The positions agreed in the European Parliament and Council on the CAP, work against the EU Green Deal (and the associated Farm-to-Fork and Biodiversity Strategies)2: ● They allow billions of harmful subsidies, which you have just pledged to phase out in the Leaders’ Pledge for Nature, and which should have already been phased out by 2020 according to EU’s International commitments3. For example, the positions seriously erode the basic ‘do-no-harm’ baseline (conditionality); increase production (coupled) payments, and remove safeguards such as on irrigation expansion; ● They limit the climate, environmental, animal welfare and public health ambition, allowing or even requiring Member States to put most of the funds into subsidising business as usual (or potentially worse) practices; ● They explicitly rule out a link with the objectives of the Farm to Fork and Biodiversity Strategies. In the crucial decade4 for taking action to avert tipping points for nature and climate, it is impossible to countenance spending €387 billion of taxpayers’ money, a third of the entire EU budget, on driving rather than solving the crisis.