New Perspectives Foreword
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Poisoned Heritage for the New Commission: the Rule of Law Question György Fóris
DISCUSSION PAPER EUROPEAN POLITICS AND INSTITUTIONS PROGRAMME 10 DECEMBER 2019 Poisoned heritage for the new Commission: The rule of law question György Fóris Credit: ARIS OIKONOMOU / POOL / AFP Table of contents Executive summary 3 The rule of law question in a politicised EU 3 An incomplete and overrated mechanism 4 Balancing between legal basis and political will 7 A narrow path to follow for the new Commission 8 Conclusion 10 Endnotes 11 ABOUT THE AUTHOR György Fóris has been monitoring, analysing, reporting and lecturing on EU affairs since 1992, when he started working as a news agency correspondent in Brussels, where he is still based. He is an independent EU policy analyst today, and also regularly teaches at Eötvös Loránd University in Budapest, Hungary. DISCLAIMER The support the European Policy Centre receives for its ongoing operations, or specifically for its publications, does not constitute endorsement of their contents, which reflect the views of the authors only. Supporters and partners cannot be held responsible for any use that may be made of the information contained therein. Executive summary The rule of law question will most likely become contribute to the debate. Neither of these two options a central EU issue during the mandate of the new can materialise alone. European Commission. Member states are increasingly beginning to question, attack and/or ignore previously The Commission should avoid pretending that the agreed common policies, political priorities or College is the key to solving national challenges to common principles. These challenges are usually the rule of law, given that it is not the decisive political more political – sometimes even ideological – than player. -
A RE-SET for GERMAN FOREIGN and SECURITY POLICY by Annette Heuser
JANUARY 31, 2014 A RE-SET FOR GERMAN FOREIGN AND SECURITY POLICY by Annette Heuser German President Joachim Gauck may lack the executive powers of his US counterpart, but his call today at the Munich Security Conference for a more active German role in global affairs is significant for the trans-Atlantic relationship. Berlin could now be at the threshold of a new era of global outreach, including military involvement. Gauck defined nothing less than a new narrative for his country’s position in the world. He argued that Germany reaps more economic benefits from globalization than most other nations and, consequently, must assume its foreign and security responsibilities. He urged Germany, which has been instrumental for more than 60 years in the formation and growth of a peaceful, stable and prosperous Europe, to use its recent history as the bedrock for a newfound self-assuredness: “...we are now permitted to have confidence in our abilities and should trust in ourselves. For we know that people who trust in themselves gain the strength to reach out to the world. People who trust in themselves can be relied on by their partners.” Gauck included in this outreach a military component firmly embedded in Berlin’s western alliances. He labeled as a German duty the further support and shaping of a coherent European foreign and security policy. He reconfirmed a commitment to creating a European defense, albeit one that complements NATO. At the same time, he questioned current German capabilities to confront today's new threats and challenges, from cyber attacks to terrorism. -
11/6 Reading Assignment Why Is Angela Merkel in A
11/6 Reading Assignment Why is Angela Merkel in a comfortable position compared to Peer Steinbruck? The hypothesized impact of the eurozone debt crisis and, related, Germany's eurozone role. Though Merkel represents the country's ideological right, how might her prescription for economic growth contrast with the right among American candidates for federal office? Who and what experienced the "biggest election victory " since reunification (i.e., of E. and W. Germany into one Germany)? How does the position of "party chairman" in Germany contrast with, for example, the Republican Party Chairman or Democratic Party Chairman in the United States? What is Sigmar Gabriel's job and what is his goal? What is driving the Social Democratic Party into a likely, grand coalition with the Christian Democrats? What drove the Greens and the CDU apart? Where do we see federalism (e.g., Bavaria's role) factoring into the CDU/CSU's willingness to accommodate SDP demands? What demands are those? What are Merkel's "red lines"? The significance (not just defitinition) of gerechtigkeit, particularly in light of the liberalizing labor and welfare reforms enacted a decade ago (ironically [Why "ironically"?] by the SPD-Green government. The impact of Catholic/Lutheran views on the right-of-center CDU/CSU. Can you speculate, based on this, why the FDP was ejected from parliament? How is Merkel thinking about economic inequality in terms of electoral strategy? What is a GINI coefficient? What is the trend in GINI in the east and west of the country? How does public opinion contradict the measured reality of inequality? So, how might this explain the growing fortunes of the Left and Greens at the expense of the Free Democrats? How does Germany compare to other OECD nations based on the varying New Social Maret Economy's (INSM) quality of life indicators? ------------------------------------------------------- The Boston Globe (The Boston Globe) - Clipping Loc. -
Brexit: the Unintended Consequences
A SYMPOSIUM OF VIEWS Brexit: The Unintended Consequences Bold policy changes always seem to produce unintended consequences, both favorable and unfavorable. TIE asked more than thirty noted experts to share their analysis of the potential unintended consequences—financial, economic, political, or social—of a British exit from the European Union. 6 THE INTERNATIONAL ECONOMY SPRING 2016 Britain has been an liberal approaches to various elements of financial market frameworks. essential part of an Yet our opinions can differ. First, we have almost completely different experiences with our countries’ fi- opinion group nancial industries during the Great Recession. The Czech financial sector served as a robust buffer, shielding us defending more from some of the worst shocks. The British have had a rather different experience with their main banks, which market-based and to some extent drives their position on risks in retail bank- ing. This difference is heightened by the difference in the liberal approaches. relative weight of financial institutions in our economies, as expressed by the size of the financial sector in relation MIROSLav SINGER to GDP. The fact that this measure is three to four times Governor, Czech National Bank larger in the United Kingdom than in the Czech Republic gives rise to different attitudes toward the risk of crisis in here is an ongoing debate about the economic mer- the financial industry and to possible crisis resolution. In its and demerits of Brexit in the United Kingdom. a nutshell, in sharp contrast to the United Kingdom, the THowever, from my point of view as a central banker Czech Republic can—if worse comes to worst—afford to from a mid-sized and very open Central European econ- close one of its major banks, guarantee its liabilities, and omy, the strictly economic arguments are in some sense take it into state hands to be recapitalized and later sold, overwhelmed by my own, often very personal experience without ruining its sovereign rating. -
Ten Issues to Watch in 2021
ISSN 2600-268X Ten issues to watch in 2021 IN-DEPTH ANALYSIS EPRS | European Parliamentary Research Service Author: Étienne Bassot Members' Research Service PE 659.436 – January 2021 EN This EPRS publication seeks to offer insights and put into context ten key issues and policy areas that are likely to feature prominently on the political agenda of the European Union in 2021. It has been compiled and edited by Isabelle Gaudeul-Ehrhart of the Members' Research Service, based on contributions from the following policy analysts: Marie-Laure Augère and Anna Caprile (Food for all? Food for thought), Denise Chircop and Magdalena Pasikowska-Schnass (Culture in crisis?), Costica Dumbrava (A new procedure to manage Europe's borders), Gregor Erbach (A digital boost for the circular economy), Silvia Kotanidis (Conference on the Future of Europe, in the introduction), Elena Lazarou (A new US President in the White House), Marianna Pari (The EU recovery plan: Turning crisis into opportunity?), Jakub Przetacznik and Nicole Scholz (The vaccine race for health safety), Ros Shreeves and Martina Prpic (Re-invigorating the fight against inequality?), Branislav Staniček (Turkey and stormy waters in the eastern Mediterranean) and Marcin Szczepanski (Critical raw materials for Europe). The cover image was produced by Samy Chahri. Further details of the progress of on-going EU legislative proposals, including all those mentioned in this document, are available in the European Parliament's Legislative Train Schedule, at: http://www.europarl.europa.eu/legislative-train/ LINGUISTIC VERSIONS Original: EN Translations: DE, FR Manuscript completed in January 2021. DISCLAIMER AND COPYRIGHT This document is prepared for, and addressed to, the Members and staff of the European Parliament as background material to assist them in their parliamentary work. -
Germany's European Imperative
Chapter 21 | Germany’s European Imperative 139 Germany’s European Imperative Wolfgang Ischinger enry Kissinger once suggested that political decisions should be guided by two core questions: “What are we Htrying to achieve?” and “what are we trying to prevent?”1 For Germany, the answers to both questions are clear. What we need to prevent at all costs is Europe falling apart, paving the way for a return of nationalism, which has brought war twice in the past century. What we want to achieve is equally clear: we want Europe to be able to defend its political, economic, and societal model. This is why Germany must now embrace a “European imperative”2 as the basis for its decision-making. Whatever Berlin intends to do, it should first ask what its actions would mean for Europe’s ability to recover from the crisis and for Europe’s capacity to protect its values, interests, and sovereignty on the world stage. The pandemic has upended plans for the current German presidency of the Council of the EU. The primary task will be that of “maintaining EU integration as such.”3 The pandemic risks deepening rifts between Europe’s hard-hit south and the countries of the north, it threatens to widen fissures between eastern and western EU member states over migration and the rule of law, and it generally risks strengthening Euroskeptic forces across member states. And as if this were not enough, emboldened external actors—Russia and China in particular—are eager to exploit the pandemic in efforts “to undermine democratic debate and exacerbate social polarization”4 in Europe to advance their own agendas. -
Codebook Indiveu – Party Preferences
Codebook InDivEU – party preferences European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies December 2020 Introduction The “InDivEU – party preferences” dataset provides data on the positions of more than 400 parties from 28 countries1 on questions of (differentiated) European integration. The dataset comprises a selection of party positions taken from two existing datasets: (1) The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File contains party positions for three rounds of European Parliament elections (2009, 2014, and 2019). Party positions were determined in an iterative process of party self-placement and expert judgement. For more information: https://cadmus.eui.eu/handle/1814/65944 (2) The Chapel Hill Expert Survey The Chapel Hill Expert Survey contains party positions for the national elections most closely corresponding the European Parliament elections of 2009, 2014, 2019. Party positions were determined by expert judgement. For more information: https://www.chesdata.eu/ Three additional party positions, related to DI-specific questions, are included in the dataset. These positions were determined by experts involved in the 2019 edition of euandi after the elections took place. The inclusion of party positions in the “InDivEU – party preferences” is limited to the following issues: - General questions about the EU - Questions about EU policy - Questions about differentiated integration - Questions about party ideology 1 This includes all 27 member states of the European Union in 2020, plus the United Kingdom. How to Cite When using the ‘InDivEU – Party Preferences’ dataset, please cite all of the following three articles: 1. Reiljan, Andres, Frederico Ferreira da Silva, Lorenzo Cicchi, Diego Garzia, Alexander H. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Supranational Agency and Indirect Governance After The
SUPRANATIONAL AGENCY AND INDIRECT GOVERNANCE AFTER THE EURO CRISIS: ESM, ECB, EMEF AND EFB Tobias Tesche [email protected] European University Institute, Department of Political and Social Sciences Badia Fiesolana - Via dei Roccettini 9, I-50014 San Domenico di Fiesole (FI) – Italy ABSTRACT This article categorizes newly created and proposed Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) institutions according to a new typology that broadens the well-established agent-trustee distinction to include cooptation and orchestration as two additional modes of indirect governance. Four empirical cases from the realm of EMU governance are discussed, i.e. the European Stability Mechanism (ESM), the European Central Bank (ECB), the proposed European Minister of Economics and Finance (EMEF) and the European Fiscal Board (EFB). Empirically, it shows that supranational actors like the European Commission can bypass states through enlisting existing authority to deepen European integration. KEY WORDS European integration, Supranationalism, Orchestration, indirect governance, Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) 1. INTRODUCTION The euro area crisis has led to the creation of new institutions like the European Stability Mechanism (ESM) (Gocaj and Meunier 2013; Jones, Kelemen, and Meunier 2016; Ban and Seabrooke 2017; Seikel 2018) and the empowerment of existing ones like the European Central Bank (ECB) that took over the responsibility for micro-prudential supervision of large banks (Howarth and Quaglia 2013; Epstein and Rhodes 2016; De Rynck 2016). Remarkable about this institutional change is that it played out against the backdrop of member states’ unwillingness to delegate more sovereign competences to the 1 European level due to increasingly eurosceptic mass publics (Hooghe and Marks 2009; Genschel and Jachtenfuchs 2016). -
Centrifugal Forces in a Hegemonic Environment: the Rise of Small-State Coalitions in the Economic and Monetary Union
European Political Science Review (2021), 1–17 doi:10.1017/S1755773921000254 RESEARCH ARTICLE Centrifugal forces in a hegemonic environment: the rise of small-state coalitions in the Economic and Monetary Union Magnus G. Schoeller Department of Political Science, Centre for European Integration Research (EIF), University of Vienna, Vienna, Austria E-mail: [email protected] (Received 23 March 2021; revised 29 May 2021; accepted 07 July 2021) Abstract A hegemonic power can guarantee the status quo in an international economic system. However, domestic or international changes may unsettle a hegemon’s priorities. In such phases, smaller states benefiting from the existing system may fear that the hegemon will fail to keep the system stable. How do they react if they lose trust in the hegemon’s ability or will to maintain the status quo? This article argues that in such cases, free riding becomes less rewarding. Therefore, smaller states build publicly visible coalitions to ‘voice’ their preferences. Applying this argument to the role of small ‘creditor states’ in the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU), the article draws on original in-depth interviews to analyze the ‘New Hanseatic League’ as a strategy to defend the present euro regime and counterbalance the Franco–German tandem. By elaborating and tracing a fine-grained causal mechanism, the article thus explains the emergence of vocal small-state coalitions in a hegemonic environment. Keywords: Economic and Monetary Union; Germany; hegemony; New Hanseatic League; small states Introduction Research on hegemony in international relations has argued that a hegemonic power can guarantee the stability of an international economic system. -
A Comparative Constitutional Analysis Between Italy and Hungary
Department of Political Science Master’s Degree in International Relations – European Studies Chair in Comparative Public Law POPULISM IN THE FRAMEWORK OF THE EUROPEAN UNION: A COMPARATIVE CONSTITUTIONAL ANALYSIS BETWEEN ITALY AND HUNGARY SUPERVISOR CANDIDATE Professor Cristina Fasone Claudia Mattei 635892 CO-SUPERVISOR Professor Giovanni Orsina Academic Year 2018/2019 1 Table of contents Introduction 6 1 CHAPTER – POPULISM 9 1.1 What is populism? A definition for a highly contested phenomenon 10 1.2 Understanding populism 14 1.2.1 Who are the people? 14 1.2.2 Who are the elites? 18 1.2.3 The real meaning of the volonté générale 19 1.2.4 The people and the general will: populism vs. democracy 20 1.3 Historical birth of populism 24 1.3.1 The American People’s Party 24 1.3.2 The Russian narodnichestvo 26 1.4 Marriage between populism and ‘host’ ideologies: different families 29 1.4.1 Right-wing populism 30 1.4.2 Left-wing populism 31 1.4.3 Populist constitutionalism 33 1.5 Why does populism develop? 36 1.5.1 The causes behind the populist rise 37 1.5.2 The cause of the cause: the auto-destruction of politics as origin of populism 39 1.5.3 Technocracy replaces politics: the case of the European Union 41 1.6 Populism in the world 44 2 CHAPTER – POPULISM IN EUROPE 48 2.1 Genesis of populism in Europe: Boulangism 48 2.2 Populism in Western Europe 51 2.2.1 Post-WW2 populist experiences in Western Europe 51 2.2.2 The rise of modern populism in Western Europe 53 2 2.3 Populism in Eastern Europe 58 2.3.1 Interwar populism in Eastern Europe 58 2.3.2 -
The Growth of the Radical Right in Nordic Countries: Observations from the Past 20 Years
THE GROWTH OF THE RADICAL RIGHT IN NORDIC COUNTRIES: OBSERVATIONS FROM THE PAST 20 YEARS By Anders Widfeldt TRANSATLANTIC COUNCIL ON MIGRATION THE GROWTH OF THE RADICAL RIGHT IN NORDIC COUNTRIES: Observations from the Past 20 Years By Anders Widfeldt June 2018 Acknowledgments This research was commissioned for the eighteenth plenary meeting of the Transatlantic Council on Migration, an initiative of the Migration Policy Institute (MPI), held in Stockholm in November 2017. The meeting’s theme was “The Future of Migration Policy in a Volatile Political Landscape,” and this report was one of several that informed the Council’s discussions. The Council is a unique deliberative body that examines vital policy issues and informs migration policymaking processes in North America and Europe. The Council’s work is generously supported by the following foundations and governments: the Open Society Foundations, Carnegie Corporation of New York, the Barrow Cadbury Trust, the Luso- American Development Foundation, the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation, and the governments of Germany, the Netherlands, Norway, and Sweden. For more on the Transatlantic Council on Migration, please visit: www.migrationpolicy.org/ transatlantic. © 2018 Migration Policy Institute. All Rights Reserved. Cover Design: April Siruno, MPI Layout: Sara Staedicke, MPI No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission from the Migration Policy Institute. A full-text PDF of this document is available for free download from www.migrationpolicy.org. Information for reproducing excerpts from this report can be found at www.migrationpolicy.org/about/copyright-policy.