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Centrifugal Forces in a Hegemonic Environment: the Rise of Small-State Coalitions in the Economic and Monetary Union
European Political Science Review (2021), 1–17 doi:10.1017/S1755773921000254 RESEARCH ARTICLE Centrifugal forces in a hegemonic environment: the rise of small-state coalitions in the Economic and Monetary Union Magnus G. Schoeller Department of Political Science, Centre for European Integration Research (EIF), University of Vienna, Vienna, Austria E-mail: [email protected] (Received 23 March 2021; revised 29 May 2021; accepted 07 July 2021) Abstract A hegemonic power can guarantee the status quo in an international economic system. However, domestic or international changes may unsettle a hegemon’s priorities. In such phases, smaller states benefiting from the existing system may fear that the hegemon will fail to keep the system stable. How do they react if they lose trust in the hegemon’s ability or will to maintain the status quo? This article argues that in such cases, free riding becomes less rewarding. Therefore, smaller states build publicly visible coalitions to ‘voice’ their preferences. Applying this argument to the role of small ‘creditor states’ in the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU), the article draws on original in-depth interviews to analyze the ‘New Hanseatic League’ as a strategy to defend the present euro regime and counterbalance the Franco–German tandem. By elaborating and tracing a fine-grained causal mechanism, the article thus explains the emergence of vocal small-state coalitions in a hegemonic environment. Keywords: Economic and Monetary Union; Germany; hegemony; New Hanseatic League; small states Introduction Research on hegemony in international relations has argued that a hegemonic power can guarantee the stability of an international economic system. -
New Perspectives Foreword
The future of the EU: new perspectives Foreword Brexit has dominated the media and political landscape of the United Kingdom since the referendum of 2016. One interesting side effect of this has been the way the ropeanEu Union – still the UK’s nearest and largest trading partner – has been discussed solely in terms of its role in the Brexit negotiations. Yet whatever the outcome of these discussions, what the European Union is and does will continue to affect not only its own citizens but also the UK itself. This strikes me as an excellent moment to attempt to focus more directly on the EU itself and understand what is going on within it and how it might develop in the future. We find ourselves early in the EU’s new institutional cycle, with a new cast of EU leaders and a new set of policy priorities. Despite the much-vaunted unity that the 27 have displayed during the Brexit process, conflicts and tensions between member states, as well as between some of them and the EU institutions, persist. There remain fundamental disagreements between member states and institutions on issues like migration and the euro zone, not to mention more existential questions about future integration and the rule of law. Underlying everything are difficult to resolve differences on the balance of burden ring.sha I’m delighted we’ve been able to bring together some of the best young writers and thinkers on the EU to offer their take on the future of the EU’s institutions, its member tessta and its policies. -
Friends in Need. the Corona Pandemic Changes the Landscape
NO. 26 JUNE 2020 Introduction Friends in Need The Corona Pandemic Changes the Landscape of Groups and Coalitions in the EU Kai-Olaf Lang and Nicolai von Ondarza The corona pandemic and its economic and social consequences are testing EU cohe- sion as well as the balance of power in the Union. The belated – or lack of – reaction by the EU during the crisis has reinforced the national sovereignty of the member states and the dominance of the intergovernmental method in moments of crisis. One of the palpable consequences has been an alteration in the “North-South divide” resulting from a European policy offensive by Spain and Italy, a stronger “southern orientation” by France, and a simultaneous crumbling of the “New Hanseatic League”. During the corona crisis, institutionalised groups of member states have acted pri- marily as interest groups that exacerbate differences rather than overcome them. Germany, which will assume a special mediating role as the Presidency of the Council from 1 July 2020, has to act as a bridge builder. To contain the corona pandemic and its as masks or protective clothing. Also, eco- secondary effects, the EU and its member nomic aid packages initially were mainly states, after a brief period of shock, adopted launched on the national level, whereas a series of exceptional measures that deeply the EU appeared to be hesitant and only intervene in public life and the economy. temporarily relaxed the rules, for example Through that process, they have exposed – on restrictions for state aid. Dutch vetoes and partially shifted – the power structures. against Eurobonds underline once again Divisions in the Union have become visible, that the EU can only take fundamental with some keeping their traditional con- decisions if all governments agree. -
Meeting of the Working Group Europe CERI-Sciences Po /CAPS – Ministère De L'europe Et Des Affaires Étrangères
1 Meeting of the working group Europe CERI-Sciences Po /CAPS – Ministère de l’Europe et des Affaires étrangères Meeting of April, 3rd 2019 “Central Europe in the Next Seven Years. Five Scenarios”, with Joerg Forbrig and Wojciech Przybyiski, authors of the report “Central European Futures 2025” On April 3rd 2019, the working group “Europe” organized by both the Centre for Analysis, Planning and Strategy (CAPS) of the French Ministry of Europe and Foreign Affairs and the Centre for International Research (CERI) at Sciences Po, met to discuss the different scenarios underpinning the future of Central Europe. Joerg Forbrig and Wojciech Przybyiski are the authors of report “Central European Futures 2025”. The former is a senior transatlantic fellow for Central and Eastern Europe at the German Marshall Fund, based at the Berlin office, and director of the Fund for Belarus Democracy. Holding a PhD from the European University Institute in Florence, Joerg Forbrig has published widely on democracy, civil society and Central and Eastern European affairs. Prior to joining the German Marshall Fund, he worked as a Robert Bosch Foundation fellow at the Centre for International Relations in Warsaw. Wojciech Przybyiski, is since 2007 the chairman of the Res Publica foundation based in Warsaw and the editor-in-chief of Visegrad Insight, platform for debate and analysis on Central Europe, founded in 2012 by Res Publica, in which the discussed report is published. His new book “Understanding Central Europe” (co- edited with Marcin Moskalewicz) was published in 2017. I. Joerg Forbrig and Wojciech Przybyiski’s presentations Wojciech Przybyiski opens the presentation by reflecting upon the historical shift for Central and Eastern European societies that constituted the early post-USSR period, from 1989 to 1991. -
Establishment of a European Monetary Fund (EMF)
BRIEFING EU Legislation in Progress Establishment of a European monetary fund (EMF) OVERVIEW The European Commission's proposal for transforming the intergovernmental European Stability Mechanism (ESM) into a European monetary fund (EMF) under EU law would provide it with wide-ranging tasks. The ESM was created at the height of the European sovereign debt crisis in order to provide financial assistance for governments that had lost, or were about to lose, access to financial markets. It was established outside the Community framework by an intergovernmental treaty and is a permanent rescue mechanism aimed at safeguarding the financial stability of the euro area. The proposal met with considerable opposition at Council level, as the Council wishes to maintain the ESM's intergovernmental character, and would expand its remit only slightly. The European Parliament, whose legislative powers are limited within the consent procedure, will vote on an interim report in plenary. Proposal for a regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council on the establishment of a European Monetary Fund Committees responsible: Economic and Monetary Affairs (ECON) COM(2017) 827 and Budgets (BUDG) (jointly under 6.12.2017 Rule 55) 2017/0333(APP) Rapporteur: Vladimír Maňka (S&D, Slovakia) and Pedro Consent procedure Silva Pereira (S&D, Portugal) (APP) Siegfried Muresan (EPP, Romania), Tom Shadow rapporteurs: Vandenkendelaere (EPP, Belgium), Jean Arthuis (ALDE, France), Wolf Klinz (ALDE, Germany), Bernd Kölmel (ECR, Germany), Sven Giegold (Greens/EFA, Germany), Dimitros Papadimoulis (GUE/NDL, Greece), Liadh Ní Riada (GUE/NDL, Ireland), Jörg Meuthen (EFDD, Germany), Marco Valli (EFDD, Italy), Barbara Kappel (ENF, Austria) Next steps expected: Vote in plenary on an interim report. -
Smaller States' Strategies and Influence in an EU Of
Policy Paper Smaller States’ Strategies and Influence in an EU of 27: Lessons for Scotland Kirsty Hughes March 2020 This paper has been written in the context of the research and policy engagement project “Small states in the EU, lessons from Scotland”, led by the Scottish Centre on European Relations’ 2019-2020 in collaboration with the University College London European Institute under their Jean Monnet Centre of Excellence Programme 2019- 2022, co-funded by the European Commission’s Erasmus+ Programme. About the Author Kirsty Hughes is Director and Founder of the Scottish Centre on European Relations, established in March 2017. A researcher, writer and commentator on European politics and policy, she has worked at a number of leading European think tanks, including as Senior Fellow at Friends of Europe, Brussels; Senior Fellow, Centre for European Policy Studies; Director, European Programme, Chatham House; Senior Fellow, Policy Studies Institute, and Research Fellow, WZB Berlin Social Science Centre. About SCER The Scottish Centre on European Relations (SCER) is an independent and unaligned EU think tank, based in Edinburgh, that will inform, debate and provide up-to-the-minute, high-quality research and analysis of European Union developments and challenges, with a particular focus on Scotland’s EU interests and policies. About UCL European Institute The European Institute is UCL's hub for research, collaboration and engagement on Europe. A Jean Monnet Centre of Excellence since 2016, it promotes academic excellence in the study of Europe across the disciplines, acts as liaison between the university and UK and European publics, offers expert analysis and commentary to policymakers and the media, and provides a leading forum for intellectual debate. -
Between Common Currency and Common Values
Between Common Currency and Common Values Article by Edouard Gaudot April 29, 2021 Almost two decades since euros first began circulating, the EU is preparing for the May 2021 launch of the Conference on the Future of Europe. For too long, conversations on the future of European democracy and the future of the eurozone have been held separately. This is a vital opportunity to bridge the two, argues Edouard Gaudot. The euro has survived thanks to short-term fixes such as the EU’s pandemic recovery fund, but unless the eurozone is made sustainable and reconciled with national constitutions and democracies, the most critical link in the EU’s chain will remain weak. This article is the third in a series on the future of Europe. Read parts 1 and 2. Despite its delay, lacklustre reception, unrealistic ambitions, and impossible governance, the Conference on the Future of Europe is finally on track. As argued previously, its official launch on 9 May, 2021 offers a not-to-be-wasted opportunity to rekindle Europe’s constitutional process, stalled since 2005 when voters from the EU founding countries France and the Netherlands rejected the treaty to establish a European constitution. But the Conference on the Future of Europe is only one side of the coin. The other side is – literally – a coin: the euro. Or, more precisely, the Economic and Monetary Union. More than just monetary policy, the euro has been the driving force of Europe’s constitutional process since its inception. As such, it cannot – and must not – be separated from the conversation on democracy and the future of Europe. -
The Nordic-Baltic Region in the EU 27 Time for New Str Ategic Cooper Ation
Report The Nordic-Baltic Region in the EU 27 Time for New Str ategic Cooper ation | Piret Kuusik | Kristi R aik | December 2018 Title: The Nordic-Baltic Region in the EU 27: Time for New Strategic Cooperation Author: Kuusik, Piret; Raik, Kristi Publication date: December 2018 Category: Report Cover page photo: Ships sail in the Lithuanian Baltic Sea port of Klaipeda on August 3, 2009, after the finish of the “Tall Ships Races: Baltic 2009”. AFP PHOTO/Petras Malukas Ohter photos used in the report: U.S. Defense Secretary James Mattis (L) shakes hands with Chinese Minister of National Defense Gen. Wei Fenghe before their meeting at the Pentagon in Arlington, Vir- ginia, U.S., November 9, 2018. REUTERS/Yuri Gripas Keywords: international relations, European politics, regional cooperation, European Union, Nordic- Baltic cooperation, Nordics, Baltic states, eurozone, Hanseatic League, Group of Eight Disclaimer: The views and opinions contained in this report are solely those of its authors and do not necessarily represent the official policy or position of the International Centre for Defence and Security or any other organisation. ISSN 2228-0529 ISBN 978-9949-7255-9-5 (PRINT) ISBN 978-9949-7331-0-1 (PDF) ©International Centre for Defence and Security 63/4 Narva Rd. 10152 Tallinn, Estonia [email protected], www.icds.ee The Nordic-Baltic Region in the EU 27 I Acknowledgments We would like to thank the officials from the Baltic and three Nordic countries at their nations’ permanent representations to the EU who agreed to share their views on Nordic-Baltic cooperation in Brussels. In addition, the report benefited greatly from the panels and discussions held at the conference “Nordic-Baltic Visions for Europe”, organised by the Estonian Foreign Policy Institute together with the Representation of the European Commission in Estonia and the Friedrich Ebert Foundation, that took place in September 2018 in Tallinn. -
Modern Hanseatic Trends in the Baltic Region Vasilyeva, Natalya A.; Kosov, Yuri V
www.ssoar.info Modern Hanseatic Trends in the Baltic Region Vasilyeva, Natalya A.; Kosov, Yuri V. Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Vasilyeva, N. A., & Kosov, Y. V. (2017). Modern Hanseatic Trends in the Baltic Region. Baltic Region, 9(2), 104-113. https://doi.org/10.5922/2079-8555-2017-2-8 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC Lizenz (Namensnennung- This document is made available under a CC BY-NC Licence Nicht-kommerziell) zur Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu (Attribution-NonCommercial). For more Information see: den CC-Lizenzen finden Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/deed.de Diese Version ist zitierbar unter / This version is citable under: https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-53544-8 International Cooperation: History INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION: HISTORY A critical analysis of the Hanseatic MODERN HANSEATIC traditions may produce consequential methodological material for the study of the TRENDS XXI-century Baltic regionalisation. Current IN THE BALTIC REGION trends in the development of the Baltic re- gion, whose academic analysis is impossi- ble without considering earlier cases of successful interactions between the peoples 1 N. A. Vasilyeva of the Baltic Sea region, necessitate politi- 2 cal, economic, and historical research on Yu. V. Kosov the strengths and weaknesses of the Hanse- atic League. Unfortunately, in the XXI cen- tury, the Baltic Sea region turned into a stage for geopolitical controversies. This took a toll on the efficiency of cooperation between the cities of Russia’s North-West and their Baltic counterparts. -
Key Issues in the European Council: State of Play in June 2019
Key issues in the European Council State of play in June 2019 STUDY EPRS | European Parliamentary Research Service Authors: Suzana Anghel, Izabela Bacian, Ralf Drachenberg, Marko Vukovic European Council Oversight Unit PE 631.754 – June 2019 EN Key issues in the European Council: State of play in June 2019 Study The role of the European Council is to 'provide the Union with the necessary impetus for its development' and to define its 'general political directions and priorities'. Since its establishment in 1975, the European Council has exercised considerable influence over the development of the European Union, a process enhanced by its designation as a formal institution of the Union under the Lisbon Treaty a decade ago. The European Council Oversight Unit within the European Parliamentary Research Service (EPRS) monitors and analyses the activities, commitments and impact of the European Council, so as to maximize parliamentary understanding of the political dynamics of this important institution. This new EPRS publication, 'Key issues in the European Council', which will be updated quarterly to coincide with European Council meetings, aims to provide an overview of the institution’s activities on major EU issues. It analyses nine policy areas, explaining the legal and political background and the main priorities and orientations defined by the European Council. It also assesses the results of European Council involvement to date and identifies future challenges in the various policy fields. EPRS | European Parliamentary Research Service AUTHOR(S) Suzana Anghel, European Council Oversight Unit Izabela Bacian, European Council Oversight Unit Ralf Drachenberg, European Council Oversight Unit Marko Vukovic, European Council Oversight Unit This study has been drawn up by the European Council Oversight Unit of the Directorate for Impact Assessment and European Added Value, within the Directorate-General for Parliamentary Research Services (EPRS) of the Secretariat of the European Parliament. -
1. the New Political Cycle in Brussels: What to Expect?
1. THE NEW POLITICAL CYCLE IN BRUSSELS: WHAT TO EXPECT? José Ignacio Torreblanca & Pawel Zerka1, European Council of Foreign Relations 1.1. ABSTRACT The new Commission has set an ambitious agenda for itself, both at home and abroad. At home, it seeks to reconnect with its citizens and isolate or marginalize the popu- list forces that have so profoundly challenged the European integration project in the last decade. Also, the new Commission seeks to redress Europe’s digital backwardness vis-à-vis the US and China, which is considered to be one of the major weaknesses threat- ening the European economy. It aims to ensure that basic progress is made in ensuring Europe’s successful transition to a green economy. Regulation-wise, the Commission has doubled down on the commitment of Jean Claude Juncker’s Commission to reduce red- tape, by setting an ambitious, though difficult to deliver, goal of removing two old regu- lations for each new one introduced. Abroad, the Commission wants to take on the challenge posed by the rise of pro- tectionism, unilateralism and nationalism by stepping up its foreign policy and security capabilities, as well as by taking a more strategic look at the geopolitical dimension of elements such as trade, the euro, investments and markets. Europe’s growth and welfare has so far been based on the existence of an open and rules-based multilateral order. But this order is now increasingly put under strain by the return of great-power compe- tition and the corrosive actions of the current leaders of the US, China and Russia. -
Martens Centre Research Paper
Reforming the European Stability Mechanism Too Much but Never Enough Anna Peychev Reforming the European Stability Mechanism Too Much but Never Enough Anna Peychev Credits The Wilfried Martens Centre for European Studies is the political foundation and think tank of the European People’s Party (EPP), dedicated to the promotion of Christian Democrat, conservative and like-minded political values. Wilfried Martens Centre for European Studies Rue du Commerce 20 Brussels, BE 1000 For more information please visit www.martenscentre.eu. Editor: Dr Eoin Drea, Senior Research Officer, Martens Centre Layout and cover design: Gëzim Lezha, Visual Communications Assistant, Martens Centre External editing: Communicative English bvba Typesetting: Victoria Agency Printed in Belgium by Puntgaaf, Kortrijk. This publication receives funding from the European Parliament. © 2021 Wilfried Martens Centre for European Studies The European Parliament and the Wilfried Martens Centre for European Studies assume no responsibility for facts or opinions expressed in this publication or their subsequent use. Sole responsibility lies with the author of this publication. Table of contents About the Martens Centre 06 About the author 08 Executive summary 10 Introduction 14 The ESM 18 Facts 19 Shortcomings 21 Justiciability 21 Voting procedures 22 Debt sustainability analysis and debt restructuring 22 Losing market discipline 24 The black hole of the Eurogroup 25 Attempting reform 26 The Juncker Commission’s push to complete EMU 27 Resistance 30 The Hanseatic League 30