The Growth of the Radical Right in Nordic Countries: Observations from the Past 20 Years
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The European and Russian Far Right As Political Actors: Comparative Approach
Journal of Politics and Law; Vol. 12, No. 2; 2019 ISSN 1913-9047 E-ISSN 1913-9055 Published by Canadian Center of Science and Education The European and Russian Far Right as Political Actors: Comparative Approach Ivanova Ekaterina1, Kinyakin Andrey1 & Stepanov Sergey1 1 RUDN University, Russia Correspondence: Stepanov Sergey, RUDN University, Russia. E-mail: [email protected] Received: March 5, 2019 Accepted: April 25, 2019 Online Published: May 30, 2019 doi:10.5539/jpl.v12n2p86 URL: https://doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v12n2p86 The article is prepared within the framework of Erasmus+ Jean Monnet Module "Transformation of Social and Political Values: the EU Practice" (575361-EPP-1-2016-1-RU-EPPJMO-MODULE, Erasmus+ Jean Monnet Actions) (2016-2019) Abstract The article is devoted to the comparative analysis of the far right (nationalist) as political actors in Russia and in Europe. Whereas the European far-right movements over the last years managed to achieve significant success turning into influential political forces as a result of surging popular support, in Russia the far-right organizations failed to become the fully-fledged political actors. This looks particularly surprising, given the historically deep-rooted nationalist tradition, which stems from the times Russian Empire. Before the 1917 revolution, the so-called «Black Hundred» was one of the major far-right organizations, exploiting nationalistic and anti-Semitic rhetoric, which had representation in the Russian parliament – The State Duma. During the most Soviet period all the far-right movements in Russia were suppressed, re-emerging in the late 1980s as rather vocal political force. But currently the majority of them are marginal groups, partly due to the harsh party regulation, partly due to the fact, that despite state-sponsored nationalism the position of Russian far right does not stand in-line with the position of Russian authorities, trying to suppress the Russian nationalists. -
Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe
This page intentionally left blank Populist radical right parties in Europe As Europe enters a significant phase of re-integration of East and West, it faces an increasing problem with the rise of far-right political par- ties. Cas Mudde offers the first comprehensive and truly pan-European study of populist radical right parties in Europe. He focuses on the par- ties themselves, discussing them both as dependent and independent variables. Based upon a wealth of primary and secondary literature, this book offers critical and original insights into three major aspects of European populist radical right parties: concepts and classifications; themes and issues; and explanations for electoral failures and successes. It concludes with a discussion of the impact of radical right parties on European democracies, and vice versa, and offers suggestions for future research. cas mudde is Senior Lecturer in the Department of Political Science at the University of Antwerp. He is the author of The Ideology of the Extreme Right (2000) and the editor of Racist Extremism in Central and Eastern Europe (2005). Populist radical right parties in Europe Cas Mudde University of Antwerp CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, São Paulo Cambridge University Press The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge CB2 8RU, UK Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New York www.cambridge.org Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521850810 © Cas Mudde 2007 This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provision of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press. -
THE ALOOF ELECTION MANIFESTO Radical Political Right in Finland in the Borderlines of Neoliberalism and Cultural Nativism
Article • DOI: 10.1515/njmr-2016-0012 NJMR • 6(2) • 2016 • 124-131 THE ALOOF ELECTION MANIFESTO Radical Political Right in Finland in the Borderlines of Neoliberalism and Cultural Nativism Abstract The rise of the populist radical political right is one of the significant phenomena Tapio Nykänen* in recent European party politics. In this article, I examine the ideology of the radical right in Finland by analysing the Aloof Election Manifesto, an election Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Lapland, Finland platform published by radical wing of the Finns Party for national parliament elections 2011. The analysis shows that the ideology challenges traditional notions of nationalism. It combines cultural nativism, secularism and economic neoliberalism to the fear of Islam and multiculturalism. Keywords Nationalism • immigration • radical right • multiculturalism • islamophobia Received 6 February 2015; Accepted 16 March 2016 In this article, I examine the ideology of the anti-immigrant wing of the indeed combines diverse ideas and beliefs from different ideological Finns Party, a populist and nationalist political party that represents traditions. The AM represents a particular case within neo-populism, one of the most visible changes on the Finnish political landscape in however, as it concentrates solely on opposing immigration from the recent years. For 16 years, the party was a small one, its support being Third World. Accordingly, one of the specific aims of my article is three to four percent1. This changed drastically in 2011, when the to show how different ideological features are used to support this party received 19.1 percent of the votes in the national parliamentary goal in the case of the AM. -
Etnologisk Tidskrift, 2020 Nr 22
Nätverket – etnologiskAtt forska om tidskrift, ting 2020 Nr 22 Katarina Ek-Nilsson The Social and Political Dimensions of Sound and Music Oscar Pripp and Maria Westvall (Editors) FÖREMÅLEN I MUSEISAMLINGARNA För en utomstående kan detta tyckas märkligt, och ibland väcks frågan, vilket har hänt från politikerhåll, I museernas magasin trängs föremålen. Rader av om inte museernas samlingar kunde/borde avyttras, spinnrockar, vagnar, möbler, mangelbräden etc. är när nu alla föremål ändå inte visas, för att skapa större prydligt sorterade på hyllor i jättelika utrymmen. resurser till verksamheten. Textilier ligger prydligt inpackade i syrafria silkespapperTABLE OF CONTENTS och specialgjorda syrafria kartonger. Dyrbarheter som Frågan kan tyckas både befogad och enkel men är silver, smycken, konstföremål, men också mer triviala i själva verket komplicerad, av bland andra följande vardagsföremål,Introduction. skyddas The av social allehanda and säkerhetsåtgärder. political dimensions1 skäl: of Museet sound harand enmusic gång tagit emot föremålen som Oscar Pripp & Maria Westvall..............................................................................................3donationer eller som inköp från, i de flesta fall, När ett föremål – det må vara ett ordinärt vardagsföremål privatpersoner. Man får utgå från att de som skänkt som tidigare har hanterats dagligen i egenskap av eller sålt föremålen, liksom museets representanter, har bruksföremålDensities. – A blir key ett to museiföremål(late) modern så cultural genomgår production åsatt dem ett kulturhistoriskt värde. Museet har påtagit det Owesamtidigt Ronström......................................................................................................................5 en metamorfos. Det blir inte längre sig ett ansvar att på bästa sätt bevara föremålen för möjligt att vidröra utan att man tar på sig särskilda framtiden, så långt det är möjligt, och det vore därför bomullsvantar och det får inte längre användas för oetiskt att avyttra dem. -
Scottish Naming Customs Craig L
Scottish Naming Customs Craig L. Foster AG® [email protected] Origins of Scottish Surnames Surnames are said to have begun to be used by Scottish nobility at the direction of King Malcolm Ceannmor in about 1061. William L. Kirk, Jr. “Introduction to the Derivation of Scottish Surnames,” Clan Macrae (1992), http://www.clanmacrae.ca/documents/names.htm “In some Highland areas, though, fixed surnames did not become the norm until the 18th century, and in parts of the Northern Isles until the 19th century.” “Surnames,” ScotlandsPeople, https://www.scotlandspeople.gov.uk/guides/surnames Types of Scottish Surnames Location-Based Surnames Some people were named for localities. For example, the surname “Murray from the lands of Moray, and Ogilvie, which, according to Black, derives from the barony of Ogilvie in the parish of Glamis, Angus. Tenants might in turn assume, or be given, the name of their landlord, despite having no kinship with him.” Sometimes surnames referred to a specific topographical feature of the landscape such as a river, a loch, a hill, etc. Some examples might include: Names that contain 'kirk' (as in Kirkland, or Selkirk) which means 'church' in Gaelic; 'Muir' or names that contain it (means 'moor' in Gaelic); A name which has 'Barr' in it (this means 'hilltop' in Gaelic). “Surnames,” ScotlandsPeople, https://www.scotlandspeople.gov.uk/guides/surnames Occupational Surnames A significant amount of surnames come from occupations. So a smith became known as Smith or Gow (Gaelic for smith), a tailor became Tailor/Taylor, a baker was Baxter, a weaver was Webster, etc. “Surnames,”ScotlandsPeople, https://www.scotlandspeople.gov.uk/guides/surnames Descriptive Surnames “Nicknames were 'descriptional' ie. -
Finland | Freedom House Page 1 of 13
Finland | Freedom House Page 1 of 13 FinlandFREEDOM IN THE WORLD 2020 100 FREE /100 Political Rights 40 Civil Liberties 60 100 Free Global freedom statuses are calculated on a weighted scale. See the methodology. TOP Overview https://freedomhouse.org/country/finland/freedom-world/2020 7/24/2020 Finland | Freedom House Page 2 of 13 Finland’s parliamentary system features free and fair elections and robust multiparty competition. Corruption is not a significant problem, and freedoms of speech, religion, and association are respected. The judiciary is independent under the constitution and in practice. Women and ethnic minority groups enjoy equal rights, though harassment and hate speech aimed at minority groups does occur. Key Developments in 2019 • In March, the right-leaning coalition government, headed by Juha Sipilä of the Center Party, resigned after failing to push through a reform of the health care system. • A general election was held in April, with the Social Democratic Party receiving the largest share of the vote. A new left-leaning coalition government was formed in June, comprising the Social Democratic Party, Center party, Green League, Left Alliance, and Swedish People’s Party of Finland. • Following criticism within the coalition about Prime Minister Antti Rinne’s handing of a strike by postal workers in November, he resigned in December. The Social Democratic Party chose Sanna Marin to replace him. • The parliament in March completed passage of a package of bills that empowered the intelligence service and defense forces to conduct communications surveillance on national security matters. Political Rights A. Electoral Process TOP A1 0-4 pts Was the current head of government or other chief national authority elected through free and fair elections? 4 https://freedomhouse.org/country/finland/freedom-world/2020 7/24/2020 Finland | Freedom House Page 3 of 13 The president, whose role is mainly ceremonial, is directly elected for up to two six-year terms. -
Codebook Indiveu – Party Preferences
Codebook InDivEU – party preferences European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies December 2020 Introduction The “InDivEU – party preferences” dataset provides data on the positions of more than 400 parties from 28 countries1 on questions of (differentiated) European integration. The dataset comprises a selection of party positions taken from two existing datasets: (1) The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File contains party positions for three rounds of European Parliament elections (2009, 2014, and 2019). Party positions were determined in an iterative process of party self-placement and expert judgement. For more information: https://cadmus.eui.eu/handle/1814/65944 (2) The Chapel Hill Expert Survey The Chapel Hill Expert Survey contains party positions for the national elections most closely corresponding the European Parliament elections of 2009, 2014, 2019. Party positions were determined by expert judgement. For more information: https://www.chesdata.eu/ Three additional party positions, related to DI-specific questions, are included in the dataset. These positions were determined by experts involved in the 2019 edition of euandi after the elections took place. The inclusion of party positions in the “InDivEU – party preferences” is limited to the following issues: - General questions about the EU - Questions about EU policy - Questions about differentiated integration - Questions about party ideology 1 This includes all 27 member states of the European Union in 2020, plus the United Kingdom. How to Cite When using the ‘InDivEU – Party Preferences’ dataset, please cite all of the following three articles: 1. Reiljan, Andres, Frederico Ferreira da Silva, Lorenzo Cicchi, Diego Garzia, Alexander H. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Finland' Political Structure NCEE
2020-21 Legislative International Education Study Group OVERVIEW OF FINLAND’S POLITICAL STRUCTURE Political Structure:1,2 • Finland is a parliamentary representative republic with both a popularly elected president, whose role is mostly ceremonial, and a parliament with a cabinet and a prime minister. • Finland has a 200-member unicameral parliament (Eduskunta). Almost all members are directly elected in single- and multi-seat constituencies by proportional representation vote to four-year terms. The most recent parliamentary elections were held in April 2019 (see below). They will be held again in April 2023.3 • Finland’s president is directly elected by absolute majority popular vote for a six- year term and is eligible to serve a second term. The current president, Sauli Niinisto, was elected in 2012 and reelected in 2018. The next presidential election will be held in 2024.4 • Finland’s prime minister is appointed by the Eduskunta.5 The current prime minister, Sanna Marin, was appointed in December 2019 (see below).6 Political Context: Finland has a strong history of multi-party politics, with no one party having majority control for long. In 2015, the Center Party won the majority of parliamentary seats and formed a coalition with the National Coalition Party and the relatively new Finns Party. The Finns Party was formed in 1995 and is a nationalist, Euro-sceptic and anti-establishment party. The 2015 coalition was the first time the Finns Party had participated in government. However, in March 2019, just a month before parliamentary elections in April, the coalition government fell apart. The April 2019 national election was the first in Finland’s history in which no party came away with more than 20 percent of the vote. -
The Attitudes of Native Swedes Toward Refugees
Bachelor Thesis The Attitudes of Native Swedes Toward Refugees - A Case Study on the Role of Social Identity Author: Eric Sonesson Supervisor: Christopher High Examiner: Heiko Fritz Term: VT21 Subject: Peace & Development Level: Undergraduate Course code: 2FU33E Abstract Refugee-host community relations is a topic of increasing relevance, and so is the need to understand what shapes such relations. Sweden, having a historically liberal refugee and immigrant policy, accepted the biggest number of refugees in its recent history during the 2015 refugee crisis - the amount of which was the biggest per capita ever recorded in an OECD country. The attitudes of native Swedes toward refugees can be tied to whether they socially identify themselves as pluralists or nationalists, two opposing social identities which, especially in the years surrounding the refugee crisis, are observed harboring hostile attitudes toward each other. Pluralists are inclined to have positive attitudes toward refugees; nationalists are prone to have negative attitudes. While these two groups can be observed, it remains ambiguous to what extent the Swedish population identifies with them. The political popularity of openly pluralist and nationalist political parties gives some notion; however, the inherent complexity of Swedish politics makes this method of deduction overly simplistic. Seemingly contradictory, while support for multiculturalism and refugee acceptance is decreasing, the percentage harboring very negative attitudes toward migrants is historically and presently quite low, and a growing number of Swedes are observed having increasingly positive attitudes toward refugees and immigrants in their everyday interactions. As future events unfold, it will be interesting to see what identity “the silent majority” of the native Swedish population will sympathize with, as this will no doubt affect their attitudes toward refugees and change refugee-host community relations in Sweden. -
A Comparative Constitutional Analysis Between Italy and Hungary
Department of Political Science Master’s Degree in International Relations – European Studies Chair in Comparative Public Law POPULISM IN THE FRAMEWORK OF THE EUROPEAN UNION: A COMPARATIVE CONSTITUTIONAL ANALYSIS BETWEEN ITALY AND HUNGARY SUPERVISOR CANDIDATE Professor Cristina Fasone Claudia Mattei 635892 CO-SUPERVISOR Professor Giovanni Orsina Academic Year 2018/2019 1 Table of contents Introduction 6 1 CHAPTER – POPULISM 9 1.1 What is populism? A definition for a highly contested phenomenon 10 1.2 Understanding populism 14 1.2.1 Who are the people? 14 1.2.2 Who are the elites? 18 1.2.3 The real meaning of the volonté générale 19 1.2.4 The people and the general will: populism vs. democracy 20 1.3 Historical birth of populism 24 1.3.1 The American People’s Party 24 1.3.2 The Russian narodnichestvo 26 1.4 Marriage between populism and ‘host’ ideologies: different families 29 1.4.1 Right-wing populism 30 1.4.2 Left-wing populism 31 1.4.3 Populist constitutionalism 33 1.5 Why does populism develop? 36 1.5.1 The causes behind the populist rise 37 1.5.2 The cause of the cause: the auto-destruction of politics as origin of populism 39 1.5.3 Technocracy replaces politics: the case of the European Union 41 1.6 Populism in the world 44 2 CHAPTER – POPULISM IN EUROPE 48 2.1 Genesis of populism in Europe: Boulangism 48 2.2 Populism in Western Europe 51 2.2.1 Post-WW2 populist experiences in Western Europe 51 2.2.2 The rise of modern populism in Western Europe 53 2 2.3 Populism in Eastern Europe 58 2.3.1 Interwar populism in Eastern Europe 58 2.3.2 -
INTRODUCTION Marianne Stecher-Hansen
INTRODUCTION Marianne Stecher-Hansen 8 Where does an intellectual inquiry begin? In the late 1990s, I taught a gradu- ate seminar at the University of Washington that dealt with Nordic literature and World War II. Is there such a thing as a Scandinavian war novel? We read literary works in the original Swedish, Norwegian, and Danish, such as Pär Lagerkvist’s Th e Dwarf (1944), Vilhelm Moberg’s Ride Th is Night (1941), Sigrid Hoel’s Meeting at the Milestone (1947), Knut Hamsun’s On Overgrown Paths (1948), and Isak Dinesen’s Th e Angelic Avengers (1946). Connections to hardcore war literature seemed remote. My interest in the period was sparked by Th orkild Hansen’s controversial documentary novel Processen mod Ham- sun (1978; Th e case against Hamsun), about the postwar trial of Norwegian Nobel Laureate Knut Hamsun (1859–1952), which was the subject of my research at that time (Stecher-Hansen, 1997; 1999). Th e graduate seminar led to a course development grant from the Center for West European Studies in 2001; since then, I have regularly taught a course on “War and Occupation in the Nordic Region” at the University of Washington that has attracted many students from the Department of Scandinavian Studies and the Henry M. Jackson School of International Studies, particularly European Studies majors. Th e project that began as an intellectual inquiry with graduate students coincided neatly in the 1990s with the emergence of a second (and eventually third) generation of World War II scholars in the Nordic countries, a tide that swelled with the Historikerstreit (historians’ debate) on the European continent and a turn toward a “moral narrative” in revisionist approaches to World War II history.