01 Forside-04 2010.Indd 1 2010-08-10 22:36:21 22 Heggedalsheggedals Postenposten

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

01 Forside-04 2010.Indd 1 2010-08-10 22:36:21 22 Heggedalsheggedals Postenposten Heggedals Nr. 4 - august 2010 www.heggedalsposten.no 4. årgang posten Heggedal Hovedgårds Venner og Stiftelsen Heggedal Menighet Heggedal Idrettslag side 19 Kultursuksess for 30. gang Heggedal Vel Lions Club Heggedal Ny presentasjon av Heggedal og Blakstad Heggedølingen turvei i nærområdet Skolekorps side 3 Anders Lange side 14 Heggedal Nærmiljøsentral Heggedal og omegn Historielag side 7 Heggedal og Fotball: A-laget er hjemme igjen omegn Historielag 01 Forside-04 2010.indd 1 2010-08-10 22:36:21 22 HeggedalsHeggedals postenposten Nå er det alvor…. Slik innleder Per Øystein Funderud sin artikkel om utbyggingen av Heggedal stasjon i dette nummeret. Det minner om den spesi- elle følelsen ved første besøket på byggeplassen for eget hus, da snekkeren hadde fått opp reisverket, og omrisset av bygning ble INNHOLD NR. 4/2010 tydelig. Det som dagen før var streker på en tegning, var nå et 16.-22. august 2010 byggverk - som blir stående. Slik blir det. Det er ingen vei tilbake. HeggedølingenHeggedølen Anders Anders Lange Lange 3 ”Skrekkblandet fryd” er et godt uttrykk. Idrettslaget informerer 6 Vi må nok innrømme at ønsket om å få en utbygging av Heggedal Historielaget informerer 9 sentrum har vært og er så sterkt at vi har en nokså ukritisk hold- Helselaget informerer 10 ning til planene, og en sterkt utviklet frykt for å stille krav. ”Ikke Pensjonistforeningens høstprogram 10 gjør noe som kan sette utbyggingsprosjektet i fare”. De som er Seniorsenterets høstprogram 11 kritiske til hele utbyggingsprosjektet, har nok holdt det for seg selv. Det er stilt få krav til utbyggingen fra både politikere og Nærmiljøsentralen informerer 12 lokalmiljøet, hvis vi sammenlikner med andre reguleringsplaner Turveier i nærområdet 14 av denne størrelsen. En av utbyggerne som møtte Brukergruppa Status for utbygging 16 uttalte at det var veldig uvant å ha et prosjekt som hadde så sterk Asker kommune informerer 17 støtte i lokalmiljøet, og de visste liksom ikke riktig hvordan de Skolekorpset informerer 18 skulle forholde seg til det. Lions Club Heggedal informerer 19 Vi har ingen indikasjoner på at utbyggerne har utnyttet situasjo- Heggedal menighet informerer 20 nen i urimelig grad, og vi satser alt på at utbyggere og lokalmiljø Heggedal Vel informerer 22 har felles interesse av å få et attraktivt og velfungerende sentrum. Hovedgården Kulturforum 23 Tida vil vise om vi har vært for ”blåøyde”. Smånytt 26 Men denne selvpålagte sensuren er ingen god situasjon. Et så Redaksjonen for dette nr. avsluttet 9. august 2010 viktig prosjekt må følges med et kritisk blikk. Det fortjener både prosjektet og våre etterkommere. Utgivelsesplan for 2010: DHS (Stoff-frist / Distribusjon) Nr. 5 - 20. september / 4. - 9. oktober Nr. 6 - 8. november / 22. - 27. november NB! Det kan bli endringer. Redaksjonen for Heggedalsposten er: Stein D. Berge, Heggedal Vel ([email protected]) Ole-Herman Bjor, Heggedal Menighet ([email protected]) Irene Johansen, Heggedal Vel/økonomi ([email protected]) Terje Martinsen, historiker ([email protected]) Frode Th. Omdahl, red.sekr. ([email protected]) Dag Henning Sæther ([email protected]) Heggedalsposten er et partipolitisk uavhengig og livssynsnøytralt blad som tilbyr seg å være medlemsblad/meldingsblad for organisasjoner i Heg- gedal. Bladet trykkes av SIA Tipografija Indrikis i Latvia, og distribueres i Heggedal, Hallenskog, Askerbørskogen, Gullhella, og deler av Blakstad og Vollen. Opplag: 5500 eks. Adresse: Heggedalsposten, Postboks 96, 1380 Heggedal Mail kan sendes til et av medlemmene i redaksjonen, eller til: [email protected] Heggedalsposten på nett: www.heggedalsposten.no 02 Side 2.indd 2 2010-08-10 22:15:25 Heggedals posten 3 Heggedølingen Anders Lange Alle kjenner Fremskrittspartiet, men ikke alle vet at grunn- leggeren var Anders Lange fra Trollstein i Heggedal. Den gang het partiet Anders Langes Parti til sterk nedsettelse av skatter, avgifter og offentlige inngrep. Partiet ble stiftet ved Av Terje Martinsen håndsopprekking på Saga kino i Oslo 8. april 1973 La oss se nærmere på Anders Lange og hans tid i Heggedal. I 1954 ble eiendommen Trollstein på ca 22 mål lagt ut for salg. Der hadde Bjørn Hallèn drevet kennel siden slutten av 40-åra. Før Lange kjøpte Trollstein og flyttet dit i 1954, hadde han drevet kennel i Oppegård. Samtidig var han sekretær i Norsk kennelklubb, og fra 1948 utga han Hundeavisen, et blad for hundeeiere. På Trollstein fort- satte kennelvirksomheten, men fra å være et blad for hundeinteresserte ble Hundeavisen mer og mer et organ for Langes politiske synspunkter. Formen på artiklene kunne være både grov og krass, slik at han fikk problemer med å få dem inn i de ordinære avisene. I og med at Hundeavisen snarere ble et organ for Langes egne synspunkter, endte det med at den skiftet navn til Anders Langes Avis i 1962. Kennelen på Trollstein ble etter hvert rene dyreparken. Ikke bare hunder, men ku, gris, sauer, høner m.m. kunne observeres av folk i nabolaget. Alle dyra hadde egne navn. Ei kvige het for eksempel Anders Lange på Trollstein 1972 Maja – fordi hun var født i mai. En tror jeg har bedre kontakt med dyr enn Når Lange gikk til ”Olsen i søye fikk navnet Fru Merckoll fordi det dere noen gang vil få”. Dermed Guibekken” for å handle, hendte det sauen var kjøpt av Merckoll på Store ropte han navnet på grisen som ruslet at både ku, gris og sau fulgte med. Gui. En sint kalkunhane gikk under rundt ute. Den kom fornøyd og gryn- Marie Olsen var ikke blid når en sau navnet Politimesteren. Og de gikk ute tende inn i stua, la hodet i fanget til gjorde fra seg inne i butikken. Men da om vinteren. Dette resulterte i at noen Anders Lange og ventet på å bli klødd. Anders ropte på kost og feiebrett og meldte Lange til dyrebeskyttelsen. Da takket representantene fra dyrebe- selv ordnet opp, smeltet hun. En delegasjon kom på inspeksjon. De skyttelsen for seg og dro hjem! Denne ble traktert med kaffe og kaker av Ved en annen anledning skulle grisen het for øvrig Harry. Navnet fru Lange – og lengre doseringer fra Lange hente en hund i et bur på Hegge- hadde den fått fordi elektriker Harry Anders Lange. Etter at det egentlige dal stasjon. Han kjørte til stasjonen, Kise i 1956 hadde berget den fra en ærendet ble framført, sa Lange ”Jeg men da han gikk ut av bilen, flakset flom der flere grisunger druknet. 03 - 05 Anders Lange.indd 3 2010-08-10 00:59:39 4 Heggedals posten hadde lyst på kylling. Da på den trange veien ved Trollstein, spratt Anders opp, gikk spratt han ut og sa: ”Min skyld, Arne. ut og kverket en kylling Send den på verksted, jeg betaler!” som han så tilberedte og Betalingsevnen kunne det nok tidvis serverte. være så som så med. Ved en anled- Anders Lange var ning hadde han kjøpt materialer på ellers ikke særlig prak- Heggedal Trevarefabrikk og kom for tisk anlagt. Han var å betale med en sjekk – med følgende utdannet skogtekniker. replikk til sjefen, Karl Pedersen: ”Ja, Det var derfor kanskje hvis det er dekning på denne, er det ikke så rart at nærmeste jeg som blir mest forbauset!”. Grisen Harry og sønnen Jan med noen av hundene. nabo, Gotskalk Flatebø, Anders Lange hadde røtter i Asker. Som liten var Jan så knyttet til hundene at han undret seg da Lange Hans oldefar, Alexander Lange (1792- løftet på det ene beinet når han tisset, akkurat som hadde hogd tømmer på 1867) hadde vært sogneprest i bygda hanbikkjene. Trollstein og kommen- fra 1838 til 1861, og ordfører fra 1842 terte at stubbene som sto til 1853. det ut ei høne. Folk på perrongen igjen var mer enn meteren høye. Da Om han hadde arvet sitt politiske mente at nå skulle Lange få et alvorlig svarte Lange: Bikkjene skal ha noe å engasjement fra oldefaren skal være problem med å fange den. Men etter pisse på! Tømmeret ble for øvrig fløtet usagt, men han reiste land og strand at han hadde lempet hundeburet inn over Gjellumvannet til ”Bråtensvin- rundt og holdt sine foredrag, ofte med i bilen, åpnet han døra til førerhuset, gen” i sentrum. sterk brodd mot styresmaktene. satte seg inn og ropte navnet på høna. Lange hadde en liten varebil. En Fra 1930 til 1938 var han sekretær Straks kom den flaksende og satte seg gang måtte den repareres på verkste- i Fedrelandslaget. Dette var en orga- inn ved siden av Lange. det som lå på Ullvaretomta. Lange var nisasjon som sto langt til høyre i det På 50-tallet skulle Lange prøve svært misfornøyd med reparasjonen politiske landskapet. Anders Lange de nye elektriske halsbånd til hunder. og kom for å klage. Bilmekanikeren hadde et hissig temperament. Etter Sønnen, Bernt, og naboen, Trygve var imidlertid ute et ærend og hadde et foredrag på Sørlandet der han gikk Flatebø, skulle betjene senderen mens satt lapp på døra: ”Er borte. Kommer til verbalt angrep på Arbeiderpartiet, Lange selv fulgte bikkja for å se hvor snart igjen”. Anders Lange tok fram oppsto slagsmål hvor Lange fikk knust lang avstand fra senderen dette virket tømmerblyanten og skrev så: ”Har kjevebeinet. Dette skremte han likevel på. Da testen var unnagjort, slengte vært her. Kommer aldri igjen!” ikke fra å fortsette sin agitasjon. Han Lange halsbåndet over sine nakne Ellers var han kjent for å være rett- likte å være folketaler. Hans syns- skuldre og satte seg på en benk ved skaffen. Da han for eksempel kollider- punkter kunne være ganske ekstreme veien for å tenne pipa. Da satte guttene te med Arne Flatebø ved en bakketopp og på kollisjonskurs med det som ble på strømmen. Resultatet var at Lange beit munnstykket tvers av før han spratt opp og samtidig skremte vettet av en eldre kar som kom gående fra butikken med varer i begge hender.
Recommended publications
  • Power, Communication, and Politics in the Nordic Countries
    POWER, COMMUNICATION, AND POLITICS IN THE NORDIC COUNTRIES POWER, COMMUNICATION, POWER, COMMUNICATION, AND POLITICS IN THE NORDIC COUNTRIES The Nordic countries are stable democracies with solid infrastructures for political dia- logue and negotiations. However, both the “Nordic model” and Nordic media systems are under pressure as the conditions for political communication change – not least due to weakened political parties and the widespread use of digital communication media. In this anthology, the similarities and differences in political communication across the Nordic countries are studied. Traditional corporatist mechanisms in the Nordic countries are increasingly challenged by professionals, such as lobbyists, a development that has consequences for the processes and forms of political communication. Populist polit- ical parties have increased their media presence and political influence, whereas the news media have lost readers, viewers, listeners, and advertisers. These developments influence societal power relations and restructure the ways in which political actors • Edited by: Eli Skogerbø, Øyvind Ihlen, Nete Nørgaard Kristensen, & Lars Nord • Edited by: Eli Skogerbø, Øyvind Ihlen, Nete Nørgaard communicate about political issues. This book is a key reference for all who are interested in current trends and develop- ments in the Nordic countries. The editors, Eli Skogerbø, Øyvind Ihlen, Nete Nørgaard Kristensen, and Lars Nord, have published extensively on political communication, and the authors are all scholars based in the Nordic countries with specialist knowledge in their fields. Power, Communication, and Politics in the Nordic Nordicom is a centre for Nordic media research at the University of Gothenburg, Nordicomsupported is a bycentre the Nordic for CouncilNordic of mediaMinisters. research at the University of Gothenburg, supported by the Nordic Council of Ministers.
    [Show full text]
  • The Growth of the Radical Right in Nordic Countries: Observations from the Past 20 Years
    THE GROWTH OF THE RADICAL RIGHT IN NORDIC COUNTRIES: OBSERVATIONS FROM THE PAST 20 YEARS By Anders Widfeldt TRANSATLANTIC COUNCIL ON MIGRATION THE GROWTH OF THE RADICAL RIGHT IN NORDIC COUNTRIES: Observations from the Past 20 Years By Anders Widfeldt June 2018 Acknowledgments This research was commissioned for the eighteenth plenary meeting of the Transatlantic Council on Migration, an initiative of the Migration Policy Institute (MPI), held in Stockholm in November 2017. The meeting’s theme was “The Future of Migration Policy in a Volatile Political Landscape,” and this report was one of several that informed the Council’s discussions. The Council is a unique deliberative body that examines vital policy issues and informs migration policymaking processes in North America and Europe. The Council’s work is generously supported by the following foundations and governments: the Open Society Foundations, Carnegie Corporation of New York, the Barrow Cadbury Trust, the Luso- American Development Foundation, the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation, and the governments of Germany, the Netherlands, Norway, and Sweden. For more on the Transatlantic Council on Migration, please visit: www.migrationpolicy.org/ transatlantic. © 2018 Migration Policy Institute. All Rights Reserved. Cover Design: April Siruno, MPI Layout: Sara Staedicke, MPI No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission from the Migration Policy Institute. A full-text PDF of this document is available for free download from www.migrationpolicy.org. Information for reproducing excerpts from this report can be found at www.migrationpolicy.org/about/copyright-policy.
    [Show full text]
  • A Survey of TEACHERS' Experiences and Perceptions in Relation To
    A survey of TEACHERS ’ experiences and perceptions in relation to teaching about A survey of TEACHERS’ experiences and perceptions in relation to teaching about THE HOLOCAUST by Anders Lange THE HOLOCAUST Forum för levande historia Stora Nygatan 10–12 Box 2123, 103 13 Stockholm Anders Lange Phone: +46 8 723 87 50 Fax: +46 8 723 87 59 [email protected] www.levandehistoria.se ISBN: 978-91-977117-9-1 A survey of TEACHERS’ experiences and perceptions in relation to teaching about THE HOLOCAUST by Anders Lange The study was conducted on the commission of the Living History Forum. It can be downloaded or ordered from www.levandehistoria.se Author: Anders Lange Translation from Swedish: David Shannon Graphic design: Direktör Wigg Reklambyrå Printed by: Elanders Gotab 2008 The Living History Forum Stora Nygatan 10–12 Box 2123, 103 13 Stockholm Tel: 08-723 87 50 Fax: 08-723 87 59 [email protected] www.levandehistoria.se ISBN: 978-91-977487-0-4 © The Living History Forum 2008 The Living History Forum Taking history as our point of departure, we investigate contemporary processes that can lead to intolerance and injustice. We proceed from facts about the Holocaust and other genocides, but also from events that have taken place in Sweden. By means of education, cultural events and discussions, the Living History Forum works to consolidate both democracy and the insight that all people are of equal worth. About the writer Anders Lange is emeritus professor of international migration and ethnic relations at Stockholm University. He holds a Ph.D. in psychology (Stockholm) and is a ”docent” (”dozent”, ”reader”.
    [Show full text]
  • The Six Roles of the Anti-Immigration Parties in Scandinavian Immigration Press Debate 1970–2016
    Mjelde, H. 2020. The Six Roles of the Anti-Immigration Parties in Scandinavian Immigration Press Debate 1970–2016. Nordic Journal of Migration Research, 10(3), pp. 1–14. DOI: https://doi.org/10.33134/njmr.355 RESEARCH The Six Roles of the Anti-Immigration Parties in Scandinavian Immigration Press Debate 1970–2016 Hilmar Mjelde University of Bergen, Bergen, NO [email protected] This article analyzes through qualitative content analysis what role the populist radical right parties have had in Scandinavian immigration debate in the press from 1970 to 2016. The press may highlight other dimensions of these parties’ relation- ship with the immigration issue than party programs and statements. I identify six distinct roles the parties have performed in the debate: the radical traditionalist, the deviant, the extremist, the powerful (against the little guy), the persecuted, and the policy innovator. Showing that the populist radical right parties are not just exchanging the same set of familiar arguments with their political opponents over and over again, this analysis adds to our understanding of how these parties debate immigration and the kinds of criticism they draw, and it shows that the immigration issue can actually lead to highly unfavorable media coverage that goes beyond their policy radicalism, which I suggest could hurt their electoral prospects. Keywords: Immigration debate; Populist radical right parties; Anti-immigration parties; Immigration press debate; Scandinavian immigration Introduction Existing research shows that opposition to immigration is a defining attribute of populist radical right parties—according to Ivarsflaten (2007), it is the only common denominator of those that are electorally successful and the primary reason voters support them (Arzheimer 2018).
    [Show full text]
  • Crowning Moments: Transformative Populist Use of the Media and the Case of Carl I
    NORDICOM REVIEW Crowning Moments Transformative populist use of the media and the case of Carl I. Hagen Hilmar Mjelde Department of Information Science and Media Studies, University of Bergen, Norway Abstract This article presents the concept of a “crowning moment” and proposes an explanation for the media-savviness of many populist leaders – an under-theorised ability often referred to in existing research. A crowning moment is an instance in which populist leaders take advan- tage of opportunities that arise in their surroundings to achieve a or multiple major policy, political and/or personal goals through skilful use of the media that earns them recognition as savvy politicians. The concept is exemplified through an analysis of Norwegian Progress Party leader Carl I. Hagen’s role in the 1987 no-confidence motion against the Labour Party government. Stoking up and exploiting media interest in dramatic fashion, Hagen managed to redefine himself as a national political leader and made his party appear responsible. Keywords: crowning moment, populist use of the media, Carl I. Hagen, populism, strategi- cal media use Introduction Existing research finds, first, that the media facilitate populism, as there is overlap -be tween populist communication and media production styles (e.g. tabloidisation) (Blumler & Kavanagh, 1999; Esser et al., 2017; Mazzoleni, 2008, 2014; Manucci, 2017; Mudde, 2004). Second, the media-savviness of populist leaders such as Jörg Haider, Carl I. Hagen, Geert Wilders, Silvio Berlusconi, Marine Le Pen, Nigel Farage and Donald Trump is frequently cited as a key factor in their political rise, even though this ability has not been much theorised (Boczkowski & Papacharissi, 2018; Esser et al., 2017; Manucci, 2017; Mazzoleni, 2008, 2014).
    [Show full text]
  • Bomb Target Norway
    Bomb target Norway About Norwegian political history in a tragic background, the background to the Norwegian fascism. Militarism and na- tionalism are the prerequisites for fas- cism. By Holger Terpi Norway is a rich complex country with a small wealthy militarist and nationalist upper class, a relatively large middle class and a working class. The little known Norwegian militarism has always been problematic. It would censorship, war with Sweden, occupy half of Greenland1, was opponent of a Nordic defense cooperation, garden Norway into NATO2 and EEC, would have plutonium and nuclear weapons3, as well as, monitor and controlling political opponents, in- cluding the radical wing of the labor movement, pacifists and conscientious objectors. And they got it pretty much as they wanted it. One example is the emergency law or emergency laws, a common term for five laws adopted by the Storting in 1950, which introduced stricter measures for acts that are defined as treacherous in war, and also different measures in peacetime, such as censorship of letters, phone monitoring etc.4 1 Legal Status of Eastern Greenland (Den. v. Nor.), 1933 P.C.I.J. (ser. A/B) No. 53 (Apr. 5) Publications of the Per- manent Court of International Justice Series A./B. No. 53; Collection of Judgments, Orders and Advisory Opinions A.W. Sijthoff’s Publishing Company, Leyden, 1933. 2 Lundestad , Geir: America, Scandinavia, and the Cold War 1945-1949. Oslo, University Press, 1980. - 434 pp. Paradoxically, according to Lundestad, the U.S. preferred socialist governments in Scandinavia rather than conservative, the reason was that they were perceived as "the strongest bulwark" against communism 3 Forland, Astrid: Norway’s nuclear odyssey: from optimistic proponent to nonproliferator.
    [Show full text]
  • Explaining Membership Growth in the Norwegian Progress Party From
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by NORA - Norwegian Open Research Archives Explaining Membership Growth in the Norwegian Progress Party from 1973 to 2008 Hilmar Langhelle Mjelde Master Thesis November 2008 The University of Bergen Department of Comparative Politics Abstract This thesis is concerned with explaining the membership growth in the Norwegian Progress Party, Fremskrittspartiet, from its founding in 1973 to 2008. Two major studies, Katz and Mair (1992) and Mair and van Biezen (2001), have demonstrated that West-European parties, including Norwegian ones, are losing members, and have been doing it for several decades. Although this development was not as pronounced in the first study, it had become clear by 2001. The Progress Party has clearly deviated from both the national and the international trend of dwindling mass membership with its relatively stable growth in this respect. Through the application of relevant academic literature, I set forth seven theoretically informed hypotheses about the causes of the Progress Party’s membership growth. At the macro-level, I examine the impact of electoral success and public subsidies on membership growth. At the meso-level, the efforts of the Progress Party leadership, the party’s organizational network, and its executive structure are considered. Finally, at the micro-level, I study support in the electorate for the Progress Party’s policies and the availability of political positions for members in the party as possible causes of membership growth. The central finding of the thesis is that leadership efforts appear to be the key component in the explanation, although it may depend on several other factors to be successful.
    [Show full text]
  • “The Immigration Problem” and Norwegian Right-Wing Politicians
    New Political Science ISSN: 0739-3148 (Print) 1469-9931 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/cnps20 “The Immigration Problem” and Norwegian Right- Wing Politicians Katrine Fangen & Mari Vaage To cite this article: Katrine Fangen & Mari Vaage (2018) “The Immigration Problem” and Norwegian Right-Wing Politicians, New Political Science, 40:3, 459-476 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/07393148.2018.1487145 © 2018 The Author(s) Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group Published online: 03 Aug 2018. Submit your article to this journal View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=cnps20 NEW POLITICAL SCIENCE 2018, VOL. 40, NO. 3, 459–476 https://doi.org/10.1080/07393148.2018.1487145 ARTICLE “The Immigration Problem” and Norwegian Right-Wing Politicians Katrine Fangen and Mari Vaage Department of Sociology and Human Geography, University of Oslo, Oslo, Norway ABSTRACT In this article, we explore Norwegian Progress Party politicians’ change of their rhetoric of immigration after the party for the first time became part of a coalition government in 2013. Equal to other right-wing populist parties in Europe, immigration has been the main reason for voters to support the Progress Party. How then does their immigration rhetoric change after entering office? This is important, as an intolerant immigration rhetoric has far-reaching consequences for the political climate in Europe. Right-wing populist parties can achieve much regarding migration policies merely because there is broad consensus on a strict migration policy today. However, to succeed remaining in office, they must remain being acceptable to other parties in the parlia- ment and their coalition partner and therefore they need to moderate the way they go about communicating their message.
    [Show full text]
  • The Norwegian Progress Party: an Established Populist Party Johan Bjerkem
    EUROPeAN VIeW DOI 10.1007/s12290-016-0404-8 ARTICLE The Norwegian Progress Party: an established populist party Johan Bjerkem © The Author(s) 2016. This article is published with open access at Springerlink.com Abstract This article sheds light on one of Europe’s successful right-wing populist parties, the Norwegian Progress Party. Since 2013 the party has been in a coalition with the Conservative Party. The history, ideology and position of the party in the Norwegian political system are factors that explain how a centre–right party and a populist one have been able to form a viable coalition. Over time the Progress Party has become increasingly well integrated into the political system. The fact that no cordon sanitaire or total boycott policy was implemented against it may explain why the party developed a more moderate and pragmatic approach than most other right-wing populist parties. In turn, this made it possible for the Conservative Party to offer to form a coalition with the Progress Party and placed the centre–right in the strategic position of cooperating with parties both in the centre and to the right. Keywords Populism | Right-wing politics | Political parties | Centre–right | Norway | The Progress Party J. Bjerkem (*) Wilfried Martens Centre for European Studies, Rue du Commerce 20, 1000 Brussels, Belgium e-mail: [email protected] 1 3 EUROPEAN VIEW Introduction The Norwegian Progress Party is an example of a successful European populist party which has not only gained seats in parliament, but has also become a governing party. Established in the early 1970s, mainly as an anti-tax protest party, it transformed into an anti-immigration and anti-establishment party in the 1980s, before positioning itself as one of the main political forces in Norway.
    [Show full text]
  • Norge Er V„Rt 1/12 (Page 1)
    ISSN: 0805-147X Utgitt av Folkebevegelsen Mot Innvandring Nr. 1 Juni 2012 - 25. Årgang Minneord om en motstandsmann glimrende fysisk form ble han innrullert i Kompani Linge, med spesialopplæring i samband, og ble sendt til Norge. Tjenesten der, med tortur og henrettelse garantert om han ble tatt levende, er blitt skildret i bøker han har etterlatt til kom- mende slekter. Freden førte ikke til den nasjonale erkjennelsen han hadde for- ventet. Da så Anders Lange sto frem og manet til motstand mot utviklingen var Gjems-Onstad med fra starten, og ble inn- valgt på Stortinget. Anders Langes Parti fikk en begeistret mottakelse i brede lag av folket, og i ledelsen samlet partiet menn av et kaliber som sårt savnes i dagens samfunn. Det ble grunnlaget for Fremskrittspartiet, som lenge så ut til å bli en politisk kraft i Norge. Innvandringen fra den 3. verden hadde startet, og Gjems- Onstad innså raskt at for et hav av mennesker, i uendelig mate- riell nød og med kulturer og religioner som effektivt kveler ethvert håp om en bedre tilværelse, måtte Norge fortone seg som et paradis på jorden. For oss derimot ville selv en begren- set innvandring av disse menneskene bli en belastning, og et frislepp ville innebære nasjonalstatens undergang. Med tanke på den ideologi våre motstandere bekjenner seg til, og deres aktiviteter før de fikk sikret seg hjelpetropper fra fjerne utland, er nasjonalstatens undergang nettopp siktemålet. Erik Gjems-Onstad er gått bort. En stridsmann er falt, men han kjempet, innbitt, til det siste. Gjems-Onstad engasjerte seg med liv og sjel i de motstands- bevegelsene som etter hvert vokste frem.
    [Show full text]
  • 205 © the Author(S) 2017 E. Bergmann, Nordic Nationalism And
    INDEX A Association of Icelandic Nationalists Aðils, Jón Jónsson , 98–9, 112, 114 (Félag íslenskra tjódernissinna) , Aftenposten , 132 110 Åkesson, Jimmie , 173–7, 181, 197, Attack Party , 22 202 Austria , 18, 20, 26, 28, 120, 138 Åland Island , 6, 77, 161, 162 Albin Hansson, Per , 164, 167, 176 Alexander III , 75 B Alexander I, Tsar , 71, 74 Balkans , 19, 50, 64, 191 ALP . See Anders Lange Party for Bawer, Bruce , 148 Strong Reduction in Taxes, Belgium , 19, 63 Duties and Public Intervention Bergman, Ingmar , 166 (ALP) Berlusconi, Silvio , 19 Alternative for Germany (Alternative Best, Werner , 48 für Deutschland) , 24 Billing, Michael , 16 Andersen, Hans Christian , 39 Bismarck, Otto Von , 40–1 Anders Lange Party for Strong Björgólfsson, Björgólfur Thor , 103 Reduction in Taxes, Duties and Björk , 98 Public Intervention (ALP) , 17, Björnsson, Páll , 97 139–40, 149, 191 BNP . See British National Party (BNP) Apartheid, 142 Bolshevik revolution , 71, 76 Ármann á Alþingi , 96 Bondeþartie t (Farmers/Peasants Party) , 44 © The Author(s) 2017 205 E. Bergmann, Nordic Nationalism and Right-Wing Populist Politics, DOI 10.1057/978-1-137-56703-1 206 INDEX Bood&Honor , 111 Danish Association (Den Danske Booth, Michel , 2, 42, 134, 149 Forening–DDF), The , 60 Bosnia-Herzegovina , 13 Danish Hitler Youth , 47 Bossi’s, Umberto , 19 Danish King Christian II , 36 Breivik, Anders Behring , 2, 22, 23, Danish Nazi Party–the National 126, 147–9, 150, 153, 195 Socialist Workers Party of Brest–Litovsk Treaty, 77 Denmark ( Danmarks Bretton Woods , 15 Nationalsocialistiske
    [Show full text]
  • Persistence of Populism the Norwegian Progress Party, 1973-2009
    PhD thesis 2015 Persistence of Populism The Norwegian Progress Party, 1973-2009 A.R. Jupskås, Department of Political Science, University of Oslo © Anders Ravik Jupskås, 2015 Series of dissertations submitted to the Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Oslo No. 527 ISSN 1504-3991 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without permission. Cover: Hanne Baadsgaard Utigard. Printed in Norway: AIT Oslo AS. Produced in co-operation with Akademika publishing, Oslo. The thesis is produced by Akademika publishing merely in connection with the thesis defence. Kindly direct all inquiries regarding the thesis to the copyright holder or the unit which grants the doctorate. Acknowledgements When I, as a student, was welcomed by the staff at Institutt for statsvitenskap (Department of political science, ISV) at the University of Oslo in 2003, I remember one the professors, Raino Malnes stressed – borrowing a quote from the famous English biologist Thomas Henry Huxley – that students in political science should ‘try to learn something about everything and everything about something’. Throughout my time as a student, I focused primarily on the first part of the advice. As a PhD student, however, I’ve tried to focus on the latter part by writing an in-depth analysis of the ideological and organizational development of one single party, namely Fremskrittspartiet (The Norwegian Progress Party, FrP). Whether or not I have succeeded is obviously up to the reader to decide. It wasn’t always supposed to be like this. For a long time I didn’t realize that writing (almost) everything about something was impossible without a very limited research question.
    [Show full text]