Ukraine's Party System Evolution: 1990-2017
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Civil Service Professionalisation in Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine
CIVIL SERVICE PROFESSIONALISATION IN ARMENIA, AZERBAIJAN, GEORGIA, MOLDOVA AND UKRAINE November 2014 Salvador Parrado 2 Rue André Pascal This SIGMA Paper has been produced with the financial assistance of the European Union. SIGMA Papers should not be 75775 Paris Cedex 16 reported as representing the official views of the EU, the OECD or its member countries, or of beneficiaries participating in the France SIGMA Programme. The opinions expressed and arguments employed are those of the author(s). SIGMA Papers describe preliminary results or research in progress by the author(s) and are published to stimulate discussion on mailto:[email protected] a broad range of issues on which the EU and the OECD work. Comments on Working Papers are welcomed, and may be sent to Tel: +33 (0) 1 45 24 82 00 SIGMA-OECD, 2 rue André-Pascal, 75775 Paris Cedex 16, France. Fax: +33 (0) 1 45 24 13 05 This document and any map included herein are without prejudice to the status of or sovereignty over any territory, to the www.sigmaweb.org delimitation of international frontiers and boundaries and to the name of any territory, city or area. TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ..................................................................................................................................... 5 The scope of the civil service ....................................................................................................................... 5 The institutional set-up for consistent and effective human resource management practices ................ -
Cyber Insecurity
#1 (107) January 2017 How economic recovery Ukraine's response to hacker attacks Kyiv in the life can change Ukrainian politics against strategic infrastructure of Oleksandra Ekster CYBER INSECURITY WWW.UKRAINIANWEEK.COM Featuring selected content from The Economist FOR FREE DISTRIBUTION CONTENTS | 3 BRIEFING 4 Where’s the elite? Who can make the foundation of Ukraine’s transformed political machine POLITICS 8 A toxic environment: The present and future of the President’s party 10 Migration and mimicry: How much parties in Donetsk Oblast changed after the Maidan 12 Ride that wave: Political challenges of the possible economic recovery in 2017 16 Emerging communities: Decentralisation of Donetsk Oblast in the time of war ECONOMICS 18 Lessons learned: The benefits and flaws of PrivatBank transfer into state hands 20 Privatization, sanctions and security: How the Rosneft deal happened with the Russia sanctions in place NEIGHBOURS 24 Listen, liberal: Does Alexei Kudrin’s strategy to liberalise Russia’s economy stand a chance? 26 The unknown: Michael Binyon on what Europe expects from the presidency of Donald Trump 28 Nicolas Tenzer: “It makes no sense to negotiate with Putin” French political scientist on the prospects of ending the war in Ukraine, global and European security FOCUS 31 The other front: What cyber threats Ukraine has faced in the past two years 34 Shades of the Lviv underground: How Ukrainian hackers fight the cyber war SOCIETY 36 The invisible weapons: Ukraine’s role in the information warfare 38 The titans: Stories of people who build the future on a daily basis CULTURE & ARTS 46 The champion of Avant-Garde: The life and inspiration of Oleksandra Ekster 50 French films, Ukrainian Surrealism and contemporary theatre: The Ukrainian Week offers a selection of events to attend in the next month E-mail [email protected] www.ukrainianweek.com Tel. -
17Th Plenary Session
The Congress of Local and Regional Authorities 20 th SESSION CG(20)7 2 March 2011 Local elections in Ukraine (31 October 2010) Bureau of the Congress Rapporteur: Nigel MERMAGEN, United Kingdom (L, ILDG)1 A. Draft resolution....................................................................................................................................2 B. Draft recommendation.........................................................................................................................2 C. Explanatory memorandum..................................................................................................................4 Summary Following the official invitation from the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine to observe the local elections on 31 October 2010, the Congress appointed an observer delegation, headed by Gudrun Mosler-Törnström (R, Austria, SOC), Member and Vice-President of the State Parliament of Salzburg. Councillor Nigel Mermagen (L, UK, ILDG) was appointed Rapporteur. The delegation was composed of fifteen members of the Congress and four members of the EU Committee of the Regions, assisted by four members of the Congress secretariat. The delegation concluded, after pre-election and actual election observation missions, that local elections in Ukraine were generally conducted in a calm and orderly manner. It also noted with satisfaction that for the first time, local elections were held separately from parliamentary ones, as requested in the past by the Congress. No indications of systematic fraud were brought -
Green Parties and Elections to the European Parliament, 1979–2019 Green Par Elections
Chapter 1 Green Parties and Elections, 1979–2019 Green parties and elections to the European Parliament, 1979–2019 Wolfgang Rüdig Introduction The history of green parties in Europe is closely intertwined with the history of elections to the European Parliament. When the first direct elections to the European Parliament took place in June 1979, the development of green parties in Europe was still in its infancy. Only in Belgium and the UK had green parties been formed that took part in these elections; but ecological lists, which were the pre- decessors of green parties, competed in other countries. Despite not winning representation, the German Greens were particularly influ- enced by the 1979 European elections. Five years later, most partic- ipating countries had seen the formation of national green parties, and the first Green MEPs from Belgium and Germany were elected. Green parties have been represented continuously in the European Parliament since 1984. Subsequent years saw Greens from many other countries joining their Belgian and German colleagues in the Euro- pean Parliament. European elections continued to be important for party formation in new EU member countries. In the 1980s it was the South European countries (Greece, Portugal and Spain), following 4 GREENS FOR A BETTER EUROPE their successful transition to democracies, that became members. Green parties did not have a strong role in their national party systems, and European elections became an important focus for party develop- ment. In the 1990s it was the turn of Austria, Finland and Sweden to join; green parties were already well established in all three nations and provided ongoing support for Greens in the European Parliament. -
Searching for a New Constitutional Model for East-Central Europe
The Catholic University of America, Columbus School of Law CUA Law Scholarship Repository Scholarly Articles and Other Contributions Faculty Scholarship 1991 Searching for a New Constitutional Model for East-Central Europe Rett R. Ludwikowski The Catholic University of America, Columbus School of Law Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.edu/scholar Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, and the Constitutional Law Commons Recommended Citation Rett. R. Ludwikowski, Searching for a New Constitutional Model for East-Central Europe, 17 SYRACUSE J. INT’L L. & COM. 91 (1991). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at CUA Law Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Scholarly Articles and Other Contributions by an authorized administrator of CUA Law Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. SEARCHING FOR A NEW CONSTITUTIONAL MODEL FOR EAST-CENTRAL EUROPE Rett R. Ludwikowski* TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION ........................................ 92 II. CONSTITUTIONAL TRADITIONS: THE OVERVIEW ....... 93 A. Polish Constitutional Traditions .................... 93 1. The Constitution of May 3, 1791 ............... 94 2. Polish Constitutions in the Period of the Partitions ...................................... 96 3. Constitutions of the Restored Polish State After World War 1 (1918-1939) ...................... 100 B. Soviet Constitutions ................................ 102 1. Constitutional Legacy of Tsarist Russia ......... 102 2. The Soviet Revolutionary Constitution of 1918.. 104 3. The First Post-Revolutionary Constitution of 1924 ........................................... 107 4. The Stalin Constitution of 1936 ................ 109 5. The Post-Stalinist Constitution of 1977 ......... 112 C. Outline of the Constitutional History of Romania, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia and Hungary ............. 114 III. CONSTITUTIONAL LEGACY: CONFRONTATION OF EAST AND W EST ............................................ -
11/6 Reading Assignment Why Is Angela Merkel in A
11/6 Reading Assignment Why is Angela Merkel in a comfortable position compared to Peer Steinbruck? The hypothesized impact of the eurozone debt crisis and, related, Germany's eurozone role. Though Merkel represents the country's ideological right, how might her prescription for economic growth contrast with the right among American candidates for federal office? Who and what experienced the "biggest election victory " since reunification (i.e., of E. and W. Germany into one Germany)? How does the position of "party chairman" in Germany contrast with, for example, the Republican Party Chairman or Democratic Party Chairman in the United States? What is Sigmar Gabriel's job and what is his goal? What is driving the Social Democratic Party into a likely, grand coalition with the Christian Democrats? What drove the Greens and the CDU apart? Where do we see federalism (e.g., Bavaria's role) factoring into the CDU/CSU's willingness to accommodate SDP demands? What demands are those? What are Merkel's "red lines"? The significance (not just defitinition) of gerechtigkeit, particularly in light of the liberalizing labor and welfare reforms enacted a decade ago (ironically [Why "ironically"?] by the SPD-Green government. The impact of Catholic/Lutheran views on the right-of-center CDU/CSU. Can you speculate, based on this, why the FDP was ejected from parliament? How is Merkel thinking about economic inequality in terms of electoral strategy? What is a GINI coefficient? What is the trend in GINI in the east and west of the country? How does public opinion contradict the measured reality of inequality? So, how might this explain the growing fortunes of the Left and Greens at the expense of the Free Democrats? How does Germany compare to other OECD nations based on the varying New Social Maret Economy's (INSM) quality of life indicators? ------------------------------------------------------- The Boston Globe (The Boston Globe) - Clipping Loc. -
Will Ukraine's 2019 Elections Be a Turning Point?
Will Ukraine’s 2019 Elections Be a Turning Point? UNLIKELY, BUT DANGERS LURK PONARS Eurasia Policy Memo No. 552 November 2018 Oleхiy Haran1 University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy Petro Burkovsky2 National Institute for Strategic Studies (Kyiv) Next year, amid an ongoing conflict with Russia, sluggish economic recovery, and the rise of populism, Ukrainians will elect a new president (in March) and a new parliament (in October). Although the Ukrainian public is fragmented in its support of the six or seven frontrunners and parties, the outcome of both elections is not likely to bring radical change to Kyiv’s foreign and security policies—unless Russia decides to intervene, with or without violence. Ukrainians may be wary about Russian-backed activities, such as fostering a divisive referendum about conflict resolution in the Donbas or stirring up tensions between the government and ethnic minorities or Moscow patriarchate zealots. The country’s Western partners should not downplay the Kremlin’s potential interventions, nor should they overreact to any new configurations of Ukrainian political power. Perhaps the most important imperative for both Ukrainians and the West is to continue pushing for the separation of oligarchs from the levers of governance. Although much can change over the next five months, the current outlook is that political developments in 2019 are not expected to produce another major turning point in the colorful history of Ukraine. Poroshenko’s Legacy: Baking “Kyiv Cake” for Others? We argued in 2014 3 that three major challenges would define the course of President Petro Poroshenko’s presidency. First, he had to avoid actions that would lead to full- scale war with Russia or rampant civil war. -
Constructions and Instrumentalization of the Past: a Comparative Study on Memory Management in the Region
CBEES State of the Region Report 2020 Constructions and Instrumentalization of the Past A Comparative Study on Memory Management in the Region Published with support from the Foundation for Baltic and East European Studies (Östersjstiftelsen) Constructions and Instrumentalization of the Past A Comparative Study on Memory Management in the Region December 2020 Publisher Centre for Baltic and East European Studies, CBEES, Sdertrn University © CBEES, Sdertrn University and the authors Editor Ninna Mrner Editorial Board Joakim Ekman, Florence Frhlig, David Gaunt, Tora Lane, Per Anders Rudling, Irina Sandomirskaja Layout Lena Fredriksson, Serpentin Media Proofreading Bridget Schaefer, Semantix Print Elanders Sverige AB ISBN 978-91-85139-12-5 4 Contents 7 Preface. A New Annual CBEES Publication, Ulla Manns and Joakim Ekman 9 Introduction. Constructions and Instrumentalization of the Past, David Gaunt and Tora Lane 15 Background. Eastern and Central Europe as a Region of Memory. Some Common Traits, Barbara Trnquist-Plewa ESSAYS 23 Victimhood and Building Identities on Past Suffering, Florence Frhlig 29 Image, Afterimage, Counter-Image: Communist Visuality without Communism, Irina Sandomirskaja 37 The Toxic Memory Politics in the Post-Soviet Caucasus, Thomas de Waal 45 The Flag Revolution. Understanding the Political Symbols of Belarus, Andrej Kotljarchuk 55 Institutes of Trauma Re-production in a Borderland: Poland, Ukraine, and Lithuania, Per Anders Rudling COUNTRY BY COUNTRY 69 Germany. The Multi-Level Governance of Memory as a Policy Field, Jenny Wstenberg 80 Lithuania. Fractured and Contested Memory Regimes, Violeta Davoliūtė 87 Belarus. The Politics of Memory in Belarus: Narratives and Institutions, Aliaksei Lastouski 94 Ukraine. Memory Nodes Loaded with Potential to Mobilize People, Yuliya Yurchuk 106 Czech Republic. -
The Political Clubs of United Russia: Incubators of Ideology Or Internal Dissent?
The Political Clubs of United Russia: Incubators of Ideology or Internal Dissent? Thesis Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Eileen Marie Kunkler, B.A. Graduate Program in Slavic and East European Studies The Ohio State University 2010 Thesis Committee: Goldie Shabad, Adviser Trevor Brown Copyright by Eileen Marie Kunkler 2010 Abstract In 2008, three political clubs were officially formed within the United Russia party structure: the Social-Conservative Club, the Liberal-Conservative Club, and the State-Patriotic Club. Membership of these clubs includes many powerful Duma representatives. Officially, their function is to help develop strategies for implementing the government‟s Strategy 2020. However, a closer examination of these clubs suggests that they also may function as an ideology incubator for the larger party and as a safety valve for internal party dissent. To answer the question of what the true function of these clubs is an attempt will be made to give: a brief overview of Unity‟s and Fatherland-All Russia‟s formation; a description of how United Russia formed; a summary of the ideological currents within United Russia from 2001-2009; a discussion of the three clubs; and a comparative analysis of these clubs to the Christian Democratic party of Italy and the Liberal Democratic Party of Japan. Based on this evidence, it will be argued that primary purpose of these clubs is to contain intra-party conflict. ii Dedication Dedicated to my family and friends iii Acknowledgements I wish to thank my adviser, Goldie Shabad, for all of her help, advice, and patience in working on this project with me. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Idp Voting Rights in Ukraine
UKRAINE FEBRUARY 2019 VOTING RIGHTS OF INTERNALLY DISPLACED PERSONS IN UKRAINE © UA News / Voting in elections in Ukraine © UA News / Voting in elections in Ukraine houses BACKGROUND houses 1 There are 1.4 million internally displaced people (IDPs) registered in Ukraine , who have Intention of IDPs to vote in the been displaced from Crimea and Donetsk and Luhansk oblasts. They make up 4% of next presidential and parliamentary elections voters i n Ukraine. In 2019, Ukraine will hold presidential election in March and parliamentary elections in October. Local elections will follow in October 2020. It is important that IDPs are able to I am going to 2 vote in these elections. vote 21 I am not going to vote Voting rights are key for successful long-term integration of IDPs, as voting ensures that 44 Do not know IDPs have a voice in their community, encourages IDPs to participate in their community, No response and helps to ensure that elected officials are accountable to all those residing in their 33 constituencies. In Ukraine, changes in legislation are required for IDPs to enjoy full voting rights. IDP VOTING RIGHTS IN UKRAINE Although IDPs are guaranteed the same rights to vote by international law as other Reasons for not voting in citizens of their country, in Ukraine voting rights are linked to residence registration. As the next presidential and parliamentary© intv.ua elections IDPs’ permanent residence registration is in their place of origin (Crimea or non- % of those intending not to vote government controlled areas of Luhansk and Donetsk oblast, NGCA), they are not able to vote in their current community. -
The Ukrainian Bible and the Valuev Circular of July 18, 1863
Acta Slavica Iaponica, Tomus 28, pp. 1‒21 Articles The Ukrainian Bible and the Valuev Circular of July 18, 1863 Andrii Danylenko On July 18 of 1863, a circular sent by Pёtr Valuev,1 Russia’s minister of internal affairs, to the censorship committees imposed restrictions on Ukraini- an-language publications in the Russian Empire. In accordance with this docu- ment, the Censorship Administration could “license for publication only such books in this language that belong to the realm of fine literature; at the same time, the authorization of books in Little Russian with either spiritual content or intended generally for primary mass reading should be ceased.”2 The gen- esis of this circular, which was incorporated into a later act limiting Ukrainian- language publishing, namely, the so-called Ems Decree of May 18, 1876, has been the focus of numerous studies. Various historians (Fedir Savčenko, David Saunders, Alexei Miller, Ricarda Vulpius) tackled the emergence of the Valuev Circular from various points of view that appear sometimes complementary, sometimes kaleidoscopic, while covering loosely related aspects of the prob- lem. In this paper, the Valuev Circular will be addressed in the context of the appearance of modern translations of the Holy Scriptures into vernacular Ukrainian, thus expanding conventional approaches to the initiation of pro- hibitive measures against the Ukrainian language. ON THE GENESIS OF THE CIRCULAR Among circumstantial theories, premised on some secondary aspects of the genesis of the Valuev Circular, deserving of attention is Remy’s recent at- tempt to treat the appearance of anti-Ukrainian edicts as an incidental intru- sion of the individual into the historical chain of events.