The Impact of Changes in Electoral Systems: a Comparative Analysis of the Local Election in Ukraine in 2006 and 2010

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Impact of Changes in Electoral Systems: a Comparative Analysis of the Local Election in Ukraine in 2006 and 2010 STUDIA VOL. 36 POLITOLOGICZNE STUDIA I ANALIZY Olena Yatsunska The impact of changes in electoral systems: a comparative analysis of the local election in Ukraine in 2006 and 2010 KEY WORDS: local government, local elections, proportional electoral system, majoritarian electoral system, mixed majoritarian-proportional electoral system, Ukraine STUDIA I ANALIZY Having gained independence in 1991 Ukraine, like most Central and East- ern European countries, faced the need for radical Constitutional reforms, with reorganization of local government figuring high in the agenda. Like other post-soviet countries, Ukraine had to decide on the starting point and like in the neighboring countries, democratic euphoria of the early 1990s got the upper hand: local authorities were elected on March 18, 1990, while the Law On Local People’s Deputies of Ukrainian SSR and Local Self-government was adopted by Verkhovna Rada of Ukrainian SSR on December 7, 1990. Ukrain- ian Researchers in the field of local government and its reforms concur with the opinion that the present dissatisfactory state of that institution was con- ditioned by the first steps made by Ukrainian Politicians at the beginning of the ‘transition’ period. Without clear perspective of reform, during more than 20 years of Independence, Ukrainian local government has abided dozens of laws, sometimes rather contradictory and has survived more than 10 stages of restructuring. Evolution of election legislation in Ukraine is demonstrated by Table 1. The table shows that since 1994 three electoral systems have been tested in Ukraine: 1, Majoritarian, 2, Proportional except elections to village and settlement councils and 3, ‘Mixed’ system (50% Majoritarian+50% Proportional). Majoritarian Electoral System, being a Soviet legacy and a cumbersome, expensive system that hampered the formation of an effective local party system, 204 SP Vol. 36/ SP Vol. Table 1. Evolution of the Local Election Law in Ukraine The impactofchangesinelectoralsystems:acomparativeanalysisthelocalelection… 1994 1998, 2002 2006 2010 (law # 3 996-XII, (law # 14/98-R, STUDIA (law # 1667-IV, (law # 2487-VІ, authorized 07/10/2010; authorized authorized authorized 04/06/2004) # 2491-VI, authorized 08/30/2010) 02/24/1994) 01/14/1998) I ANALIZY Electoral – Majoritarian system Village and settlement councils, and heads Majoritarian-proportional system System of village, settlement, and city councils – half of the deputies (overall seats) of the are elected based on majoritarian system respective council are elected by list of Deputies of district, district in cities, candidates of local and political party city and oblast councils, and Deputies of organizations in multiseat electoral con- the Verkhovna Rada of the Autonomous stituency; Republic of Crimea are elected on the – half of the deputies (overall seats) of the basis of proportional system respective council are elected by winner- take-all system in single-seat electoral constituency Term of service for Heads and 4 years 5 years 5 years Members of Councils Passive One person can- A candidate can run A candidate can simultaneously run for A candidate for the Member seat in multiseat electoral rights not simultaneously only for one Council Member seats in different Councils and electoral constituency can run simultaneously restrictions run for the Head of Member seat or for for the Head of the Council for Member seat in the respective Council in the Council and for the Head of Village, single-seat electoral constituency or for the a Council Member Settlement or City Head of Village, Settlement or City Council seat Council A candidate for Member seat in single-seat majoritarian electoral constituency, for Head of Village, Settlement or City Council cannot run simultaneously for Member seat in other 205 single-seat electoral constituencies or single- seat majoritarian electoral constituencies 206 1994 1998, 2002 2006 2010 (law # 3 996-XII, (law # 14/98-R, (law # 1667-IV, (law # 2487-VІ, authorized 07/10/2010; authorized authorized authorized 04/06/2004) # 2491-VI, authorized 08/30/2010) 02/24/1994) 01/14/1998) A candidate can run for Member seat, Head of Village, Settlement or City Council from only one local political party organization Number Seats depend on City Councils seats Seats depend on a number of voters Seats depend on a number of voters of Council a number of voters are based on a number Constituencies with more than 2 million Constituencies with more than 2 million Member seats of voters people may have up to 150 members in people may have from 76 to 150 members Oblast Councils seats a respective Council in a respective Council are equally divided Oblast Councils seats are equally divided YATSUNSKA OLENA among the districts among the districts regardless of the number of the voters in the respective constituency Overall member seats of the respective council must be even-numbered Right to – Voter gatherings; – Voter gatherings by – Local party organizations/blocks, regis- – Local party organizations; nominate – Political parties, place of residence, tered at least one year prior to the elec- – Self-nomination (for Village and Settle- belongs to: movements and work, or education; tions (which can nominate independent ment Councils and their Heads) electoral blocks; – Local organiza- candidates as well); STUDIA – Public organiza- tions, political par- – Self-nomination (must file a petition to ties, electoral blocks appropriate territorial electoral commis- tions I ANALIZY (which can nomi- sion supported by a certain number of – Labor unions. nate independent signatures). candidates as well); / SP Vol. 36 /SPVol. – Public organizations, registered under Ukrainian law; SP Vol. 36/ SP Vol. – Self-nomination The impactofchangesinelectoralsystems:acomparativeanalysisthelocalelection… (must file a peti- tion to appropriate STUDIA territorial commis- sion and submit I a certain number ANALIZY of signatures). Financial All candidates must – No monetary fee No monetary fee requirements deposit a refundable for registration monetary fee if they receive more than Total abolition of limits for electoral funds 5% of votes of parties and candidates Defining the Elected candidate for Elected candidate for Elected candidate in a single-seat electoral Elected candidate in a single-seat electoral winners both Council Mem- both Council Member constituency or as the Head of village, constituency or as the Head of village, set- ber seat and the Head seat and the Head of settlement or city councils, is a candidate tlement or city councils, is a candidate who of the Council is the the Council is the who received a majority of votes received a majority of votes; one who received the one who received the Elected candidate in a multiseat elec- Elected candidate in a multiseat electoral majority of votes by majority of votes toral constituency is a candidate who is constituency is a candidate who is included no less than 10% of included in the electoral list of local party in the electoral list of local party organiza- votes organization/block, which received more tion/block, which received more than 3% Elected candidate than 3% of votes. of votes for the Head of Council Member seats are proportion- the Council cannot ally divided between the electoral lists of receive less than 25% local organized parties/blocks based on of votes the number of votes received by elected candidates, including in the electoral lists 207 OLENA YATSUNSKA was in practice in Ukraine throughout three electoral cycles. Apparently, when adopting Law on Elections in 2006, Ukrainian deputies pinned their hopes on the Proportional system as a miracle cure for local government. It was sup- posed to bring the Ukrainian system closer to the European standards of local government. Almost all of the countries in Western and Eastern Europe now practise the Proportional electoral system on the local level. This system can reduce the number of political parties, while promoting their growth and main- taining the role of the remaining ones in politicizing and structuring of soci- ety. The Proportional system was expected to ensure better representation of main political preferences of Ukrainian citizens on the local level and place more responsibilities on political parties for their local activities; to implement the model of local government based on “strong mayor – strong council” sys- tem (as opposed to “strong mayor – weak council” system); to enable creation of steady seat majorities in local councils controlling respective local func- tions, and weaken the influence of administrative bureaucracies on elections’ results. However, adoption of Proportional system for local elections in Ukraine proved to have negative rather than positive consequences. As it turned out, the ‘Achilles heel’ of the new system were closed lists revealing to voters informa- tion only about the top five members of each party. This made it possible for almost all Ukrainian political parties to enroll so-called ‘fat cats’ who, accord- ing to different reports, paid from $100,000 to $800,000 for ‘sure-to-get-in seats’1 [1], with City Council seats being more popular than Regional Councils. The reason for such popularity was rather mercenary. All the profitable issues like land distribution, privatization, etc. remained under the authority of the City Council. It should be also stressed that according to the Law “On the Status of Deputies of Local Councils”2, deputies do not get salary for their deputy services (art. 6). One could wonder
Recommended publications
  • Access Full Issue
    ISSN 2520-2073 (print) ISSN 2521-442X (online) TRAINING, LANGUAGE AND CULTURE ‘Tell me and I forget. Teach me and I remember. Involve me and I learn’ ‒ Benjamin Franklin Vol. 4 Issue 4 2020 Issue DOI: 10.22363/2521-442X-2020-4-4 The quarterly journal published by Peoples’ Friendship University of Russia (RUDN University) ISSN 2520-2073 (print) AIMS AND SCOPE TRAINING, LANGUAGE AND CULTURE ISSN 2521-442X (online) Training, Language and Culture (TLC) is a peer-reviewed journal that aims to promote and disseminate research spanning the spectrum of language and linguistics, education and culture studies with a special focus on professional communication and professional discourse. Editorial Board of A quarterly journal published by RUDN University Training, Language and Culture invites research-based articles, reviews and editorials covering issues of relevance for the scientific and professional communities. EDITORIAL BOARD Dr Elena N. Malyuga Peoples’ Friendship University of Russia (RUDN University), Moscow, Russian Federation FOCUS AREAS Barry Tomalin Glasgow Caledonian University London, London, UK Training, Language and Culture covers the following areas of scholarly interest: theoretical and practical perspectives in language and linguistics; Dr Michael McCarthy University of Nottingham, Nottingham, UK culture studies; interpersonal and intercultural professional communication; language and culture teaching and training, including techniques and Dr Robert O’Dowd University of León, León, Spain technology, testing and assessment. Dr Elsa Huertas Barros University of Westminster, London, UK Dr Olga V. Aleksandrova Lomonosov Moscow State University, Moscow, Russian Federation LICENSING Dr Lilia K. Raitskaya Moscow State Institute of International Relations (MGIMO University), Moscow, Russian Federation All articles and book reviews published in Training, Language and Culture are licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International Li- Dr Alex Krouglov University College London, London, UK cense (CC BY 4.0).
    [Show full text]
  • Ukraine Ukraine at a Glance: 2002-03
    COUNTRY REPORT Ukraine Ukraine at a glance: 2002-03 OVERVIEW Efforts by both pro- and anti-presidential forces to gain the upper hand in the parliamentary election due by March 2002 will increasingly dominate the political scene. The president, Leonid Kuchma, and his parliamentary allies are likely to succeed in using their superior administrative and media resources to limit the gains of their opponents. The government will remain in power until the 2002 election and is unlikely to roll back its predecessor’s reform achievements, although electoral politics will preclude further significant reforms. The economy will grow at a more moderate pace in 2002-03, following buoyant growth in 2001. Year-end inflation will rise slightly to 12% in 2002, owing to further price liberalisation and election- related policy loosening, before falling again in 2003. Sustained export growth will ensure current-account surpluses in 2002-03, although these will narrow because of strengthening import demand and continued real currency appreciation. Key changes from last month Political outlook • The former prime minister Viktor Yushchenko looks increasingly likely to try to build an alliance for the 2002 election that is more centre- than reform-based. Economic policy outlook • Multilateral financing has resumed as expected, and should now permit completion of Ukraine’s Paris Club debts. The narrowing of the budget surplus in August underlines the Economist Intelligence Unit’s forecast that the government is likely to end the year with a slight budget deficit. Economic forecast • Preliminary trade data for the start of the third quarter has prompted a slight revision in our trade surplus forecast for this year.
    [Show full text]
  • The European and Russian Far Right As Political Actors: Comparative Approach
    Journal of Politics and Law; Vol. 12, No. 2; 2019 ISSN 1913-9047 E-ISSN 1913-9055 Published by Canadian Center of Science and Education The European and Russian Far Right as Political Actors: Comparative Approach Ivanova Ekaterina1, Kinyakin Andrey1 & Stepanov Sergey1 1 RUDN University, Russia Correspondence: Stepanov Sergey, RUDN University, Russia. E-mail: [email protected] Received: March 5, 2019 Accepted: April 25, 2019 Online Published: May 30, 2019 doi:10.5539/jpl.v12n2p86 URL: https://doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v12n2p86 The article is prepared within the framework of Erasmus+ Jean Monnet Module "Transformation of Social and Political Values: the EU Practice" (575361-EPP-1-2016-1-RU-EPPJMO-MODULE, Erasmus+ Jean Monnet Actions) (2016-2019) Abstract The article is devoted to the comparative analysis of the far right (nationalist) as political actors in Russia and in Europe. Whereas the European far-right movements over the last years managed to achieve significant success turning into influential political forces as a result of surging popular support, in Russia the far-right organizations failed to become the fully-fledged political actors. This looks particularly surprising, given the historically deep-rooted nationalist tradition, which stems from the times Russian Empire. Before the 1917 revolution, the so-called «Black Hundred» was one of the major far-right organizations, exploiting nationalistic and anti-Semitic rhetoric, which had representation in the Russian parliament – The State Duma. During the most Soviet period all the far-right movements in Russia were suppressed, re-emerging in the late 1980s as rather vocal political force. But currently the majority of them are marginal groups, partly due to the harsh party regulation, partly due to the fact, that despite state-sponsored nationalism the position of Russian far right does not stand in-line with the position of Russian authorities, trying to suppress the Russian nationalists.
    [Show full text]
  • Cyber Insecurity
    #1 (107) January 2017 How economic recovery Ukraine's response to hacker attacks Kyiv in the life can change Ukrainian politics against strategic infrastructure of Oleksandra Ekster CYBER INSECURITY WWW.UKRAINIANWEEK.COM Featuring selected content from The Economist FOR FREE DISTRIBUTION CONTENTS | 3 BRIEFING 4 Where’s the elite? Who can make the foundation of Ukraine’s transformed political machine POLITICS 8 A toxic environment: The present and future of the President’s party 10 Migration and mimicry: How much parties in Donetsk Oblast changed after the Maidan 12 Ride that wave: Political challenges of the possible economic recovery in 2017 16 Emerging communities: Decentralisation of Donetsk Oblast in the time of war ECONOMICS 18 Lessons learned: The benefits and flaws of PrivatBank transfer into state hands 20 Privatization, sanctions and security: How the Rosneft deal happened with the Russia sanctions in place NEIGHBOURS 24 Listen, liberal: Does Alexei Kudrin’s strategy to liberalise Russia’s economy stand a chance? 26 The unknown: Michael Binyon on what Europe expects from the presidency of Donald Trump 28 Nicolas Tenzer: “It makes no sense to negotiate with Putin” French political scientist on the prospects of ending the war in Ukraine, global and European security FOCUS 31 The other front: What cyber threats Ukraine has faced in the past two years 34 Shades of the Lviv underground: How Ukrainian hackers fight the cyber war SOCIETY 36 The invisible weapons: Ukraine’s role in the information warfare 38 The titans: Stories of people who build the future on a daily basis CULTURE & ARTS 46 The champion of Avant-Garde: The life and inspiration of Oleksandra Ekster 50 French films, Ukrainian Surrealism and contemporary theatre: The Ukrainian Week offers a selection of events to attend in the next month E-mail [email protected] www.ukrainianweek.com Tel.
    [Show full text]
  • 7 Political Corruption in Ukraine
    NATIONAL SECURITY & DEFENCE π 7 (111) CONTENTS POLITICAL CORRUPTION IN UKRAINE: ACTORS, MANIFESTATIONS, 2009 PROBLEMS OF COUNTERING (Analytical Report) ................................................................................................... 2 Founded and published by: SECTION 1. POLITICAL CORRUPTION AS A PHENOMENON: APPROACHES TO DEFINITION ..................................................................3 SECTION 2. POLITICAL CORRUPTION IN UKRAINE: POTENTIAL ACTORS, AREAS, MANIFESTATIONS, TRENDS ...................................................................8 SECTION 3. FACTORS INFLUENCING THE EFFECTIVENESS OF COUNTERING UKRAINIAN CENTRE FOR ECONOMIC & POLITICAL STUDIES POLITICAL CORRUPTION ......................................................................33 NAMED AFTER OLEXANDER RAZUMKOV SECTION 4. CONCLUSIONS AND PROPOSALS ......................................................... 40 ANNEX 1 FOREIGN ASSESSMENTS OF THE POLITICAL CORRUPTION Director General Anatoliy Rachok LEVEL IN UKRAINE (INTERNATIONAL CORRUPTION RATINGS) ............43 Editor-in-Chief Yevhen Shulha ANNEX 2 POLITICAL CORRUPTION: SPECIFICITY, SCALE AND WAYS Layout and design Oleksandr Shaptala OF COUNTERING IN EXPERT ASSESSMENTS ......................................44 Technical & computer support Volodymyr Kekuh ANNEX 3 POLITICAL CORRUPTION: SCALE AND WAYS OF COUNTERING IN PUBLIC PERCEPTIONS AND ASSESSMENTS ...................................49 This magazine is registered with the State Committee ARTICLE of Ukraine for Information Policy, POLITICAL
    [Show full text]
  • For Free Distribution
    ELECTIONS LeGAL ASSESSMENT US AMBASSADOR GeOFFREY PYATT IN UKRAINE OF THE 2014 RuSSO-UKRAINIAN WAR ON CHALLENGES FOR UKRAINE № 14 (80) NOVEMBER 2014 WWW.UKRAINIANWEEK.COM Featuring selected content from The Economist FOR FREE DISTRIBUTION |CONTENTS BRIEFING Lobbymocracy: Ukraine does not have Rapid Response Elections: The victory adequate support in the West, either in of pro-European parties must be put political circles, or among experts. The to work toward rapid and irreversible situation with the mass media and civil reforms. Otherwise it will quickly turn society is slightly better into an equally impressive defeat 28 4 Leonidas Donskis: An imagined dialogue on several clichés and misperceptions POLITICS 30 Starting a New Life, Voting as Before: Elections in the Donbas NEIGHBOURS 8 Russia’s gangster regime – the real story Broken Democracy on the Frontline: “Unhappy, poorly dressed people, 31 mostly elderly, trudged to the polls Karen Dawisha, the author of Putin’s to cast their votes for one of the Kleptocracy, on the loyalty of the Russian richest people in Donetsk Oblast” President’s team, the role of Ukraine in his grip 10 on power, and on Russia’s money in Europe Poroshenko’s Blunders: 32 The President’s bloc is painfully The Bear, Master of itsT aiga Lair: reminiscent of previous political Russians support the Kremlin’s path towards self-isolation projects that failed bitterly and confrontation with the West, ignoring the fact that they don’t have a realistic chance of becoming another 12 pole of influence in the world 2014
    [Show full text]
  • Cooperation of CE Countries in Response to Situation in Russian Federation and in Ukraine
    Cooperation o f C E c o u n t r i e s i n r e s p o n s e t o s i t u a t i o n i n Russian Federation and in Ukraine V4+ Cooperation of CE countries in response to situation in Russian Federation and in Ukraine P RAGUE STUDENT SUMMIT /XX/ V 4 + / I I I 1 Cooperation o f C E c o u n t r i e s i n r e s p o n s e t o s i t u a t i o n i n Russian Federation and in Ukraine Author: Vendula Kotyzová, Vojtěch Bahenský, Jakub Kufčák Imprimatur: Šimon Presser Graphics: Jan Hlaváček Model V4+ Published by Association for International Affairs for Prague Student Summit. © AMO 2015 Asociace pro mezinárodní otázky Žitná 27, 110 00 Praha 1 Tel./fax: +420 224 813 460, e-mail: [email protected] IČ: 65 99 95 33 www.amo.cz www.studentsummit.cz P RAGUE STUDENT SUMMIT /XX/ V 4 + / I I I 2 Cooperation o f C E c o u n t r i e s i n r e s p o n s e t o s i t u a t i o n i n Russian Federation and in Ukraine 1 Introduction The conflict in Ukraine that escalated into Russian annexation of Crimean peninsula influenced the whole world. Countries of Central and Eastern Europe are now living in uncertenity of what would happen next, if this apperent Russian expansion continued further.
    [Show full text]
  • 17Th Plenary Session
    The Congress of Local and Regional Authorities 20 th SESSION CG(20)7 2 March 2011 Local elections in Ukraine (31 October 2010) Bureau of the Congress Rapporteur: Nigel MERMAGEN, United Kingdom (L, ILDG)1 A. Draft resolution....................................................................................................................................2 B. Draft recommendation.........................................................................................................................2 C. Explanatory memorandum..................................................................................................................4 Summary Following the official invitation from the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine to observe the local elections on 31 October 2010, the Congress appointed an observer delegation, headed by Gudrun Mosler-Törnström (R, Austria, SOC), Member and Vice-President of the State Parliament of Salzburg. Councillor Nigel Mermagen (L, UK, ILDG) was appointed Rapporteur. The delegation was composed of fifteen members of the Congress and four members of the EU Committee of the Regions, assisted by four members of the Congress secretariat. The delegation concluded, after pre-election and actual election observation missions, that local elections in Ukraine were generally conducted in a calm and orderly manner. It also noted with satisfaction that for the first time, local elections were held separately from parliamentary ones, as requested in the past by the Congress. No indications of systematic fraud were brought
    [Show full text]
  • Green Parties and Elections to the European Parliament, 1979–2019 Green Par Elections
    Chapter 1 Green Parties and Elections, 1979–2019 Green parties and elections to the European Parliament, 1979–2019 Wolfgang Rüdig Introduction The history of green parties in Europe is closely intertwined with the history of elections to the European Parliament. When the first direct elections to the European Parliament took place in June 1979, the development of green parties in Europe was still in its infancy. Only in Belgium and the UK had green parties been formed that took part in these elections; but ecological lists, which were the pre- decessors of green parties, competed in other countries. Despite not winning representation, the German Greens were particularly influ- enced by the 1979 European elections. Five years later, most partic- ipating countries had seen the formation of national green parties, and the first Green MEPs from Belgium and Germany were elected. Green parties have been represented continuously in the European Parliament since 1984. Subsequent years saw Greens from many other countries joining their Belgian and German colleagues in the Euro- pean Parliament. European elections continued to be important for party formation in new EU member countries. In the 1980s it was the South European countries (Greece, Portugal and Spain), following 4 GREENS FOR A BETTER EUROPE their successful transition to democracies, that became members. Green parties did not have a strong role in their national party systems, and European elections became an important focus for party develop- ment. In the 1990s it was the turn of Austria, Finland and Sweden to join; green parties were already well established in all three nations and provided ongoing support for Greens in the European Parliament.
    [Show full text]
  • Kremlin-Linked Forces in Ukraine's 2019 Elections
    Études de l’Ifri Russie.Nei.Reports 25 KREMLIN-LINKED FORCES IN UKRAINE’S 2019 ELECTIONS On the Brink of Revenge? Vladislav INOZEMTSEV February 2019 Russia/NIS Center The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. ISBN: 978-2-36567-981-7 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2019 How to quote this document: Vladislav Inozemtsev, “Kremlin-Linked Forces in Ukraine’s 2019 Elections: On the Brink of Revenge?”, Russie.NEI.Reports, No. 25, Ifri, February 2019. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15—FRANCE Tel. : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00—Fax : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Author Dr Vladislav Inozemtsev (b. 1968) is a Russian economist and political researcher since 1999, with a PhD in Economics. In 1996 he founded the Moscow-based Center for Post-Industrial Studies and has been its Director ever since. In recent years, he served as Senior or Visiting Fellow with the Institut fur die Wissenschaften vom Menschen in Vienna, with the Polski Instytut Studiów Zaawansowanych in Warsaw, Deutsche Gesellschaft für Auswärtige Politik in Berlin, the Center for Strategic and International Studies, and the Johns Hopkins University in Washington.
    [Show full text]
  • CDDRL Number 114 WORKING PAPERS June 2009
    CDDRL Number 114 WORKING PAPERS June 2009 Youth Movements in Post- Communist Societies: A Model of Nonviolent Resistance Olena Nikolayenko Stanford University Center on Democracy, Development, and The Rule of Law Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies Additional working papers appear on CDDRL’s website: http://cddrl.stanford.edu. Center on Democracy, Development, and The Rule of Law Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies Stanford University Encina Hall Stanford, CA 94305 Phone: 650-724-7197 Fax: 650-724-2996 http://cddrl.stanford.edu/ About the Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law (CDDRL) CDDRL was founded by a generous grant from the Bill and Flora Hewlett Foundation in October in 2002 as part of the Stanford Institute for International Studies at Stanford University. The Center supports analytic studies, policy relevant research, training and outreach activities to assist developing countries in the design and implementation of policies to foster growth, democracy, and the rule of law. About the Author Olena Nikolayenko (Ph.D. Toronto) is a Visiting Postdoctoral Scholar and a recipient of the 2007-2009 post-doctoral fellowship from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. Her research interests include comparative democratization, public opinion, social movements, youth, and corruption. In her dissertation, she analyzed political support among the first post-Soviet generation grown up without any direct experience with communism in Russia and Ukraine. Her current research examines why some youth movements are more successful than others in applying methods of nonviolent resistance to mobilize the population in non-democracies. She has recently conducted fieldwork in Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Serbia, and Ukraine.
    [Show full text]
  • Ukraine at the Crossroad in Post-Communist Europe: Policymaking and the Role of Foreign Actors Ryan Barrett [email protected]
    University of Missouri, St. Louis IRL @ UMSL Dissertations UMSL Graduate Works 1-20-2018 Ukraine at the Crossroad in Post-Communist Europe: Policymaking and the Role of Foreign Actors Ryan Barrett [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://irl.umsl.edu/dissertation Part of the Comparative Politics Commons, and the International Relations Commons Recommended Citation Barrett, Ryan, "Ukraine at the Crossroad in Post-Communist Europe: Policymaking and the Role of Foreign Actors" (2018). Dissertations. 725. https://irl.umsl.edu/dissertation/725 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the UMSL Graduate Works at IRL @ UMSL. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations by an authorized administrator of IRL @ UMSL. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Ukraine at the Crossroad in Post-Communist Europe: Policymaking and the Role of Foreign Actors Ryan Barrett M.A. Political Science, The University of Missouri - Saint Louis, 2015 M.A. International Relations, Webster University, 2010 B.A. International Studies, 2006 A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate School at the The University of Missouri - Saint Louis in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Doctor Philosophy in Political Science May 2018 Advisory Committee: Joyce Mushaben, Ph.D. Jeanne Wilson, PhD. Kenny Thomas, Ph.D. David Kimball, Ph.D. Contents Introduction 1 Chapter I. Policy Formulation 30 Chapter II. Reform Initiatives 84 Chapter III. Economic Policy 122 Chapter IV. Energy Policy 169 Chapter V. Security and Defense Policy 199 Conclusion 237 Appendix 246 Bibliography 248 To the Pat Tillman Foundation for graciously sponsoring this important research Introduction: Ukraine at a Crossroads Ukraine, like many European countries, has experienced a complex history and occupies a unique geographic position that places it in a peculiar situation be- tween its liberal future and communist past; it also finds itself tugged in two opposing directions by the gravitational forces of Russia and the West.
    [Show full text]