Ukraine Ukraine at a Glance: 2002-03
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Ukraine's Political Crisis and U.S. Policy Issues
Order Code RL32691 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Ukraine’s Political Crisis and U.S. Policy Issues Updated February 1, 2005 Steven Woehrel Specialist in European Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Ukraine’s Political Crisis and U.S. Policy Issues Summary In 2004, many observers believed that Ukraine was at a key period in its transition that could shape its geopolitical orientation for years to come, in part due to presidential elections held on October 31, November 21, and December 26, 2004. In their view, Ukraine could move closer to integration in Euro-Atlantic institutions, real democracy and the rule of law, and a genuine free market economy, or it could move toward a Russian sphere of influence with “managed democracy” and an oligarchic economy. For the past decade, Ukraine’s political scene had been dominated by President Leonid Kuchma and the oligarchic “clans” (regionally based groups of powerful politicians and businessmen) that have supported him. The oligarchs chose Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych as their candidate to succeed Kuchma as President. The chief opposition candidate, former Prime Minister Viktor Yushchenko, was a pro-reform, pro-Western figure seen by many observers as a man of high personal integrity. International observers criticized the election campaign and the first and second rounds of the election as not free and fair, citing such factors as government-run media bias in favor of Yanukovych, abuse of absentee ballots, barring of opposition representatives from electoral commissions, and inaccurate voter lists. Nevertheless, Yushchenko topped the first round of the vote on October 31 by a razor-thin margin over Yanukovych. -
Report on the Project
Report on the Project: Dimensions, Opportunities and Benefits of Ukraine - NATO Relations. Impact of NATO Enlargement on Ukraine’s Foreign Policy Process NATO - EAPC Research Fellowship Programme, 1999 – 2001 By Dr. Sergiy Tolstov, Supervisory Research Fellow, Institute of World Economy and International Relations, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, and Director of the Institute for Political Analysis and International Studies 28 June 2001, Kyiv (Ukraine) 2 Conents: 1. Introduction 2. Dimensions of European and Euro-Atlantic Security Cooperation (concepts and scenarios) 2.1. The New World Order 2.2. Strategic Approaches and Perceptions 2.3. Towards the New European Security Architecture 3. The Internal Factors and Features of Ukraine’s Development in the Context of European Transformation Processes 3.1. General Trends 3.2. Constitutional Referendum 2000 and Political Opposition 3.3. The Tapegate Affair 3.4. Situation in the System of Power 4. Monitoring of Domestic Debates on Foreign Policy Matters. 4.1. The Foreign Policy Concept 4.2. Peculiarities of the National Foreign Policy Process 4.3. Parliamentary Debates and the 1999 Presidential Elections 4.4. Security Issues in the Domestic Political Discussion 5. Impact of Ukraine - NATO Cooperation on Ukraine’s Foreign Policy. 5.1. Developing Ukraine – NATO Partnership 5.2. Ukraine’s Security Prospects in the Context of NATO Enlargement 5.3. State Programme for Cooperation of Ukraine with NATO, 1998 - 2001 5.4. State Programme for Cooperation of Ukraine with NATO, 2001-2004 6. Tendencies of International Relations in Central Eastern Europe 6.1. Results of Transformations in the Central Eastern Europe and the Post-Soviet Space 6.2. -
General Information About Ukraine
General Information about Ukraine Introduction The purpose of this document is to give a general overview of Ukrainian economy and the city of Slavutych to potential investors. The information provided covers a broad range of subjects to help potential investors understand Ukraine’s developing economy and was gathered from a variety of sources, including the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency, World Bank, and International Monetary Fund. Ukraine is rich in culture, history and natural resources. The government of Ukraine is transforming its economic structure to a western market economy and continues solving problems related to this change. More detailed information about Slavutych, the hometown of Chornobyl Nuclear Power Plant workers, is provided. As the date of the Chornobyl NPP closure approaches, the Ukrainian government is taking steps toward economic diversification, including educating and attracting foreign and domestic investors. This guide aims to provide valuable information about investment opportunities, geography, people, government, and the economy of Ukraine and Slavutych. Geography Ukraine sits at a favorable strategic position between Europe and Asia and is the second-largest country in Europe. The contemporary city of Kyiv is Ukraine’s capital and one of the biggest cities in Europe. With a population of almost 3 million, it stands preeminent as the administrative, economic, research, cultural and educational center. The President, Supreme Council (Verhovna Rada), all ministries and government departments are all located in Kyiv. Location Eastern Europe, bordering the Black Sea, between Poland and Russia Time zone GMT +2:00 Area Total 603,700 sq. km (slightly smaller than Texas ) Land 603,700 sq. -
Security and Nonproliferation
SCIENTIFIC AND TECHNICAL CENTER ON EXPORT AND IMPORT OF SPECIAL TECHNOLOGIES, HARDWARE AND MATERIALS SECURITY AND NONPROLIFERATION ISUUE 2(8)2005 KYIV 2005 SECURITY AND NONPROLIFERATION ISSUE 2(8)2005 Dear Readers, The Security and Non-Proliferation Journal’s Editorial Team hope that you have noticed positive changes in our periodical: the journal’s format has doubled in size compared to initial issues; there appears on its pages an ever growing number of publications by contributors of prominence in Ukraine including security and non- proliferation experts, high-ranking officials, and scientists; new columns initiated, subject matter expanded. In particular, the previous issue published materials of such topical nature as Civil Control over “Enforcement” Structures in Ukraine, Ammunition and Conventional Weapon Disposition Challenges. I.e. we keep expanding, striving towards having a high-performance team by combining efforts of both professional journalists/editors and experts on the subject matter with experience of contributing to other specialized periodicals. The team remains consistent with that policy in this journal issue as well. Thus, we are pleased to present a new theme dedicated to urgent international security problems, specifically the inseparable link of this concept to other fundamental factors of state and society existence. Prominent Ukrainian political scientist O. Dergachov opens a series of publications on this subject with his present article. In addition, with coverage of the Australia Group that Ukraine is planning to join this year, the journal launches a series of publications on existing international export control regimes. Although our periodical is not in a position to promptly respond to recent security and non-proliferation events, we care to place at least brief information on extraordinary events that have taken place since the previous issue. -
University of Alberta the European Union's Migration Co
University of Alberta The European Union's Migration Co-operation with Its Eastern Neighbours: The Art of EU Governance beyond its Borders by Lyubov Zhyznomirska A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Political Science ©Lyubov Zhyznomirska Spring 2013 Edmonton, Alberta Permission is hereby granted to the University of Alberta Libraries to reproduce single copies of this thesis and to lend or sell such copies for private, scholarly or scientific research purposes only. Where the thesis is converted to, or otherwise made available in digital form, the University of Alberta will advise potential users of the thesis of these terms. The author reserves all other publication and other rights in association with the copyright in the thesis and, except as herein before provided, neither the thesis nor any substantial portion thereof may be printed or otherwise reproduced in any material form whatsoever without the author's prior written permission. ABSTRACT The dissertation explores the European Union’s (EU) migration relations with Ukraine and Russia since the break-up of the Soviet Union, up until 2011. Utilizing a comparative research design and discursive analytical approach, it critically examines the external dimension of the EU’s immigration policies in order to understand how the EU’s “migration diplomacy” affects the cooperating countries’ politics and policies on migration. The research evaluates the EU’s impact by analyzing the EU-Ukraine and EU-Russia co-operation on irregular migration and the mobility of their citizens through the prism of the domestic discourses and policies on international migration. -
The Impact of Changes in Electoral Systems: a Comparative Analysis of the Local Election in Ukraine in 2006 and 2010
STUDIA VOL. 36 POLITOLOGICZNE STUDIA I ANALIZY Olena Yatsunska The impact of changes in electoral systems: a comparative analysis of the local election in Ukraine in 2006 and 2010 KEY WORDS: local government, local elections, proportional electoral system, majoritarian electoral system, mixed majoritarian-proportional electoral system, Ukraine STUDIA I ANALIZY Having gained independence in 1991 Ukraine, like most Central and East- ern European countries, faced the need for radical Constitutional reforms, with reorganization of local government figuring high in the agenda. Like other post-soviet countries, Ukraine had to decide on the starting point and like in the neighboring countries, democratic euphoria of the early 1990s got the upper hand: local authorities were elected on March 18, 1990, while the Law On Local People’s Deputies of Ukrainian SSR and Local Self-government was adopted by Verkhovna Rada of Ukrainian SSR on December 7, 1990. Ukrain- ian Researchers in the field of local government and its reforms concur with the opinion that the present dissatisfactory state of that institution was con- ditioned by the first steps made by Ukrainian Politicians at the beginning of the ‘transition’ period. Without clear perspective of reform, during more than 20 years of Independence, Ukrainian local government has abided dozens of laws, sometimes rather contradictory and has survived more than 10 stages of restructuring. Evolution of election legislation in Ukraine is demonstrated by Table 1. The table shows that since 1994 three electoral systems have been tested in Ukraine: 1, Majoritarian, 2, Proportional except elections to village and settlement councils and 3, ‘Mixed’ system (50% Majoritarian+50% Proportional). -
HARVARD UKRAINIAN STUDIES EDITOR Lubomyr Hajda, Harvard University
HARVARD UKRAINIAN STUDIES EDITOR Lubomyr Hajda, Harvard University EDITORIAL BOARD Michael S. Flier, George G. Grabowicz, Edward L. Keenan, and Roman Szporluk, Harvard University; Frank E. Sysyn, University of Alberta FOUNDING EDITORS Omeljan Pritsak and Ihor Sevcenko, Harvard University BOOK REVIEW EDITOR Larry Wolff EDITORIAL ASSISTANT Daría Yurchuk DIRECTOR OF PUBLICATIONS Robert A. DeLossa ADVISORY BOARD Zvi Ankori, Tel Aviv University—John A. Armstrong, University of Wisconsin—Yaroslav Bilinsky, University of Delaware—Bohdan R. Bociurkiw, Carleton University, Ottawa—Axinia Djurova, University of Sofia—Olexa Horbatsch, University of Frankfurt—Halil inalcık, University of Chi- cago—Jaroslav D. Isajevych, Institute of Ukrainian Studies, Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, L'viv— Edward Kasinec, New York Public Library—Magdalena László-Kujiuk, University of Bucharest— Walter Leitsch, University of Vienna—L. R. Lewitter, Cambridge University—G. Luciani, University of Bordeaux—George S. N. Luckyj, University of Toronto—M. Łesiów, Marie Curie-Sktodowska University, Lublin—Paul R. Magocsi, University of Toronto—Dimitri Obolensky, Oxford Univer- sity—RiccardoPicchio, Yale University—MarcRaeff, Columbia University—HansRothe, University of Bonn—Bohdan Rubchak, University of Illinois at Chicago Circle—Władysław A. Serczyk, University of Warsaw at Białystok—George Y. Shevelov, Columbia University—Günther Stökl, University of Cologne—A. de Vincenz, University of Göttingen—Vaclav Żidlicky, Charles Univer- sity, Prague. COMMITTEE ON UKRAINIAN STUDIES, Harvard University Stanisław Barańczak Patricia Chaput Timothy Colton Michael S. Flier George G. Grabowicz Edward L. Keenan Jeffrey D. Sachs Roman Szporluk (Chairman) Subscription rates per volume (two double issues) are $28.00 U.S. in the United States and Canada, $32.00 in other countries. The price of one double issue is $ 18.00 ($20.00 overseas). -
The Negative Consequences of Proportional Representation in Ukraine
THE NEGATIVE CONSEQUENCES OF PROPORTIONAL REPRESENTATION IN UKRAINE SERHIJ VASYLCHENKO POLITICAL GEOGRAPHER Abstract: Ukraine has changed its electoral law numerous times. The first two elections to the parliament in 1990 and 1994 employed a single-member district majoritarian system. The Verkhovna Rada elections in 1998 and 2002 used a mixed system with single- member districts and proportional representation. The parliamentary elections in 2006 and 2007 were purely proportional representation. Finally, the elections in 2012 went back to the mixed system. This article argues that the use of proportional representation has facilitated extensive manipulation in the Ukrainian political system through the creation of “party projects” and by severing the link between parliamentarians and their constituents. fter Ukraine gained its independence in 1991, it faced an urgent need Ato reform its electoral legislation to address new political realities – most importantly, the development of a multiparty system in place of the previous one-party system that had ruled the Soviet Union. According to the existing law adopted during the Soviet era, parties other than the Communist Party of the Soviet Union had no legal basis. That law laid out a first past the post majoritarian system in which the winner had to win an absolute majority of the votes.1 The opposition national-democrat deputies in the People’s Rada group in the first years of independence supported electoral law reform Serhij Vasylchenko is an independent political geographer in Ukraine, [email protected]. 1 Law “On elections of the people’s deputies of the Ukrainian SSR” from October 27, 1987, Vedomosti Verkhnoi Rady USSR, 1989 addendum to N 45, article 626 <http://zakon4.rada. -
Norsk Rapport
FFI-rapport 2007/02192 Military reform in Ukraine 2000-2007 Tor Bukkvoll and Knut Magnus Koren Norwegian Defence Research Establishment (FFI) 26 September 2007 FFI-rapport 2007/02192 1010 ISBN 978-82-464-1242-9 Keywords Ukraina Forsvarspolitikk Forsvarsplanlegging Industri – Militær produksjon Approved by Espen Berg Knutsen Director of Research Jan Erik Torp Director 2 FFI-rapport 2007/02192 Sammendrag I de første 10 årene etter Ukrainas uavhengighet i 1991 hadde landet ingen gjennomtenkt retning på sin reform av de militære styrkene. I praksis bestod “reformen” i at den eksisterende organisasjonen mistet store mengder folk samtidig som selve strukturen ikke gjennomgikk noen endring av betydning. I årene 1997 – 2001 ble det imidlertid vedtatt en rekke dokumenter og konsepter som gjorde at man endelig kunne begynne å snakke om en reell reform. Hovedpunktene i denne reformen er at Ukraina ønsker å bygge opp et profesjonelt forsvar etter vestlig modell, og med en samlet bemanning på rundt 120 000 mann. I dag er det til dels sterk uenighet blant observatører om i hvor stor grad Ukraina har klart å transformere sitt forsvar i henhold til vedtatte programmer og konsepter. Noen mener at det ukrainske forsvaret fremdeles i praksis bare er en utarmet versjon av det man arvet fra sovjettiden, mens andre mener at man nå kan begynne å snakke om en reformert og mer profesjonell organisasjon som allerede er bedre i stand til å forsvare landet enn før og klar til å delta med kvalitetsmessig gode bidrag til internasjonale operasjoner. Denne rapporten konkluderer med at betydningsfulle fremskritt er oppnådd når det gjelder omstrukturering, undervisning og til dels også trening. -
Hand-Me-Down Cabinet
Hand-me-down cabinet No. 23/224, June 4, 2001 "Today there is no time for experiments in the composition of the government, and of the parliament either" Anatoly Kinakh, UNIAN, May 29, 2001 "We'll live and see, but conclusions must be made" Leonid Kuchma, UNIAN, May 29, 2001 239 is one of the Ukrainian parliament's magic figures. Those who have followed Ukrainian politics for a relatively long time might recall the notorious "Group 239" in the 1st parliament (1990-1004), also known as a group "For a Soviet Sovereign Ukraine". The influential block consisted mainly of high- ranking Communist party apparatchiks and "red directors" that lobbied the election of former chief Ukrainian ideologist Leonid Kravchuk to replace Volodymyr Ivashko in July 1990. Among other possible candidates for the position was Ihor Yukhnovsky, MP, nominated by the democratic People's Council. At that time member of the parliament Anatoly Kinakh, 35, was not a member of the Group 239, but belonged to the oppositional People's Council - which was rather exotic for a politician from Southern Ukraine and an industrialist. On May 29, 2001, 239 votes were cast in favor of approving Kinakh, member of the 3rd parliament and chairman of the Ukrainian Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs, in the position of Prime Minister of Ukraine. The new government is the tenth since Ukraine gained its independence in August 1991. Having approved the nomination of Kinakh the Ukrainian parliament, apparently, passed a test for being "democratic", "pro-market" and "society-conscious". Noteworthy, at the height of debates about potential candidates to occupy the top executive position President Leonid Kuchma warned publicly that the voting would "let us see who is who in the parliament, whether those who declare market reforms are really democrats" and that "we will see who really stands on the basis of democracy and market reform and who is just a salesman who speculates on the situation, cares about his own interests and interests of his clan" (UNIAN, May 25, 2001). -
Ukraine's Party System Evolution: 1990-2017
RAZUMKOV CENTRE UKRAINE’S PARTY SYSTEM EVOLUTION: 1990-2017 The publication is supported by the Ukrainian Office of Konrad Adenauer Foundation 2017 UKRAINE`S PARTY SYSTEM EVOLUTION: 1990-2017 / Edited by Yu.Yakymenko. – Kyiv: Razumkov Сentre, 2017. – p.62 This publication presents an abridged version of the Analytical Report by the Razumkov Centre that examines the emergence and further transformation of Ukraine’s party system in 1990-2017. We have examined key drivers of change at each evolution stage, such as legislation on political parties and elections; political regime; most significant societal cleavages, nature and consequences of their influence; analysed current trends in Ukraine’s party system development. The publication will be useful for everyone interested in post-independence nation-building processes in Ukraine, development of political parties and the party system, experience of political transformations in post-Soviet countries. © Razumkov Centre, 2017 © “Zapovit Publishing House”, 2017 UKRAINE’S PARTY SYSTEM EVOLUTION: 1990-2017 olitical parties are an important institution of a democratic society, P which ensures aggregation and articulation of the interests of various social groups. Interaction among parties in their struggle for power and the exercise of political power by them form a party system. The process of party system formation in Ukraine has been going on for more than 25 years. This publication represents a shortened version of the Razumkov Centre’s report, which examines the fundamental stages of the party system formation in 1990-2017, including intra-party processes, institutional legal and socio-political conditions for their activities and inter-party relations.1 1. STUDY METHODOLOGY The Razumkov Centre’s study uses an approach that combines elements of quantitative and qualitative approaches to the analysis of party system dynamics and takes into account changes of the three following components that define party system and/or affect it. -
Disrupted Democracy in Ukraine? Protest, Performance and Contention in the Verkhovna Rada
Disrupted Democracy in Ukraine? Protest, Performance and Contention in the Verkhovna Rada SARAH WHITMORE Abstract Protest performances inside parliament articulated claims to uphold democracy that contributed to the maintenance of pluralism in Ukraine during attempted authoritarian consolidation. Simultaneously, such protests were para-institutional instruments in the ongoing power struggle engendered by a patronal system where formal institutions and norms weakly constrain actors. A diverse repertoire of protest, including rostrum-blocking, visual protest, withdrawal, auditory disruption, somatic protest and the spectacle, was used frequently and was adapted in response to changes in the political opportunity structure. Innovations to the repertoire adapted performances from social movements. In recent years, violent altercations and theatrical protests in Ukraine’s parliament involving tens of deputies have attracted attentive publics to a wide range of issues from language use, imprisoned opposition politicians and deputies’ multiple voting violations, but such spectacular performances belie hundreds of routinised deputies’ protests on procedural and policy matters. Both raise important questions about Ukraine’s political system and democratic practice1 more widely. How should we understand such protests, which are conducted by elected representatives that are already privileged in the system of power and have a range of formal legislative tools for protest at their disposal (Spary 2013), but choose instead to disrupt parliamentary proceedings? Why were such modes of behaviour so prevalent in Ukraine? What do the adaptation of distinctive types of protest reveal about the political system? Could such protests actually signify the vibrancy of democratic practice in Ukraine? Conceptualising Parliamentary Disruption The extant literature on the Verkhovna Rada offers limited orientation on such questions.