The Negative Consequences of Proportional Representation in Ukraine
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Globalisation, Democratisation and Nation-Building As Competing
Nation-Building, Democratization and Globalization as Competing Priorities in Ukraine’s Education System Summary: This article examines how consecutive governments in Ukraine have reconciled the different demands that nation-building, democratization and globalization pose on the national education system. It argues that nation-building conflicts with democratization and with globalization and engages in a review of Ukraine‘s educational policies from Perestroika to the present to illustrate this argument. It shows that nation building in post-Soviet Ukraine was primarily a language project aimed at the ukrainianization of schools and institutes of higher education. It further observes that nation-building was given priority over democratization and globalization in shaping the education system in the first decade following independence. From 2000, however, globalization has become an increasingly important discourse in education removing nation-building from the top of the political agenda. 1. Introduction One of the greatest challenges currently facing the new states in Central and Eastern Europe is educational reform. After obtaining independence in the early 1990s, these states were confronted with the immense task of transforming an outdated centralized education system, which was aimed at delivering a loyal communist workforce, into a modern system that would be much more responsive to consumer demands and would recognize and further individual talent. The immensity of the undertaking lies in the fact that three prerequisites make simultaneous demands on the education system: nation-building, democratization and globalization. The need for nation-building is felt particularly strong in those new states which derive their legitimacy from former minority nations. The political elites of these states consider nation-building a vital tool for the resuscitation of languages and cultures that have 1 played a subordinate role under the past communist regime. -
Tanulmánykötet Збірник Наукових Робіт Selected Papers
A KÖZ- ÉS FELSŐOKTATÁS ELŐTT ÁLLÓ KIHÍVÁSOK A XXI. SZÁZADBAN KELET-KÖZÉP-EURÓPÁBAN AZ OKTATÁSI REFORMOK TÜKRÉBEN Nemzetközi tudományos konferencia Beregszász, 2019. március 28–29. Tanulmánykötet ВИКЛИКИ XXI СТОЛІТТЯ У СФЕРІ СЕРЕДНЬОЇ ТА ВИЩОЇ ОСВІТИ СХІДНОЇ ТА ЦЕНТРАЛЬНОЇ ЄВРОПИ В ПРОЦЕСІ РЕФОРМУВАННЯ ОСВІТИ Міжнародна науково-практична конференція Берегове, 28–29 березня 2019 року Збірник наукових робіт CHALLENGES OF THE 21ST CENTURY IN THE FIELD OF SECONDARY AND HIGHER EDUCATION OF EASTERN AND CENTRAL EUROPE IN LIGHT OF EDUCATIONAL REFORMS International Academic Conference Berehove, March 28–29, 2019 Selected papers A KÖZ- ÉS FELSŐOKTATÁS ELŐTT ÁLLÓ KIHÍVÁSOK A XXI. SZÁZADBAN KELET-KÖZÉP-EURÓPÁBAN AZ OKTATÁSI REFORMOK TÜKRÉBEN Nemzetközi tudományos konferencia Beregszász, 2019. március 28–29. Tanulmánykötet Szerkesztette: Berghauer-Olasz Emőke, Gávriljuk Ilona, Hutterer Éva és Pallay Katalin „RIK-U” Kft. Ungvár 2019 УДК (ETO): 061.3(477.87) K– 93 A kiadvány a 2019. március 28–29-én Beregszászban a II. Rákóczi Ferenc Kár pátaljai Magyar Főiskola Pedagógia és Pszichológia Tanszéke által rendezett A köz- és felsőoktatás előtt álló kihívások a XXI. században Kelet-Közép-Európá- ban az oktatási reformok tükrében című nemzetközi tudományos konferencián elhangzott előadások anyagát tartalmazza. Készült a II. Rákóczi Ferenc Kárpátaljai Magyar Főiskola Kiadói Részlege és Pedagógia és Pszichológia Tanszéke közreműködésével. Szerkesztette: Berghauer-Olasz Emőke, Gávriljuk Ilona, Hutterer Éva és Pallay Katalin Korrektúra: Grica-Varcaba Ildikó, Lőrincz Marianna, Kordonec Olekszandr Tördelés: Tótin Viktória, Dobos Sándor Borítóterv: Dobos Sándor A borítón a Pedagógia és Pszichológia Tanszék tanító és óvodapedagógia szakos hallgatói láthatók. A felvételeket Csopák Éva és Espán Margaréta a tanszék ren dezvényein készítette. ETO-besorolás: a II. -
Ukraine Ukraine at a Glance: 2002-03
COUNTRY REPORT Ukraine Ukraine at a glance: 2002-03 OVERVIEW Efforts by both pro- and anti-presidential forces to gain the upper hand in the parliamentary election due by March 2002 will increasingly dominate the political scene. The president, Leonid Kuchma, and his parliamentary allies are likely to succeed in using their superior administrative and media resources to limit the gains of their opponents. The government will remain in power until the 2002 election and is unlikely to roll back its predecessor’s reform achievements, although electoral politics will preclude further significant reforms. The economy will grow at a more moderate pace in 2002-03, following buoyant growth in 2001. Year-end inflation will rise slightly to 12% in 2002, owing to further price liberalisation and election- related policy loosening, before falling again in 2003. Sustained export growth will ensure current-account surpluses in 2002-03, although these will narrow because of strengthening import demand and continued real currency appreciation. Key changes from last month Political outlook • The former prime minister Viktor Yushchenko looks increasingly likely to try to build an alliance for the 2002 election that is more centre- than reform-based. Economic policy outlook • Multilateral financing has resumed as expected, and should now permit completion of Ukraine’s Paris Club debts. The narrowing of the budget surplus in August underlines the Economist Intelligence Unit’s forecast that the government is likely to end the year with a slight budget deficit. Economic forecast • Preliminary trade data for the start of the third quarter has prompted a slight revision in our trade surplus forecast for this year. -
7 Political Corruption in Ukraine
NATIONAL SECURITY & DEFENCE π 7 (111) CONTENTS POLITICAL CORRUPTION IN UKRAINE: ACTORS, MANIFESTATIONS, 2009 PROBLEMS OF COUNTERING (Analytical Report) ................................................................................................... 2 Founded and published by: SECTION 1. POLITICAL CORRUPTION AS A PHENOMENON: APPROACHES TO DEFINITION ..................................................................3 SECTION 2. POLITICAL CORRUPTION IN UKRAINE: POTENTIAL ACTORS, AREAS, MANIFESTATIONS, TRENDS ...................................................................8 SECTION 3. FACTORS INFLUENCING THE EFFECTIVENESS OF COUNTERING UKRAINIAN CENTRE FOR ECONOMIC & POLITICAL STUDIES POLITICAL CORRUPTION ......................................................................33 NAMED AFTER OLEXANDER RAZUMKOV SECTION 4. CONCLUSIONS AND PROPOSALS ......................................................... 40 ANNEX 1 FOREIGN ASSESSMENTS OF THE POLITICAL CORRUPTION Director General Anatoliy Rachok LEVEL IN UKRAINE (INTERNATIONAL CORRUPTION RATINGS) ............43 Editor-in-Chief Yevhen Shulha ANNEX 2 POLITICAL CORRUPTION: SPECIFICITY, SCALE AND WAYS Layout and design Oleksandr Shaptala OF COUNTERING IN EXPERT ASSESSMENTS ......................................44 Technical & computer support Volodymyr Kekuh ANNEX 3 POLITICAL CORRUPTION: SCALE AND WAYS OF COUNTERING IN PUBLIC PERCEPTIONS AND ASSESSMENTS ...................................49 This magazine is registered with the State Committee ARTICLE of Ukraine for Information Policy, POLITICAL -
About Obolon Corporation
sales UAH 4,559 mln. in 2010 total payments (taxes, excise tax, charges) UAH 991 of Obolon Corporation in 2010 mln. despite the crisis, Obolon Corporation UAH 90 closed 2010 with a profit mln. investments in the company’s own malt plant in Chemerivtsi UAH 500 (Khmelnytskyi Oblast) mln. the share Obolon Corporation % holds in Ukrainian 80 beer exports staff of all corporate entities 6,500 of Obolon JSC people this is the equivalent of plastic waste that Obolon 23 recycles a year mln. plastic 1-liter bottles the number of visitors to the brewery 11,982 in Kyiv last year people share of the Obolon brand % in the Ukrainian 16,8 beer market in 2010 total reduction in new waste 21% at Obolon JSC in 2010 water consumption as compared 2,7 to product output liters of water per liter of the finished product output per UAH employee at 1,181,000 Obolon JSC ЗМІСТ 3 Executive introduction 6 About the Sustainability Report 7 ABOUT OBOLON CORPORATION 8 The Structure of Obolon Corporation 9 Anti-Corruption Practices 10 Economic Results and Impact of the Crisis 11 Main News of the Company and its Brands 12 PRODUCTS 14 Brands of Obolon Corporation 14 Position in the Domestic Market 16 Exports 18 Comprehensive Quality Assurance System 20 Relations with Suppliers 22 and Consumers STAFF 24 Working Conditions and Staff Development 25 Occupational Health and Safety 28 Corporate Culture and Volunteers 30 COMPREHENSIVE 34 ENVIRONMENTAL CULTURE Workflow Ecology 35 Innovative Environmental Projects 38 Promotion of Environmental Awareness 40 SOCIAL INVESTMENTS 42 -
323-344 Osipian Fall 08.Indd
Political Graft and Education Corruption in Ukraine Compliance, Collusion, and Control ARARAT L. OSIPIAN Abstract: In this article, the author considers corruption in higher education in Ukraine, including such aspects as corruption in admissions to higher education institutions, corrup- tion in the academic process of teaching and learning, and corruption in administering the newly introduced standardized test for high school graduates. The author builds a grounded theory that explains the issues of compliance, collusion, and control. This theory is based on the idea of governmental control over corrupt higher education institutions. It implies a spillover of political graft in the academy, which facilitates educational corruption and suggests that the state may encourage the institutionally based culture of corruption in higher education. The author presents the implications of the current regime’s actions in the context of the educational reform taking place in Ukrainian higher education and argues that the ruling regime is interested in breeding corruption in academia to sustain its existence. Keywords: bribery, corruption, graft, higher education, reform, Ukraine orruption is a growing problem throughout the world. According to some estimates, Ccountries with transition economies are the most corrupt. Transparency International and World Bank surveys both show that Ukraine is an especially corrupt country.1 Accord- ing to the corruption perceptions index (CPI) that Transparency International calculates annually, Ukraine ranked 83rd out of the 91 countries surveyed in 2001.2 In 2006, Ukraine was given a score of 2.8, making it 99th out of 163 countries.3 A number of scholarly publications and national surveys in Ukraine confirmed that corruption is a problem. -
Ukraine's Presidential Election Result
BULLETIN No. 21 (97) February 8, 2010 © PISM COMMENTARY Editors: Sławomir Dębski (Editor-in-Chief), Łukasz Adamski, Mateusz Gniazdowski, Beata Górka-Winter, Leszek Jesień, Agnieszka Kondek (Executive Editor), Łukasz Kulesa, Marek Madej, Ernest Wyciszkiewicz Ukraine’s Presidential Election Result Łukasz Adamski By securing a narrow majority of electoral support, Viktor Yanukovych triumphed over Yulia Tymoshenko in Ukraine’s presidential election. His contender may feel inclined to challenge the legitimacy of the vote, an effort in all probability doomed to failure. In the coming months Yanukovych is expected to oust Tymoshenko as Prime Minister and form a favouring government. With 48.95% of the popular vote, Yanukovych outdid rival Tymoshenko who scored slightly fewer votes, closing at 45.47%. The total of 4.4% of the ballots were cast against the two main contenders, thus giving the winner less than 50% of the votes. The insignificant difference in the number of ballots cast for each of the candidates may push Tymoshenko to seek an appeal requesting the courts to nullify the election result. In her election night address she failed to acknowledge Yanukovych’s victory. Even before the ballot her campaign team warned of Yanukovych’s fraudulent plans and advertised irregularities in the elections statute. What may underlie the potential attempt to undermine the election result will not be the desire for the ballot to be run again (a scenario having little chances of success in light of positive appraisal of the vote by monitoring teams) but rather the hope to persuade Yanukovych and his Party of Regions to seek compromise with the PM currently in office. -
Green Parties and Elections to the European Parliament, 1979–2019 Green Par Elections
Chapter 1 Green Parties and Elections, 1979–2019 Green parties and elections to the European Parliament, 1979–2019 Wolfgang Rüdig Introduction The history of green parties in Europe is closely intertwined with the history of elections to the European Parliament. When the first direct elections to the European Parliament took place in June 1979, the development of green parties in Europe was still in its infancy. Only in Belgium and the UK had green parties been formed that took part in these elections; but ecological lists, which were the pre- decessors of green parties, competed in other countries. Despite not winning representation, the German Greens were particularly influ- enced by the 1979 European elections. Five years later, most partic- ipating countries had seen the formation of national green parties, and the first Green MEPs from Belgium and Germany were elected. Green parties have been represented continuously in the European Parliament since 1984. Subsequent years saw Greens from many other countries joining their Belgian and German colleagues in the Euro- pean Parliament. European elections continued to be important for party formation in new EU member countries. In the 1980s it was the South European countries (Greece, Portugal and Spain), following 4 GREENS FOR A BETTER EUROPE their successful transition to democracies, that became members. Green parties did not have a strong role in their national party systems, and European elections became an important focus for party develop- ment. In the 1990s it was the turn of Austria, Finland and Sweden to join; green parties were already well established in all three nations and provided ongoing support for Greens in the European Parliament. -
Report on the Project
Report on the Project: Dimensions, Opportunities and Benefits of Ukraine - NATO Relations. Impact of NATO Enlargement on Ukraine’s Foreign Policy Process NATO - EAPC Research Fellowship Programme, 1999 – 2001 By Dr. Sergiy Tolstov, Supervisory Research Fellow, Institute of World Economy and International Relations, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, and Director of the Institute for Political Analysis and International Studies 28 June 2001, Kyiv (Ukraine) 2 Conents: 1. Introduction 2. Dimensions of European and Euro-Atlantic Security Cooperation (concepts and scenarios) 2.1. The New World Order 2.2. Strategic Approaches and Perceptions 2.3. Towards the New European Security Architecture 3. The Internal Factors and Features of Ukraine’s Development in the Context of European Transformation Processes 3.1. General Trends 3.2. Constitutional Referendum 2000 and Political Opposition 3.3. The Tapegate Affair 3.4. Situation in the System of Power 4. Monitoring of Domestic Debates on Foreign Policy Matters. 4.1. The Foreign Policy Concept 4.2. Peculiarities of the National Foreign Policy Process 4.3. Parliamentary Debates and the 1999 Presidential Elections 4.4. Security Issues in the Domestic Political Discussion 5. Impact of Ukraine - NATO Cooperation on Ukraine’s Foreign Policy. 5.1. Developing Ukraine – NATO Partnership 5.2. Ukraine’s Security Prospects in the Context of NATO Enlargement 5.3. State Programme for Cooperation of Ukraine with NATO, 1998 - 2001 5.4. State Programme for Cooperation of Ukraine with NATO, 2001-2004 6. Tendencies of International Relations in Central Eastern Europe 6.1. Results of Transformations in the Central Eastern Europe and the Post-Soviet Space 6.2. -
Ukraine at the Crossroad in Post-Communist Europe: Policymaking and the Role of Foreign Actors Ryan Barrett [email protected]
University of Missouri, St. Louis IRL @ UMSL Dissertations UMSL Graduate Works 1-20-2018 Ukraine at the Crossroad in Post-Communist Europe: Policymaking and the Role of Foreign Actors Ryan Barrett [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://irl.umsl.edu/dissertation Part of the Comparative Politics Commons, and the International Relations Commons Recommended Citation Barrett, Ryan, "Ukraine at the Crossroad in Post-Communist Europe: Policymaking and the Role of Foreign Actors" (2018). Dissertations. 725. https://irl.umsl.edu/dissertation/725 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the UMSL Graduate Works at IRL @ UMSL. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations by an authorized administrator of IRL @ UMSL. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Ukraine at the Crossroad in Post-Communist Europe: Policymaking and the Role of Foreign Actors Ryan Barrett M.A. Political Science, The University of Missouri - Saint Louis, 2015 M.A. International Relations, Webster University, 2010 B.A. International Studies, 2006 A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate School at the The University of Missouri - Saint Louis in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Doctor Philosophy in Political Science May 2018 Advisory Committee: Joyce Mushaben, Ph.D. Jeanne Wilson, PhD. Kenny Thomas, Ph.D. David Kimball, Ph.D. Contents Introduction 1 Chapter I. Policy Formulation 30 Chapter II. Reform Initiatives 84 Chapter III. Economic Policy 122 Chapter IV. Energy Policy 169 Chapter V. Security and Defense Policy 199 Conclusion 237 Appendix 246 Bibliography 248 To the Pat Tillman Foundation for graciously sponsoring this important research Introduction: Ukraine at a Crossroads Ukraine, like many European countries, has experienced a complex history and occupies a unique geographic position that places it in a peculiar situation be- tween its liberal future and communist past; it also finds itself tugged in two opposing directions by the gravitational forces of Russia and the West. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Separatists and Russian Nationalist-Extremist Allies of The
Separatists and Russian nationalist-extremist allies of the Party of Regions call for union with Russia Today at 17:38 | Taras Kuzio The signing of an accord to prolong the Black Sea Fleet in the Crimea by 25 years not only infringes the Constitution again, but also threatens Ukraine’s territorial integrity. If a president is willing to ignore the Constitution on two big questions in less than two months in office, what will he have done to the Constitution after 60 months in office? As somebody wrote on my Facebook profile yesterday, the Constitution is now “toilet paper.” The threat to Ukraine’s territorial integrity is deeper. Since President Viktor Yanukovych’s election, Russian nationalist-extremist allies of the Party of Regions have begun to radicalize their activities. Their mix of Russophile and Sovietophile ideological views are given encouragement by cabinet ministers such as Minister of Education Dmytro Tabachnyk and First Deputy Prime Minister Volodymyr Semynozhenko. Calls, which look increasingly orchestrated, are made to change Ukraine’s national anthem, adopt Russian as a state language, transform Ukraine into a federal state and coordinate the writing of educational textbooks with Russia. On Monday, Russian nationalist-extremist allies of the Party of Regions in the Crimea organized a meeting on the anniversary of the Crimea’s annexation by the Russian empire that demanded a full military, political and economic union with Russia. Russian nationalist-extremists in the Crimea were marginalized by ex-President Leonid Kuchma after he abolished the Crimean presidential institution in 1995. Then Deputy Prime Minister Yevhen Marchuk undertook measures to subvert and undermine the Russian nationalist-extremists who came to power in the peninsula in 1994.