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Ukraine and the Yugoslav Conflict
Nationalities Papers, Vol. 25, No. 3, 1997 UKRAINE AND THE YUGOSLAV CONFLICT Taras Kuzio Even before gaining independence in December 1991 from the former USSR, Ukraine had supported Slovenia and Croatia's drive to independence from the former Yugoslavia. In May 1991, Croatian President Franjo Tudjman paid an official visit to Ukraine where then parliamentary speaker Leonid Kravchuk expressed sympathy with Croatia's desire for independence. Tudjman pointed out how Ukraine's seat at the United Nations had given it a head start in obtaining international recognition of its independent status. On 12 December 1991, twelve days after the Ukrainian referendum on independence, Kyiv became one of the first states to diplomatically recognise Croatia and Slovenia; and further, it announced its readiness to open embassies in both countries.1 Ukraine was the first member of the U.N. to recognise Croatia; the second and third countries, Slovenia and Lithuania, were not members of the U.N. when they recognised Croatia. Ukraine's motives were quite clear early on vis-a-vis Yugoslavia. First, it wanted to reaffirm its independent status as a new international state. Secondly, Kyiv desired to distance itself from Russian sympathy with Serbia and Yugoslavia2 in order to show the outside world—particularly at that stage, the sceptical West—that Ukraine and Russia were indeed different peoples and nations.3 Fourthly, Ukraine desired to show the outside world that it was a respectable and co-operative member of the international community. Finally, a majority of the Ukrainian leadership sympathised with the Croats and Slovenes in their drive to independence, comparing it to Ukraine's quest to divorce itself from Russia. -
Ukraine Ukraine at a Glance: 2002-03
COUNTRY REPORT Ukraine Ukraine at a glance: 2002-03 OVERVIEW Efforts by both pro- and anti-presidential forces to gain the upper hand in the parliamentary election due by March 2002 will increasingly dominate the political scene. The president, Leonid Kuchma, and his parliamentary allies are likely to succeed in using their superior administrative and media resources to limit the gains of their opponents. The government will remain in power until the 2002 election and is unlikely to roll back its predecessor’s reform achievements, although electoral politics will preclude further significant reforms. The economy will grow at a more moderate pace in 2002-03, following buoyant growth in 2001. Year-end inflation will rise slightly to 12% in 2002, owing to further price liberalisation and election- related policy loosening, before falling again in 2003. Sustained export growth will ensure current-account surpluses in 2002-03, although these will narrow because of strengthening import demand and continued real currency appreciation. Key changes from last month Political outlook • The former prime minister Viktor Yushchenko looks increasingly likely to try to build an alliance for the 2002 election that is more centre- than reform-based. Economic policy outlook • Multilateral financing has resumed as expected, and should now permit completion of Ukraine’s Paris Club debts. The narrowing of the budget surplus in August underlines the Economist Intelligence Unit’s forecast that the government is likely to end the year with a slight budget deficit. Economic forecast • Preliminary trade data for the start of the third quarter has prompted a slight revision in our trade surplus forecast for this year. -
Feasibility Study of Pridneprovskaya Thermal Power Plant Reconstruction Project
NEDO —IC-00ER01 Feasibility Study of Pridneprovskaya Thermal Power Plant Reconstruction Project IVIarch, 2001 New Energy and Industrial Technology Development Organization (NEDO) usted by: Chubu Electric Power Co., Inc. 020005064 -9 Feasibility Study of Pridneprovskaya Thermal Power Plant Reconstruction Project Entrusted by : Chubu Electric Power Co., Inc. Prepared on : March, 2001 Study purpose This project has been framed to apply Scrap & Build project of 300MW Electric power plan, to the Pridneprovskaya Thermal Power Plant owned by the JST Dneproenergo in the UKRAINE,. This project is aimed at improving the efficiency of aged facilities of the plant; enhancing its environment-friendliness; and reducing the emission of greenhouse gases. NEDO-IC —00ER01 Feasibility Study of Pridneprovskaya Thermal Power Plant Reconstruction Project March, 2001 New Energy and Industrial Technology Development Organization (NEDO) Entrusted by: Chubu Electric Power Co., Inc. Preface This Report is a result of the survey of the Feasibility Study of Pridneprovskaya Thermal Power Plant Reconstruction Project, which Chubu Electric Power Co., Inc. received consignment of New Energy Development and Industrial Technology Organization (NEDO) to conduct this study. In December 1997, the Third Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (COP3) was held in Kyoto. At the conference, the "Kyoto Protocol" was adopted in order to prevent global warming caused by greenhouse gases including carbon dioxide. It commits developed countries to reduce their average emissions of greenhouse gases by at least 5% "in the period 2008 - 15" from the 1990 level. Japan set its target of reduction at 6%. The Kyoto Protocol also provides measures to give flexibility in attaining the goals: "Joint Implementation (JI)" and "Clean Development Mechanism (CDM)." In JI, greenhouse gas reductions are shared among developed countries through implementation of specific international projects. -
Ukraine's Political Crisis and U.S. Policy Issues
Order Code RL32691 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Ukraine’s Political Crisis and U.S. Policy Issues Updated February 1, 2005 Steven Woehrel Specialist in European Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Ukraine’s Political Crisis and U.S. Policy Issues Summary In 2004, many observers believed that Ukraine was at a key period in its transition that could shape its geopolitical orientation for years to come, in part due to presidential elections held on October 31, November 21, and December 26, 2004. In their view, Ukraine could move closer to integration in Euro-Atlantic institutions, real democracy and the rule of law, and a genuine free market economy, or it could move toward a Russian sphere of influence with “managed democracy” and an oligarchic economy. For the past decade, Ukraine’s political scene had been dominated by President Leonid Kuchma and the oligarchic “clans” (regionally based groups of powerful politicians and businessmen) that have supported him. The oligarchs chose Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych as their candidate to succeed Kuchma as President. The chief opposition candidate, former Prime Minister Viktor Yushchenko, was a pro-reform, pro-Western figure seen by many observers as a man of high personal integrity. International observers criticized the election campaign and the first and second rounds of the election as not free and fair, citing such factors as government-run media bias in favor of Yanukovych, abuse of absentee ballots, barring of opposition representatives from electoral commissions, and inaccurate voter lists. Nevertheless, Yushchenko topped the first round of the vote on October 31 by a razor-thin margin over Yanukovych. -
Report on the Project
Report on the Project: Dimensions, Opportunities and Benefits of Ukraine - NATO Relations. Impact of NATO Enlargement on Ukraine’s Foreign Policy Process NATO - EAPC Research Fellowship Programme, 1999 – 2001 By Dr. Sergiy Tolstov, Supervisory Research Fellow, Institute of World Economy and International Relations, National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, and Director of the Institute for Political Analysis and International Studies 28 June 2001, Kyiv (Ukraine) 2 Conents: 1. Introduction 2. Dimensions of European and Euro-Atlantic Security Cooperation (concepts and scenarios) 2.1. The New World Order 2.2. Strategic Approaches and Perceptions 2.3. Towards the New European Security Architecture 3. The Internal Factors and Features of Ukraine’s Development in the Context of European Transformation Processes 3.1. General Trends 3.2. Constitutional Referendum 2000 and Political Opposition 3.3. The Tapegate Affair 3.4. Situation in the System of Power 4. Monitoring of Domestic Debates on Foreign Policy Matters. 4.1. The Foreign Policy Concept 4.2. Peculiarities of the National Foreign Policy Process 4.3. Parliamentary Debates and the 1999 Presidential Elections 4.4. Security Issues in the Domestic Political Discussion 5. Impact of Ukraine - NATO Cooperation on Ukraine’s Foreign Policy. 5.1. Developing Ukraine – NATO Partnership 5.2. Ukraine’s Security Prospects in the Context of NATO Enlargement 5.3. State Programme for Cooperation of Ukraine with NATO, 1998 - 2001 5.4. State Programme for Cooperation of Ukraine with NATO, 2001-2004 6. Tendencies of International Relations in Central Eastern Europe 6.1. Results of Transformations in the Central Eastern Europe and the Post-Soviet Space 6.2. -
General Information About Ukraine
General Information about Ukraine Introduction The purpose of this document is to give a general overview of Ukrainian economy and the city of Slavutych to potential investors. The information provided covers a broad range of subjects to help potential investors understand Ukraine’s developing economy and was gathered from a variety of sources, including the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency, World Bank, and International Monetary Fund. Ukraine is rich in culture, history and natural resources. The government of Ukraine is transforming its economic structure to a western market economy and continues solving problems related to this change. More detailed information about Slavutych, the hometown of Chornobyl Nuclear Power Plant workers, is provided. As the date of the Chornobyl NPP closure approaches, the Ukrainian government is taking steps toward economic diversification, including educating and attracting foreign and domestic investors. This guide aims to provide valuable information about investment opportunities, geography, people, government, and the economy of Ukraine and Slavutych. Geography Ukraine sits at a favorable strategic position between Europe and Asia and is the second-largest country in Europe. The contemporary city of Kyiv is Ukraine’s capital and one of the biggest cities in Europe. With a population of almost 3 million, it stands preeminent as the administrative, economic, research, cultural and educational center. The President, Supreme Council (Verhovna Rada), all ministries and government departments are all located in Kyiv. Location Eastern Europe, bordering the Black Sea, between Poland and Russia Time zone GMT +2:00 Area Total 603,700 sq. km (slightly smaller than Texas ) Land 603,700 sq. -
Security and Nonproliferation
SCIENTIFIC AND TECHNICAL CENTER ON EXPORT AND IMPORT OF SPECIAL TECHNOLOGIES, HARDWARE AND MATERIALS SECURITY AND NONPROLIFERATION ISUUE 2(8)2005 KYIV 2005 SECURITY AND NONPROLIFERATION ISSUE 2(8)2005 Dear Readers, The Security and Non-Proliferation Journal’s Editorial Team hope that you have noticed positive changes in our periodical: the journal’s format has doubled in size compared to initial issues; there appears on its pages an ever growing number of publications by contributors of prominence in Ukraine including security and non- proliferation experts, high-ranking officials, and scientists; new columns initiated, subject matter expanded. In particular, the previous issue published materials of such topical nature as Civil Control over “Enforcement” Structures in Ukraine, Ammunition and Conventional Weapon Disposition Challenges. I.e. we keep expanding, striving towards having a high-performance team by combining efforts of both professional journalists/editors and experts on the subject matter with experience of contributing to other specialized periodicals. The team remains consistent with that policy in this journal issue as well. Thus, we are pleased to present a new theme dedicated to urgent international security problems, specifically the inseparable link of this concept to other fundamental factors of state and society existence. Prominent Ukrainian political scientist O. Dergachov opens a series of publications on this subject with his present article. In addition, with coverage of the Australia Group that Ukraine is planning to join this year, the journal launches a series of publications on existing international export control regimes. Although our periodical is not in a position to promptly respond to recent security and non-proliferation events, we care to place at least brief information on extraordinary events that have taken place since the previous issue. -
Presidential Election in Ukraine Implications for the Ukrainian Transition Presidential Election in Ukraine Implications for the Ukrainian Transition
Helmut Kurth/Iris Kempe (Ed.) PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION IN UKRAINE IMPLICATIONS FOR THE UKRAINIAN TRANSITION PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION IN UKRAINE IMPLICATIONS FOR THE UKRAINIAN TRANSITION KIEV – 2004 The following texts are preliminary versions. Necessary corrections and updates will be undertaken once the results of the election process are final. These preliminary versions are not for quotation or citation, and may only be used with the express written consent of the authors. CONTENTS Preface ................................................................................. 5 Timm Beichelt/Rostyslav Pavlenko Presidential Election and Constitutional Reforms in Ukraine ............................................................................ 7 Olaf Hillenbrand Consensus-Building and Good Governance – a Framework for Democratic Transition ........................... 44 Oleksandr Dergachov Formation of Democratic Consensus and Good Governance ....................................................... 71 Oleksandr Sushko/Oles Lisnychuk The 2004 Presidential Campaign as a Sign of Political Evolution in Ukraine....................................... 87 Iris Kempe/Iryna Solonenko International Orientation and Foreign Support of the Presidential Elections ............................................ 107 5 Preface Long before Kiev’s Independence Square became a sea of orange, it was clear to close observers that the presidential election in 2004 would not only be extremely close and hard fought, but also decisive for the country’s future development. Discussions -
FOREWORD It Is an Honour for Me to Present This Compendium Which
FOREWORD FOREWORD It is an honour for me to present this compendium which includes papers, practical information and proposals for combating fraud and corruption based on experience of the Supreme Audit Institutions (SAIs) in Central, Eastern Europe and Asia. The book was prepared upon the results of the EUROSAI International Conference “The Role of Supreme Audit Institutions in Fighting Against Fraud and Corruption” hosted by the Accounting Chamber of Ukraine on September 1921, 2006 in Kyiv. The EUROSAI event was attended by 61 participants from 24 SAIs among which were present Presidents of 16 SAIs. The participants discussed the following subthemes: • Subtheme I: The Role of SAIs in the National System Development of Fighting Against Fraud and Corruption; • Subtheme II: Peculiarities of SAIs Cooperation with the Law Enforcement Bodies during Exposure and Prevention of Fraud and Corruption; • Subtheme III: The Practice of SAIs in Implementation Transparency and Publicity in the Field of Fighting Against Fraud and Corruption. The Conference was supported by the Parliament of Ukraine, the Cabinet of Ministries of Ukraine and by the number of Ukrainian government authorities which participated in this event. I would like to pass special thanks to all of my colleagues, Heads of the SAIs for their interest in the Conference and willingness to share experience and modern techniques in fighting against fraud and corruption. I am very pleased that the initiative of the Accounting Chamber of Ukraine received great feedback among the EUROSAI community. I am deeply convinced that this event stimulated and consolidated efficient collaboration between SAIs and that approved Recommendations will further facilitate applying common actions towards combating such negative phenomena as fraud and corruption. -
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MUDDLING ALONG: THE FIRST DECADE OF INDEPENDENT UKRAINE Taras Kuzio he aim of this article is twofold. First, to or where it is heading. Indeed, President Leonid outline a general framework for the study of Kuchma hoped that a Ukrainian scholarly conference post-Soviet Ukraine that draws on my study of in Summer 2001 would provide him with these Tdevelopments in different areas over the last decade. answers, seven years after first being elected. Ukraine became an independent state in January The national aspects of Ukraine’s path 1992 with historical baggage from empire and dependency have played the decisive role in totalitarianism. Of the 27 post-communist countries determining two further outcomes? Ukraine’s those with the lightest burdens of legacy from inherited legacy within the national domain produced empire and totalitarianism have produced a more a country lying midway between denationalized successful transition.1 Belarus and the highly nationally conscious three This baggage has shaped a path dependency in a Baltic states. This has influenced such questions as country divided into roughly three equal camps: active support for current borders, the weakness of national democrats (often mistakenly referred to as separatism, a close correlation between national “nationalists”) who form the basis of civil society, a identity and civil society and an amorphous passive center that draws upon those with an “pragmatic center,” which acts as a buffer between amorphous identity and former national communists national democrats and communists. Ukraine’s path turned oligarchs, and Ukraine’s largest political party, dependency has helped to facilitate a delegative as well as an unreformed Communist Party of Ukraine democracy where Russophones and Sovietophiles, (KPU). -
Ukraine Chornobyl Chronology
Chornobyl Chronology Last update: December 2008 This annotated chronology is based on the data sources that follow each entry. Public sources often provide conflicting information on classified military programs. In some cases we are unable to resolve these discrepancies, in others we have deliberately refrained from doing so to highlight the potential influence of false or misleading information as it appeared over time. In many cases, we are unable to independently verify claims. Hence in reviewing this chronology, readers should take into account the credibility of the sources employed here. Inclusion in this chronology does not necessarily indicate that a particular development is of direct or indirect proliferation significance. Some entries provide international or domestic context for technological development and national policymaking. Moreover, some entries may refer to developments with positive consequences for nonproliferation. Nuclear Waste: 2008-1995 OVERVIEW Spent fuel is generally stored on site in cooling ponds at the nuclear power plants at which the fuel assemblies were used. Ukraine previously sent its spent fuel to Russia to be reprocessed, but this course became a contentious issue after Russia passed a law in 1992 prohibiting the import of radioactive material into Russia. This action resulted in storage crisis at Ukrainian power plants. In 6/93, however, Russia passed a new law that allows Ukrainian spent fuel to be reprocessed, but not stored, in Russia. The law does not allow the import of nuclear waste into Russia, but allows the import of Russian-origin spent fuel as long as the resulting waste is returned to the territory of the state which delivered it. -
What Does Ukraine's Orange Revolution Tell Us About the Impact
FREE POLICY NETWORK BRIEF SERIES John S. Earle, George Mason University Scott Gehlbach, University of Wisconsin-Madison November, 2016 What Does Ukraine’s Orange Revolution Tell Us About the Impact of Political Turnover on Economic Performance? Political turnover is a normal, even desirable, feature of competitive politics, yet turnover in a context of weak institutions can create policy uncertainty, disrupt political connections, and threaten the security of property rights. What is the impact of political turnover on economic performance in such an environment? We examine the behavior of over 7,000 enterprises before and after Ukraine's Orange Revolution—a moment of largely unanticipated political turnover in a country with profoundly weak institutions. We find that the productivity of firms in regions that supported Viktor Yushchenko increased after the Orange Revolution, relative to that of firms in regions that supported Viktor Yanukovych. Our results illustrate that the efficiency consequences of turnover can be large when institutions are weak. Introduction Ukraine in 2004 Politics in much of the world is a winner-take-all Three factors make Ukraine in 2004 an appropriate contest. When Viktor Yanukovych fled Kyiv in setting for identifying the effect of political February 2014, for example, he was joined by a turnover on economic performance. First, Ukraine close group of associates overwhelmingly drawn under Kuchma was a paradigmatic case of from the country’s Russian-speaking East, “patronal presidentialism,” in which the president including Yanukovych’s home region of Donetsk. “wields not only the powers formally invested in The governors who ran Ukraine’s regions under the office but also the ability to selectively direct Yanukovych fared no better.