DOCSLIB.ORG

Turkey's Evolving Dynamics

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Turkey's Evolving Dynamics Turkey’s Evolving Dynamics CENTER FOR STRATEGIC & Strategic Choices for U.S.-Turkey Relations CSIS INTERNATIONAL STUDIES 1800 K Street | Washington, DC 20006 director Tel: (202) 887-0200 | Fax: (202) 775-3199 Stephen J. Flanagan E-mail: [email protected] | Web: www.csis.org deputy director Samuel J. Brannen principal authors Bulent Aliriza Edward C. Chow Andrew C. Kuchins Haim Malka Julianne Smith contributing authors Ian Lesser Eric Palomaa Alexandros Petersen research coordinator Kaley Levitt March 2009 ISBN 978-0-89206-576-9 Final Report of the CSIS U.S.-Turkey Strategic Initiative CENTER FOR STRATEGIC & Ë|xHSKITCy065769zv*:+:!:+:! Türk-Amerikan Stratejik Girisimi¸ CSIS INTERNATIONAL STUDIES Turkey’s Evolving Dynamics Strategic Choices for U.S.-Turkey Relations DIRECTOR Stephen J. Flanagan DEPUTY DIRECTOR Samuel J. Brannen PRINCIPAL AUTHORS Bulent Aliriza Edward C. Chow Andrew C. Kuchins Haim Malka Julianne Smith CONTRIBUTING AUTHORS Ian Lesser Eric Palomaa Alexandros Petersen RESEARCH COORDINATOR Kaley Levitt March 2009 Final Report of the CSIS U.S.-Turkey Strategic Initiative Türk-Amerikan Stratejik Girisimi¸ About CSIS In an era of ever-changing global opportunities and challenges, the Center for Strategic and Inter- national Studies (CSIS) provides strategic insights and practical policy solutions to decisionmak- ers. CSIS conducts research and analysis and develops policy initiatives that look into the future and anticipate change. Founded by David M. Abshire and Admiral Arleigh Burke at the height of the Cold War, CSIS was dedicated to the simple but urgent goal of finding ways for America to survive as a nation and prosper as a people. Since 1962, CSIS has grown to become one of the world’s preeminent public policy institutions. Today, CSIS is a bipartisan, nonprofit organization headquartered in Washington, D.C. More than 220 full-time staff and a large network of affiliated scholars focus their expertise on defense and security; on the world’s regions and the unique challenges inherent to them; and on the issues that know no boundary in an increasingly connected world. Former U.S. senator Sam Nunn became chairman of the CSIS Board of Trustees in 1999, and John J. Hamre has led CSIS as its president and chief executive officer since 2000. CSIS does not take specific policy positions; accordingly, all views expressed in this publica- tion should be understood to be solely those of the author(s). © 2009 by the Center for Strategic and International Studies. All rights reserved. Cover photographs: U.S. President Obama: http://change.gov/newsroom/entry/new_official_ portrait_released; Prime Minister Erdogan:˘ http://eng.akparti.org.tr/english/photogallery.html; Turkey, NASA: http://visibleearth.nasa.gov/view_rec.php?id=778 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data CIP information available upon request. ISBN 978-0-89206-576-9 Center for Strategic and International Studies 1800 K Street, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20006 Tel: (202) 775-3119 Fax: (202) 775-3199 Web: www.csis.org 2 contents Foreword v Acknowledgments vii Executive Summary ix Introduction and Context xxi 1. Turkey’s Changing Dynamics 1 Bulent Aliriza Turkish Demographics: A Strategic Assessment 12 Eric Palomaa 2. Turkey and Europe: A Widening Gap? 19 Julianne Smith Cyprus: Can the Stalemate Be Overcome? 32 Ian Lesser 3. Turkey and the Middle East: Rebalancing Interests 37 Haim Malka 4. Turkey, Russia, the Black Sea, the Caucasus, and Central Asia 61 Andrew C. Kuchins and Alexandros Petersen 5. Turkey as an Energy Bridge 73 Edward C. Chow 6. Implications for U.S.-Turkey Relations 81 Stephen J. Flanagan and Samuel J. Brannen Appendix A. Oil and Gas Pipelines 97 Appendix B. Turkey’s Foreign Trade 99 About the Authors 101 | iii foreword Senior Advisory Group of the U.S.-Turkey Strategic Initiative Relations between the United States and Turkey stand at a critical juncture. Turkey is a key ally in the advancement of U.S. interests vis-à-vis the Middle East, Eurasia, and global energy diversifica- tion. Turkey still sees the United States as its closest ally and wants to be a partner in advancing mutual interests, particularly in its immediate environs. This confluence of interests gives revital- ization of bilateral ties greater urgency. Yet the relationship remains somewhat strained and lacks the strategic character it once enjoyed. The two governments have made steady progress during the past few years to repair the damage done by differences over the Iraq War and the handling of its turbulent consequences. The visits by President Barack Obama and Secretary of State Hil- lary Rodham Clinton during the first few months of the administration suggest a commitment to further strengthening relations. However, much remains to be done. The first 40 years of the U.S.-Turkish relationship centered heavily on military cooperation. Today the complexity of the relationship has outpaced the capacity of routine diplomatic contacts and existing consultative mechanisms. The Obama administration has an opportunity to energize this relationship and set it on a sound, long-term footing. This will require sustained, high-level political engagement, close consultations, and carefully managed policy coordination owing to the differing geostrategic positions and policy priorities of the two governments. Both countries, however, will be better able to realize their mutual goals and prevent lesser disputes from disrupt- ing this cooperation if such an endeavor is initiated. U.S.-Turkey relations should focus on strategic issues of mutual concern. Close U.S.-Turkish cooperation will be crucial to the long-term stability and economic recovery of Iraq, as well as to President Obama’s commitment to remove all combat forces from Iraq responsibly in 2011. Turkey will remain a key logistics hub for operations in both Iraq and Afghanistan. Turkey’s new diplo- matic activism, from its efforts to promote cooperation in the Caucasus and its evolving role as a mediator among longtime rivals in the Middle East, should be embraced by the United States and Europe as an opportunity. As members of the Group of Twenty (G-20), both the United States and Turkey should continue their cooperation to address the global economic crisis and find ways to deepen and diversify bilateral trade and investment. Turkey has been buffeted in recent years by turmoil in its neighborhood, beginning with the consequences of the Iraq war, then again with the Russian invasion of Georgia in the summer of 2008. Turkish leaders will continue to pursue policies that seek to avoid such regional instability, and they expect understanding from Washington on this score. Washington, too, has the right to expect that Ankara will behave as a loyal ally when mutual interests are threatened. This report, prepared by seven senior CSIS scholars and two colleagues from other institu- tions, offers a comprehensive and balanced assessment of the uncertain state of Turkey’s domes- tic political and social dynamics and the complexity of its relations with its neighbors. It reflects extensive field research in Turkey and neighboring countries as well as consultations with a wide | v range of officials, scholars, journalists, and leaders of business and trade associations. The CSIS team also maintained a dialog with scholars from the Ankara-based research institute Türkiye Ekonomi Politikaları Araştırma Vakfı (TEPAV) who are undertaking a parallel review examining the relationship from the Turkish perspective. Their review will be complete in April 2009. This report considers the implications of these developments within Turkey and in Turk- ish foreign policy for relations with the United States and Europe. Grounded in this analysis, it outlines a concrete agenda for U.S.-Turkish cooperation and a detailed framework for managing this relationship. Major challenges lie ahead both in the bilateral relationship and with respect to Turkey’s future course. The United States can and should play a constructive role. The Senior Advisory Group to the U.S.-Strategic Initiative met four times during the course of the past year to offer its counsel and candid feedback on the work undertaken by the CSIS schol- ars. The group did not exercise editorial control over the content. It is united in its belief that the U.S.-Turkish relationship is vitally important to U.S. national interests and to peace and stability in the world. Senior Advisory Group Cochairs Dr. Zbigniew Brzezinski, Counselor and Trustee, CSIS Lieutenant General Brent Scowcroft (USAF, retired), Counselor and Trustee, CSIS; President, Scowcroft Group, Inc. Members Ambassador Morton Abramowitz, Senior Fellow, The Century Foundation Ambassador James H. Holmes, President and CEO, American-Turkish Council General James Jamerson (USAF, retired), Former Deputy Commander, U.S. European C o m m a n d The Honorable John E. McLaughlin, Senior Fellow, Merrill Center for Strategic Studies, Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies, Johns Hopkins University vi | turkey’s evolving dynamics acknowledgments CSIS president and CEO John Hamre has observed that Turkey is “the most undervalued ally.” This sobering assessment, and the recognition that a cooperative relationship between Turkey and the United States is instrumental to optimal advancement of the strategic interests of both coun- tries, served as the inspiration for this initiative. During the past year, an interdisciplinary team of CSIS scholars has undertaken a systemic reevaluation of Turkey’s internal dynamics and relations with
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Dilemmas of Civic Revival: Ukrainian Women Since Independence
    Journal of Ukrainian Studies 26, nos. 1–2 (Summer–Winter 2001) The Dilemmas of Civic Revival: Ukrainian Women since Independence Alexandra Hrycak* Motherhood, full-time work, and active citizenship—these were the three social roles the Soviet state officially expected women to perform. In practice, however, that state encouraged women in Ukraine to put motherhood above career advancement and permitted them to engage only in officially condoned civic causes. The late 1980s initiated a broad-based civic revival that provided many women opportunities to develop new political skills that enhanced their ability to contribute to their communities. However, the first ten years of Ukraine’s post-Soviet existence profoundly challenged their capacity to ensure the carrying out of the political and social reforms women activists sought during glasnost. This article examines some of the ways in which Ukrainian women have altered their orientation to motherhood, work, and citizenship in response to the tumultuous changes of the last decade. I begin by exploring some of the broader problems that have led to declining women’s health, socio-economic status, and political influence. I then evaluate in detail the causes of recent shifts in household composition and family structure. Next I analyze the factors that limit women’s ability to improve their position in the labour force. I conclude by examining women’s influence over politics and public life during the Soviet era and the first years of Ukraine’s independence. * I would like to thank the International Research and Exchanges Board and Reed College for the financial support that made this research possible.
    [Show full text]
  • Ukraine Ukraine at a Glance: 2002-03
    COUNTRY REPORT Ukraine Ukraine at a glance: 2002-03 OVERVIEW Efforts by both pro- and anti-presidential forces to gain the upper hand in the parliamentary election due by March 2002 will increasingly dominate the political scene. The president, Leonid Kuchma, and his parliamentary allies are likely to succeed in using their superior administrative and media resources to limit the gains of their opponents. The government will remain in power until the 2002 election and is unlikely to roll back its predecessor’s reform achievements, although electoral politics will preclude further significant reforms. The economy will grow at a more moderate pace in 2002-03, following buoyant growth in 2001. Year-end inflation will rise slightly to 12% in 2002, owing to further price liberalisation and election- related policy loosening, before falling again in 2003. Sustained export growth will ensure current-account surpluses in 2002-03, although these will narrow because of strengthening import demand and continued real currency appreciation. Key changes from last month Political outlook • The former prime minister Viktor Yushchenko looks increasingly likely to try to build an alliance for the 2002 election that is more centre- than reform-based. Economic policy outlook • Multilateral financing has resumed as expected, and should now permit completion of Ukraine’s Paris Club debts. The narrowing of the budget surplus in August underlines the Economist Intelligence Unit’s forecast that the government is likely to end the year with a slight budget deficit. Economic forecast • Preliminary trade data for the start of the third quarter has prompted a slight revision in our trade surplus forecast for this year.
    [Show full text]
  • Online Surveys Wave 1
    Data report: online surveys Wave 1 Authors1: Evelyn Ersanilli & Marieke van der Gaag Version: 4.0 Updated: September 2021 Please cite as: Ersanilli, E. & Van der Gaag, M. (2021). “Data report: online surveys. Wave 1” MOBILISE working papers. This work is part of “MOBILISE - Determinants of 'Mobilisation' at Home and Abroad: Analysing the Micro-Foundations of Out-Migration & Mass Protest” funded under the Open Research Area (ORA) scheme by ESRC (UK), DFG (Germany), ANR (France) and NWO Social Sciences and Humanities (the Netherlands). 1 We would like to thank Piotr Goldstein and Kostiantyn Fedorenko for providing us with data on election results and helpful suggestions during the data collection. We also thank Sorana Toma for her helpful suggestions. MOBILISE – ONLINE SURVEY DATA REPORT W1 Abstract The MOBILISE project examines why some people respond to discontent by protesting, others by migrating while yet others stay immobile. It focuses on four countries that have seen outmigration and protest in recent year (Ukraine, Poland, Morocco and Argentina) and migrants from these countries who live in Germany, the United Kingdom and Spain. Migrants were surveyed online and recruited into the sample through Facebook advertising. MOBILISE also conducted online surveys of the national populations of Argentina and Ukraine. This report explains why MOBILISE choose to recruit the sample through Facebook advertisements and provides detailed information on the set- up of the sampling. It also present an overview of the effectiveness of this method, in terms of costs, reach and bias, and of issues encountered. We find that sampling through Facebook advertisements is a cost-effective way to obtaining a large sample.
    [Show full text]
  • Inledning + 1-93
    Funding of Political Parties and Election Campaigns H andbook Series i Funding of Political Parties and Election Campaigns Handbook Series Editors: Reginald Austin, Maja Tjernström Contributors: Julie Ballington, Peter Ferdinand, Karen Fogg, Patrick Molutsi, Karl-Heinz Nassmacher, Yaw Saffu, Maja Tjernström, Marcin Walecki, Daniel Zovatto Handbook Series. The International IDEA Handbook Series seeks to present comparative analysis, information and insights on a range of democratic institutions and processes. Handbooks are aimed primarily at policy-makers, politicians, civil society actors and practitioners in the field. They are also of interest to academia, the democracy assistance community and other bodies. International IDEA publications are independent of specific national or political interests. Views expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent the views of International IDEA, its Board or its Council members. © International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance 2003 Applications for permission to reproduce or translate all or any part of this publication should be made to: Information Unit International IDEA SE -103 34 Stockholm Sweden International IDEA encourages dissemination of its work and will promptly respond to requests for permission to reproduce or translate its publications. Graphic design by: Slow Fox production AB, Sweden Cover photos: © Pressens Bild, Sweden Printed by: Trydells Tryckeri AB, Sweden ISBN: 91-89098-92-7 iv Preface Democracies cannot function without political parties. to be learnt from current experience in different parts Parties are expected to reflect the concerns of citizens, of the world. aggregate and mediate diverse interests, project a vision International IDEA considers party finance to be one of a society and develop policy options accordingly.
    [Show full text]
  • Spiritual Formation
    This material has been provided by Asbury Theological Seminary in good faith of following ethical procedures in its production and end use. The Copyright law of the united States (title 17, United States code) governs the making of photocopies or other reproductions of copyright material. Under certain condition specified in the law, libraries and archives are authorized to finish a photocopy or other reproduction. One of these specific conditions is that the photocopy or reproduction is not to be “used for any purpose other than private study, scholarship, or research.” If a user makes a request for, or later uses, a photocopy or reproduction for purposes in excess of “fair use,” that user may be liable for copyright infringement. This institution reserves the right to refuse to accept a copying order if, in its judgment, fulfillment of the order would involve violation of copyright law. By using this material, you are consenting to abide by this copyright policy. Any duplication, reproduction, or modification of this material without express written consent from Asbury Theological Seminary and/or the original publisher is prohibited. Contact B.L. Fisher Library Asbury Theological Seminary 204 N. Lexington Ave. Wilmore, KY 40390 B.L. Fisher Library’s Digital Content place.asburyseminary.edu Asbury Theological Seminary 205 North Lexington Avenue 800.2ASBURY Wilmore, Kentucky 40390 asburyseminary.edu ABSTRACT SPIRITUAL FORMATION: A COURSE FOR LEADERS OF THE CHURCH IN THE MAJORITY WORLD by David C. Long As the church around the world experiences rapid growth, God is calling men and women from their own nations and their own people to give leadership to their church.
    [Show full text]
  • MANUFACTURING MORAL PANIC: Weaponizing Children to Undermine Gender Justice and Human Rights
    MANUFACTURING MORAL PANIC: Weaponizing Children to Undermine Gender Justice and Human Rights Research Team: Juliana Martínez, PhD; Ángela Duarte, MA; María Juliana Rojas, EdM and MA. Sentiido (Colombia) March 2021 The Elevate Children Funders Group is the leading global network of funders focused exclusively on the wellbeing and rights of children and youth. We focus on the most marginalized and vulnerable to abuse, neglect, exploitation, and violence. Global Philanthropy Project (GPP) is a collaboration of funders and philanthropic advisors working to expand global philanthropic support to advance the human rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) people in the Global1 South and East. TABLE OF CONTENTS Glossary ...................................................................................... 4 Acronyms .................................................................................................. 4 Definitions ................................................................................................. 5 Letter from the Directors: ......................................................... 8 Executive Summary ................................................................... 10 Report Outline ..........................................................................................13 MOBILIZING A GENDER-RESTRICTIVE WORLDVIEW .... 14 The Making of the Contemporary Gender-Restrictive Movement ................................................... 18 Instrumentalizing Cultural Anxieties .........................................
    [Show full text]
  • Ukrainian Far Right
    Nations in Transit brief May 2018 Far-right Extremism as a Threat to Ukrainian Democracy Vyacheslav Likhachev Kyiv-based expert on right-wing groups in Ukraine and Russia Photo by Aleksandr Volchanskiy • Far-right political forces present a real threat to the democratic development of Ukrainian society. This brief seeks to provide an overview of the nature and extent of their activities, without overstating the threat they pose. To this end, the brief differentiates between radical groups, which by and large ex- press their ideas through peaceful participation in democratic processes, and extremist groups, which use physical violence as a means to influence society. • For the first 20 years of Ukrainian independence, far-right groups had been undisputedly marginal elements in society. But over the last few years, the situation has changed. After Ukraine’s 2014 Euro- maidan Revolution and Russia’s subsequent aggression, extreme nationalist views and groups, along with their preachers and propagandists, have been granted significant legitimacy by the wider society. • Nevertheless, current polling data indicates that the far right has no real chance of being elected in the upcoming parliamentary and presidential elections in 2019. Similarly, despite the fact that several of these groups have real life combat experience, paramilitary structures, and even access to arms, they are not ready or able to challenge the state. • Extremist groups are, however, aggressively trying to impose their agenda on Ukrainian society, in- cluding by using force against those with opposite political and cultural views. They are a real physical threat to left-wing, feminist, liberal, and LGBT activists, human rights defenders, as well as ethnic and religious minorities.
    [Show full text]
  • Ukraine at the Crossroad in Post-Communist Europe: Policymaking and the Role of Foreign Actors Ryan Barrett [email protected]
    University of Missouri, St. Louis IRL @ UMSL Dissertations UMSL Graduate Works 1-20-2018 Ukraine at the Crossroad in Post-Communist Europe: Policymaking and the Role of Foreign Actors Ryan Barrett [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://irl.umsl.edu/dissertation Part of the Comparative Politics Commons, and the International Relations Commons Recommended Citation Barrett, Ryan, "Ukraine at the Crossroad in Post-Communist Europe: Policymaking and the Role of Foreign Actors" (2018). Dissertations. 725. https://irl.umsl.edu/dissertation/725 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the UMSL Graduate Works at IRL @ UMSL. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations by an authorized administrator of IRL @ UMSL. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Ukraine at the Crossroad in Post-Communist Europe: Policymaking and the Role of Foreign Actors Ryan Barrett M.A. Political Science, The University of Missouri - Saint Louis, 2015 M.A. International Relations, Webster University, 2010 B.A. International Studies, 2006 A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate School at the The University of Missouri - Saint Louis in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Doctor Philosophy in Political Science May 2018 Advisory Committee: Joyce Mushaben, Ph.D. Jeanne Wilson, PhD. Kenny Thomas, Ph.D. David Kimball, Ph.D. Contents Introduction 1 Chapter I. Policy Formulation 30 Chapter II. Reform Initiatives 84 Chapter III. Economic Policy 122 Chapter IV. Energy Policy 169 Chapter V. Security and Defense Policy 199 Conclusion 237 Appendix 246 Bibliography 248 To the Pat Tillman Foundation for graciously sponsoring this important research Introduction: Ukraine at a Crossroads Ukraine, like many European countries, has experienced a complex history and occupies a unique geographic position that places it in a peculiar situation be- tween its liberal future and communist past; it also finds itself tugged in two opposing directions by the gravitational forces of Russia and the West.
    [Show full text]
  • ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
    APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions.
    [Show full text]
  • New Civic Activism in Ukraine: Building Society from Scratch?
    New Civic Activism in Ukraine: Building Society from Scratch? Susann Worschech European University Viadrina Abstract Since Euromaidan, civil society in Ukraine faces new challenges and a new role in society. Volunteer work, donations and civic activism have increased vis-à-vis the humanitarian crisis and the war in Eastern Ukraine in an unprecedented dimension. Civil society’s takeover of state responsibilities depicts the compensation of state failure. But it is questionable whether the post-Euromaidan civil society contributes to Ukraine’s democratization process. Based on two case studies, in this article I examine new issues civil society in Ukraine deals with, what forms the basis of a new quality of civic activism and participation. Further, I describe structures, activities and interrelations of this new Ukrainian volunteer movement, with the aim to discuss its ambivalent role in fragile democratization. Key Words: civil society; democratization; volunteer movement; Euromaidan; Ukraine, trust networks. 3 Introduction Euromaidan, or the “Revolution of Dignity”, marked a watershed for Ukrainian civil society and scholars alike. Until that event, civil engagement, self-organization and societal solidarity were considered low in the post-soviet space.1 At the same time, the existing organized civil society was described as elitist, artificial, and donor-driven.2 But since the nation-wide protests of 2013– 2014, civil society in Ukraine grew to an unprecedented dimension. The huge and unexpected 1 David Ost, “The Decline of Civil Society After ‘Post-Communism,’” in The New Politics of European Civil Society, ed. Ulrike Liebert and Hans-Jörg Trenz, Routledge Studies on Democratizing Europe (London; New York: Routledge Chapman & Hall, 2011).
    [Show full text]
  • Job Printing
    1 the resolutions was by a viva voce [ Secretary of War there occurred Detailed Vote For Tafi. vote, no voice being raised in the the real demonstration of the neg- day. Following is the official vjte for Taft: ative. The caught from the REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION galleries State. Vote. S'ate. Vot'. It was 12.45 when the Ohioans the platform refrain, “Taft, Taft, Big Alabama. 22 North CaroTra_ 34 had been finally disposed of. Senator Bill Taft,” and marked time with It Arkansas. 18 North Dakota. 8 Lodge announced the next business It. was not until the delegates had California. 20' Ohio. 42 W. ENNIS & Co. on C. NOMINATES TAFT AND SHERMAN hand to be the call of States for exhausted their energy by twenty-five Colorado. 10 Oklahoma. 14 the nomination of candidates for the minutes of continued cheering that Connecticut. 14 j Oregon. 8 SUCCESSORS TO ENNIS ft PARKHURST Presidency and the cheering was re- Chairman Lodge succeeded in restor- De aware. fli Pennsylvania. 1 101 Rhode Island. 8 sumed. The hall was jammed now ing comparative order, a task in Florida. 171 South Carolina_ 13 with 20,000 persons in a swel- which he was assisted Georgia. grand materially by Idaho. 0 South D kota. 8 ter. had removed their SOLE AGENTS FOR ROCKWELL PLASTER Delegates the extraordinarily powerful voice of Illinois. 3 Tonness.e.24 coats and, vigorously plying fans, George A. Knight, of California, who Iowa....;.26 Texas. 00 were mopping the perspiration from had taken the platform to second the Kansas.20 dial:.
    [Show full text]
  • Ukraine Country Report BTI 2018
    BTI 2018 Country Report Ukraine This report is part of the Bertelsmann Stiftung’s Transformation Index (BTI) 2018. It covers the period from February 1, 2015 to January 31, 2017. The BTI assesses the transformation toward democracy and a market economy as well as the quality of political management in 129 countries. More on the BTI at http://www.bti-project.org. Please cite as follows: Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2018 Country Report — Ukraine. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2018. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. Contact Bertelsmann Stiftung Carl-Bertelsmann-Strasse 256 33111 Gütersloh Germany Sabine Donner Phone +49 5241 81 81501 [email protected] Hauke Hartmann Phone +49 5241 81 81389 [email protected] Robert Schwarz Phone +49 5241 81 81402 [email protected] Sabine Steinkamp Phone +49 5241 81 81507 [email protected] BTI 2018 | Ukraine 3 Key Indicators Population M 45.0 HDI 0.743 GDP p.c., PPP $ 8272 Pop. growth1 % p.a. -0.3 HDI rank of 188 84 Gini Index 25.5 Life expectancy years 71.2 UN Education Index 0.825 Poverty3 % 0.5 Urban population % 69.9 Gender inequality2 0.284 Aid per capita $ 32.3 Sources (as of October 2017): The World Bank, World Development Indicators 2017 | UNDP, Human Development Report 2016. Footnotes: (1) Average annual growth rate. (2) Gender Inequality Index (GII). (3) Percentage of population living on less than $3.20 a day at 2011 international prices. Executive Summary The period under review can be characterized by three major trends.
    [Show full text]