DOCSLIB.ORG

CDDRL Number 114 WORKING PAPERS June 2009

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
CDDRL Number 114 WORKING PAPERS June 2009 CDDRL Number 114 WORKING PAPERS June 2009 Youth Movements in Post- Communist Societies: A Model of Nonviolent Resistance Olena Nikolayenko Stanford University Center on Democracy, Development, and The Rule of Law Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies Additional working papers appear on CDDRL’s website: http://cddrl.stanford.edu. Center on Democracy, Development, and The Rule of Law Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies Stanford University Encina Hall Stanford, CA 94305 Phone: 650-724-7197 Fax: 650-724-2996 http://cddrl.stanford.edu/ About the Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law (CDDRL) CDDRL was founded by a generous grant from the Bill and Flora Hewlett Foundation in October in 2002 as part of the Stanford Institute for International Studies at Stanford University. The Center supports analytic studies, policy relevant research, training and outreach activities to assist developing countries in the design and implementation of policies to foster growth, democracy, and the rule of law. About the Author Olena Nikolayenko (Ph.D. Toronto) is a Visiting Postdoctoral Scholar and a recipient of the 2007-2009 post-doctoral fellowship from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. Her research interests include comparative democratization, public opinion, social movements, youth, and corruption. In her dissertation, she analyzed political support among the first post-Soviet generation grown up without any direct experience with communism in Russia and Ukraine. Her current research examines why some youth movements are more successful than others in applying methods of nonviolent resistance to mobilize the population in non-democracies. She has recently conducted fieldwork in Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Serbia, and Ukraine. Her articles have appeared in Canadian Journal of Political Science, Communist and Post-Communist Studies, Comparative Politics, Europe- Asia Studies, PS: Political Science and Politics, and Youth and Society. Abstract Over the past decade, the rise of youth movements applying nonviolent methods of resistance against autocratic incumbents occurred in the post-Soviet region. This protest cycle was set in motion by the spectacular mobilization of Serbia’s social movement Otpor against Slobodan Milosevic in 2000. Similarly, Ukraine’s Pora in 2004 and, to a lesser extent, Georgia’s Kmara in 2003 mobilized large numbers of young people to demand political change in the aftermath of fraudulent elections. In contrast, Belarus’ Zubr in 2001/2006 and an assortment of Azerbaijan’s youth groups in 2005 were less effective in staging nonviolent struggle against autocratic incumbents. This paper provides an explanation for divergent social movement outcomes in non-democracies by investigating the dynamics of tactical interaction between challenger organizations and the ruling elite. The paper argues that both civic activists and autocratic incumbents engaged in processes of political learning. Hence, tactical innovation was vital to the success of youth movements, especially late risers in the protest cycle. Over the past decade, a wave of youth mobilization against repressive political regimes has swept the post-communist region. Thousands of young people took to the street to demand political change at a critical juncture in domestic politics, the election period. In 2000, Serbia’s social movement Otpor (Resistance) played a vital role in bringing down Slobodan Milosevic. Inspired by Otpor, Georgia’s Kmara (Enough) in 2003 and Ukraine’s Pora (It’s Time) in 2004 mobilized youth to press for the turnover of power. Similarly, Belarus’ Zubr (Bison) in 2001/2006 and Azerbaijan’s Magam (It’s Time), Yeni Fikir (New Thinking) and Yokh (No) in 2005 have attempted, albeit unsuccessfully, to mobilize large numbers of young people and propel a democratic breakthrough. This spectacular outburst of youth activism, spanning several years and stretching across countries, affords an excellent opportunity to unravel the dynamics of nonviolent resistance during a protest cycle. This paper seeks to account for divergent movement outcomes by examining processes of tactical interaction between challenger organizations and incumbent governments. This empirical inquiry applies the dynamic approach to the study of social movements, positing that both movement participants and their opponents engage in political learning (Beckwith 2000; McAdam 1983; McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly 2001). The paper argues that tactical innovation was vital to the success of youth movements, especially late risers in the protest cycle. By tactical innovation, I mean experimentation with the choice of frames, protest strategies and interaction styles with allies. The study seeks to contribute to academic literature in two ways. First, this empirical inquiry seeks to advance our understanding of nonviolent resistance by providing a detailed analysis of tactical interaction in non-democracies. To date, most 2 empirical work has traced processes of tactical interaction in mature democracies (McAdam 1983; Karapin 2007; McCammon 2003; Minkoff 1999). It is plausible to assume that tactical innovation is of greater importance to challenger organizations in the repressive political regimes, since the stakes of political struggle – regime change or the survival of the autocratic incumbent – have wide-ranging implications for the ruling elite and the society at large. Second, this study aims to expand the existing body of literature on social movements by focusing on cases of unsuccessful mobilization. There is a bias in social movement literature to focus on cases of success. Within the post-communist literature, most empirical work was geared to identify determinants of electoral revolutions in Georgia, Serbia, and Ukraine (Aslund and McFaul 2006; Binnendijk and Marovic 2006; Bunce and Wolchik 2006a; Devdariani 2004; McFaul 2005; Tunnard 2003; Wheatley 2005). Much less attention has been accorded to abortive attempts of civic activists to bring about political change (Marples 2006; Silitski 2006; Valiyev 2006). Social scientists and civic activists, however, can draw valuable insights from the analysis of movement defeats. Definitions Youth Movements. Youth movements are here broadly defined as “organized and conscious attempts on the part of young people to initiate or resist change in the social order” (Braungart and Braungart 1990: 157). The modifier “youth” refers to the demographic composition of the movement, rather than a range of issues advocated by protesters. The average age of Otpor members, for example, was 21.1 Empirical evidence 1 National Public Radio. 2002. “Fresh Air from WHYY: Interview with Srdja Popovic.” March 20. 3 further suggests that students formed the core of activists in the youth movements. This is consistent with the argument that the tipping point for participation in protest activity tends to be lower for students than other social groups (Jarvikoski, 1993: 82; Karklins and Petersen 1993). Young people tend to have less access to positions of political power and fewer commitments associated with the fulfillment of adult roles. At the same time, students play an important symbolic role in modern societies. Youth are small in numbers in the former Soviet republics, these are “old nations.” But students are perceived as the future of the nation. If they turn to the street, it signals to the rest of people that something is wrong. They don’t stand only for themselves, but also for their families.2 Social Movement Outcomes. This study treats the level of youth mobilization during the election year as the dependent variable. While thousands of ordinary citizens joined post- election protests, youth movements carried out nonviolent resistance to the repressive regime for months prior to the election. Moreover, in the aftermath of fraudulent elections, young people were among the first to protest against electoral fraud and among the last to leave protest sites. It must be stressed that this study does not seek to account for outcomes of electoral revolutions in the post-Soviet region. The application of the term “revolution” itself is contested in the analysis of recent post-election protests (Silitski 2009). Newspaper reports suggest that there has been an insignificant turnover of the political 2 Author’s interview with X.N. 4 elite in the aftermath of the “revolutionary” elections.3 Furthermore, numerous analysts cast doubt over democratic credentials of the newly elected presidents.4 Still, it is indisputable that an extraordinary large number of post-communist youth became politically active during the election year. Explaining Social Movement Outcomes: Structure or Agency? One of the most prominent debates in social movement literature deals with the relative importance of structure and agency in accounting for movement outcomes. A principal argument of political process theory is that changes in the political opportunity structure affect the movement outcome (for a review, see Meyer 2004). Political opportunity structure refers to “consistent—but not necessarily formal or permanent—dimensions of the political struggle that encourage people to engage in contentious politics” (Tarrow 1998: 19-20). Another line of inquiry emphasizes the role of ideational factors in explaining social movement outcomes. Within this line of inquiry, scholars examine the impact of diffusion on movement strategies (for a review, see Strang and Soule 1998). Over the past few years, students of electoral revolutions
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Little Red Sweden in Ukraine – the 1930S Comintern Project in Gammalsvenskby
    Little Red Sweden in Ukraine – the 1930s Comintern project in Gammalsvenskby Soon the brothers will see the East in the Gold Swedish Communist Party’s slogan May Day 1931 ANDREJ KOTLJARCHUK The history of Gammalsvenskby offers a unique opportunity to investigate totalitarian political techniques in the twentieth century. The Swedish agricultural colony on the bank of the river Dnipro, not far from its fall into the Black Sea, is the only Scandinavian settlement in Eurasia. The church of Gammalsvenskby was the first Lutheran parish in the Azov and Black Sea territories. It functioned from 1782 to 1929. They owned the plots they cultivated and as foreign colonists they had a considerable degree of self- government in the Russian Empire and Soviet Ukraine.1 Recent research shows that the colonists of Gammalsvenskby had a high degree of ethnic self-consciousness. They considered themselves Swedes and spoke Swedish fluently in its dialect and standard form.2 Since the middle of the nineteenth century the inhabitants of the village were in continuous contact with the Kingdom of Sweden and ethnic Swedes of the Grand Duchy of Finland. A number of Swedish cultural institutions (e.g., school, new church, library and choir) were erected or founded thanks to 1 Svetlana Bobyleva, “Shvedy i gosudarstvennaia vlast Ukrainy,” in Voprosy germanskoi istorii, ed. Svetlana Bobyleva (Dnepropetrovsk: Porogi, 2008), 247268. 2 Anton Karlgren, Gammalsvenskby: land och folk, serie: svenska landsmål och svenskt folkliv (Uppsala, 1929); Alexander Mankov, “Selo Staroshvedskoe (Gammalsvenksby) i ego dialekt. Rezultaty issledovanii 2004–2006 gg.,” in Shvedy: sushchnost i metamorfozy identichnosti, ed. Tamara Torstendahl-Salycheva (Moskva: RGGU, 2008), 294–314.
    [Show full text]
  • No. 21 TRONDHEIM STUDIES on EAST EUROPEAN CULTURES
    No. 21 TRONDHEIM STUDIES ON EAST EUROPEAN CULTURES & SOCIETIES David R. Marples THE LUKASHENKA PHENOMENON Elections, Propaganda, and the Foundations of Political Authority in Belarus August 2007 David R. Marples is University Professor at the Department of History & Classics, and Director of the Stasiuk Program for the Study of Contemporary Ukraine of the Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies, University of Alberta, Edmonton, Alberta, Canada. His recent books include Heroes and Villains. Constructing National History in Contemporary Ukraine (2007), Prospects for Democracy in Belarus, co-edited with Joerg Forbrig and Pavol Demes (2006), The Collapse of the Soviet Union, 1985-1991(2004), and Motherland: Russia in the 20th Century (2002). © 2007 David R Marples and the Program on East European Cultures and Societies, a program of the Faculties of Arts and Social Sciences, Norwegian University of Science and Technology. ISSN 1501-6684 ISBN 978-82-995792-1-6 Trondheim Studies on East European Cultures and Societies Editors: György Péteri and Sabrina P. Ramet Editorial Board: Trond Berge, Tanja Ellingsen, Knut Andreas Grimstad, Arne Halvorsen We encourage submissions to the Trondheim Studies on East European Cultures and Societies. Inclusion in the series will be based on anonymous review. Manuscripts are expected to be in English (exception is made for Norwegian Master’s and PhD theses) and not to exceed 150 double spaced pages in length. Postal address for submissions: Editor, Trondheim Studies on East European Cultures and Societies, Department of History, NTNU, NO-7491 Trondheim, Norway. For more information on PEECS and TSEECS, visit our web-site at http://www.hf.ntnu.no/peecs/home/ The photo on the cover is a copy of an item included in the photo chronicle of the demonstration of 21 July 2004 and made accessible by the Charter ’97 at http://www.charter97.org/index.phtml?sid=4&did=july21&lang=3 TRONDHEIM STUDIES ON EAST EUROPEAN CULTURES & SOCIETIES No.
    [Show full text]
  • Kremlin-Linked Forces in Ukraine's 2019 Elections
    Études de l’Ifri Russie.Nei.Reports 25 KREMLIN-LINKED FORCES IN UKRAINE’S 2019 ELECTIONS On the Brink of Revenge? Vladislav INOZEMTSEV February 2019 Russia/NIS Center The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. ISBN: 978-2-36567-981-7 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2019 How to quote this document: Vladislav Inozemtsev, “Kremlin-Linked Forces in Ukraine’s 2019 Elections: On the Brink of Revenge?”, Russie.NEI.Reports, No. 25, Ifri, February 2019. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15—FRANCE Tel. : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00—Fax : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Author Dr Vladislav Inozemtsev (b. 1968) is a Russian economist and political researcher since 1999, with a PhD in Economics. In 1996 he founded the Moscow-based Center for Post-Industrial Studies and has been its Director ever since. In recent years, he served as Senior or Visiting Fellow with the Institut fur die Wissenschaften vom Menschen in Vienna, with the Polski Instytut Studiów Zaawansowanych in Warsaw, Deutsche Gesellschaft für Auswärtige Politik in Berlin, the Center for Strategic and International Studies, and the Johns Hopkins University in Washington.
    [Show full text]
  • Worlds of Labour Turned Upside Down: Revolutions And
    Introduction: Worlds of Labour Turned Upside Down Revolutions and Labour Relations in Global Historical Perspective Pepijn Brandon, Peyman Jafari and Stefan Müller Revolutions are relatively new, rare and extraordinary events in history, which is perhaps one reason why historians and social scientists alike continue to be surprised and fascinated by them. Although this interest goes back to at least the early modern revolutions in England (1640–1660) and the Netherlands (1568– 1648),1 it was what Eric Hobsbawm calls the “age of revolutions” that inspired the study of the subject in the nineteenth century. The revolutions of this period included the American (1765– 1783), the French (1789– 1799), the Haitian (1791– 1804) and the Irish (1798) revolutions, in addition to the Latin American wars of independence and the revolutions that swept Europe in 1848.2 The next upsurge of studies emerged in the second half of the twentieth century, examining the paths of the Russian (1917), German (1918– 1919), Chi- nese (1911 and 1949), Cuban (1953–1959), Hungarian (1956), Portuguese (1974) and Iranian (1979) revolutions. To this list, one should add the anti- colonial revolutions, such as in Algeria (1954– 1962), and the revolutions that toppled the Stalinist regimes in 1989. During the 1990s, the study of revolutions became confined to specialists, but a number of events in the twenty-first century have put it back under the spotlight. The revolution that toppled Suharto’s three- decade rule in Indonesia in 1998 came as a reminder that the end of the twentieth century might not have heralded the end of revolutions.
    [Show full text]
  • Revolutionary Tactics: Insights from Police and Justice Reform in Georgia
    TRANSITIONS FORUM | CASE STUDY | JUNE 2014 Revolutionary Tactics: Insights from Police and Justice Reform in Georgia by Peter Pomerantsev with Geoffrey Robertson, Jovan Ratković and Anne Applebaum www.li.com www.prosperity.com ABOUT THE LEGATUM INSTITUTE Based in London, the Legatum Institute (LI) is an independent non-partisan public policy organisation whose research, publications, and programmes advance ideas and policies in support of free and prosperous societies around the world. LI’s signature annual publication is the Legatum Prosperity Index™, a unique global assessment of national prosperity based on both wealth and wellbeing. LI is the co-publisher of Democracy Lab, a journalistic joint-venture with Foreign Policy Magazine dedicated to covering political and economic transitions around the world. www.li.com www.prosperity.com http://democracylab.foreignpolicy.com TRANSITIONS FORUM CONTENTS Introduction 3 Background 4 Tactics for Revolutionary Change: Police Reform 6 Jovan Ratković: A Serbian Perspective on Georgia’s Police Reforms Justice: A Botched Reform? 10 Jovan Ratković: The Serbian Experience of Justice Reform Geoffrey Robertson: Judicial Reform The Downsides of Revolutionary Maximalism 13 1 Truth and Reconciliation Jovan Ratković: How Serbia Has Been Coming to Terms with the Past Geoffrey Robertson: Dealing with the Past 2 The Need to Foster an Opposition Jovan Ratković: The Serbian Experience of Fostering a Healthy Opposition Russia and the West: Geopolitical Direction and Domestic Reforms 18 What Georgia Means: for Ukraine and Beyond 20 References 21 About the Author and Contributors 24 About the Legatum Institute inside front cover Legatum Prosperity IndexTM Country Factsheet 2013 25 TRANSITIONS forum | 2 TRANSITIONS FORUM The reforms carried out in Georgia after the Rose Revolution of 2004 were Introduction among the most radical ever attempted in the post-Soviet world, and probably the most controversial.
    [Show full text]
  • Parliamentary Coalition Collapses
    INSIDE:• Profile: Oleksii Ivchenko, chair of Naftohaz — page 3. • Donetsk teen among winners of ballet competition — page 9. • A conversation with historian Roman Serbyn — page 13. Published by the Ukrainian National Association Inc., a fraternal non-profit association Vol. LXXIVTHE UKRAINIANNo. 28 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JULY 9,W 2006 EEKLY$1/$2 in Ukraine World Cup soccer action Parliamentary coalition collapses Moroz and Azarov are candidates for Rada chair unites people of Ukraine by Zenon Zawada The Our Ukraine bloc had refused to Kyiv Press Bureau give the Socialists the Parliament chair- manship, which it wanted Mr. KYIV – Just two weeks after signing a Poroshenko to occupy in order to coun- parliamentary coalition pact with the Our terbalance Ms. Tymoshenko’s influence Ukraine and Yulia Tymoshenko blocs, as prime minister. Socialist Party of Ukraine leader Eventually, Mr. Moroz publicly relin- Oleksander Moroz betrayed his Orange quished his claim to the post. Revolution partners and formed a de His July 6 turnaround caused a schism facto union with the Party of the Regions within the ranks of his own party as and the Communist Party. National Deputy Yosyp Vinskyi Recognizing that he lacked enough announced he was resigning as the first votes, Our Ukraine National Deputy secretary of the party’s political council. Petro Poroshenko withdrew his candida- Mr. Moroz’s betrayal ruins the demo- cy for the Verkhovna Rada chair during cratic coalition and reveals his intention the Parliament’s July 6 session. to unite with the Party of the Regions, The Socialists then nominated Mr. Mr. Vinskyi alleged.
    [Show full text]
  • Russia's Hostile Measures in Europe
    Russia’s Hostile Measures in Europe Understanding the Threat Raphael S. Cohen, Andrew Radin C O R P O R A T I O N For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RR1793 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available for this publication. ISBN: 978-1-9774-0077-2 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. © Copyright 2019 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. RAND is nonprofit, nonpartisan, and committed to the public interest. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org Preface This report is the collaborative and equal effort of the coauthors, who are listed in alphabetical order. The report documents research and analysis conducted through 2017 as part of a project entitled Russia, European Security, and “Measures Short of War,” sponsored by the Office of the Deputy Chief of Staff, G-3/5/7, U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Classical Realist Study of Russia's Colour
    In Fear of Colour Revolutions: A Neo- classical Realist Study of Russia’s Colour- less Foreign Policy in the Post-Soviet Space By: Jens Severinsen Cand.ling.merc. – English and European Studies (CBS) Supervisor: Kristian L. Nielsen Date of submission: 12 September 2016 Danish Title: I frygt for farvede revolutioner: Et neoklassisk realistisk studie af Ruslands farveløse udenrigspolitik i det postsovjetiske rum. Characters: 181.879 = 80 pages (including abstract, table of contents and sections 1 to 9). Abstract Siden opløsningen af Sovjetunion i 1991 har de demokratiske vinde blæst over det postsovje- tiske rum, hvilket har truet Ruslands status som regional og global magtfaktor – og fundamen- talt ændret dets indenrigs- og udenrigspolitiske dagsorden. Den største trussel for Rusland i denne henseende er de postsovjetiske ”farvede revolutioner”, der har indtruffet i bl.a. Kirgisi- stan, Georgien og Ukraine. Som en konsekvens heraf har Rusland forsøgt at modarbejde disse kræfter gennem forskelligartede strategier. Denne opgave tilsigter at analysere, hvordan Rusland reagerer på truslen fra de farvede revolutioner, hvorledes dette har ændret sig over tid med udgangspunkt i perioderne 2000-2008 og 2008-nu – og hvilke variable der spiller ind. Denne analyse vil tage udgangspunkt i neoklassisk realisme, der er en teori om internationale relationer med særlig fokus på skabelsen af staters udenrigspolitik. Neoklassisk realisme mener, at staters handlinger i det international system kan forklares ved systemiske variabler – såsom fordeling af magtkapaciteter mellem stater og andre staters intentioner eller trusler – og indenlandske variabler – såsom statens relative magt, evnen til at udvinde og bruge denne magt, grand strategies, nationalisme og ideologi. Netop disse variabler er blevet anvendt som opgavens teoretiske fundament til at belyse Ruslands udenrigspolitiske respons over for farvede revolutioner i det postsovjetiske rum.
    [Show full text]
  • Dialogue in Divergence the Impact of EU Migration Policy on West African Integration: the Cases of Nigeria, Mali, and Niger
    Dialogue in Divergence The Impact of EU Migration Policy on West African Integration: The Cases of Nigeria, Mali, and Niger Rahmane Idrissa Dialogue in Divergence: The Impact of EU Migration Policy on West African Integration 2 Dialogue in Divergence: The Impact of EU Migration Policy on West African Integration Dialogue in Divergence The Impact of EU Migration Policy on West African Integration: The Cases of Nigeria, Mali, and Niger Contents Foreword 4 Introduction 5 ECOWAS 9 Mobility and development: the ECOWAS Protocol 10 From mobility to migration: the ECOWAS Common Approach 12 Nigeria 16 The political economy of migration in Nigeria: population, governance, urbanisation 17 The EU-Nigeria policy dialogue: incentivising a complex arena 19 Mali 23 Migration: a short history of the situation to date 24 The EU-Mali policy dialogue: amenable state, adverse civil society 25 Niger 29 ‘Border externalisation’: Niger as Europe’s immigration officer 30 The impact for Niger: empty rewards and hidden dangers 33 Conclusions and implications 36 On synergy: bridging incompatibilities 36 On divergent positions: structural issues and root causes 37 Recommendations 40 (1) Recommendations related to the West African Region 40 (2) Recommendations related to Nigeria 41 (3) Recommendations related to Mali 42 (4) Recommendations related to Niger 42 List of Abbreviations 44 1 Dialogue in Divergence: The Impact of EU Migration Policy on West African Integration 2 Dialogue in Divergence: The Impact of EU Migration Policy on West African Integration Executive summary This study analyses some aspects of the impact of European Union migration policies on ECOWAS, the West African regional economic integration project, and on the migration policies of three countries in the region, Nigeria, Mali, and Niger.
    [Show full text]
  • Migration and the Ukraine Crisis a Two-Country Perspective This E-Book Is Provided Without Charge Via Free Download by E-International Relations (
    EDITED BY AGNIESZKA PIKULICKA-WILCZEWSKA & GRETA UEHLING Migration and the Ukraine Crisis A Two-Country Perspective This e-book is provided without charge via free download by E-International Relations (www.E-IR.info). It is not permitted to be sold in electronic format under any circumstances. If you enjoy our free e-books, please consider leaving a small donation to allow us to continue investing in open access publications: http://www.e-ir.info/about/donate/ i Migration and the Ukraine Crisis A Two-Country Perspective EDITED BY AGNIESZKA PIKULICKA-WILCZEWSKA & GRETA UEHLING ii E-International Relations www.E-IR.info Bristol, England 2017 ISBN 978-1-910814-27-7 (paperback) ISBN 978-1-910814-28-4 (e-book) This book is published under a Creative Commons CC BY-NC 4.0 license. You are free to: • Share – copy and redistribute the material in any medium or format • Adapt – remix, transform, and build upon the material Under the following terms: • Attribution – You must give appropriate credit, provide a link to the license, and indicate if changes were made. You may do so in any reasonable manner, but not in any way that suggests the licensor endorses you or your use. • Non-Commercial – You may not use the material for commercial purposes. Any of the above conditions can be waived if you get permission. Please contact [email protected] for any such enquiries, including for licensing and translation requests. Other than the terms noted above, there are no restrictions placed on the use and dissemination of this book for student learning materials / scholarly use.
    [Show full text]
  • Crime Mapping ★ Civic Complaint/Solution Platforms Transparency.Globalvoicesonline.Org Informacioncivica.Info Parliamentary Monitoring
    Technology for Transparency The role of technology and citizen media in promoting transparency, accountability, and civic participation Not so revolutionary headlines! Formerly: ★ Iran's Green Revolution ★ Ukraine's Orange Revolution ★ Kyrgyzstan's Tulip Revolution ★ Burma's Saffron Revolution ★ Moldova's Twitter Revolution ★ Lebanon's Cedar Revolution ★ Belarus' Jeans Revolution Not as sexy, but .... Tech for Transparency: ★ Parliamentary Monitoring ★ Freedom of Information Requests ★ Crime Mapping ★ Civic Complaint/Solution Platforms transparency.globalvoicesonline.org informacioncivica.info Parliamentary Monitoring FOI Portals FOI Laws, Decrees, Proposals http://gregmichener.com/Dissertation.html Tlatelolco, 1968 https://www.infomex.org.mx IFAI 2009 Annual Report ★ From 2003 - 2009, 500,000 FOI requests at federal level. ★ 12% increase in last year. ★More than half of the requests made by people between 20 - 39. ★97% solicited online. Herramienta Periodística http://buscador.ifai.org.mx/ http://buscador.ifai.org.mx/ http://buscador.ifai.org.mx/ “Telmex” United Kingdom - 2000 WhatDoTheyKnow.com WhatDoTheyKnow.com accesointeligente.org https://github.com/sebbacon/alaveteli/wiki Crime Mapping Originally ChicagoCrime.org, 2005 oakland.crimespotting.org LAPD Partnered with LA Times For Profit Crime Mapping Latin America ★ 8% of the world's population ★ 40% of world's homicides ★ 66% of global kidnappings Interamerican Commission on Human Rights Report, 2010 wikicrimes.org delitosecuador.com quenoteroben.pe quieropaz.org especiales.primerahora.com/mapaasesinatos
    [Show full text]
  • Oslo Scholars Program 2020
    OSLO SCHOLARS PROGRAM 2020 The Oslo Scholars Program offers undergraduates with a demonstrated interest in human rights and international political issues an opportunity to attend the Oslo Freedom Forum and to spend their summer interning with some of the world’s leading human rights defenders and activists. Applications are due March 13, 2020 at 11:59pm SUMMER 2020 INTERNSHIPS Srdja Popovic (CANVAS) Srdja Popovic is a founding member of Otpor! the Serbian civic youth movement that played a pivotal role in the ousting of Slobodan Milosevic. He is a prominent nonviolent expert and the leader of CANVAS, a nonprofit organization dedicated to working with nonviolent democratic movements around the world. CANVAS works with citizens from more than 30 countries, sharing nonviolent strategies and tactics that were used by Otpor!. A native of Belgrade, Popovic has promoted the principles and strategies of nonviolence as tools for building democracy since helping to found the Otpor! movement. Otpor! began in 1998 as a university- based organization; after only two years, it quickly grew into a national movement, attracting more than 70,000 supporters. A student of nonviolent strategy, Popovic translated several works on the subject, such as the books of American scholar Gene Sharp, for distribution. He also authored “Blueprint for Revolution”, a handbook for peaceful protesters, activists, and community organizers. After the overthrow of Milosevic, Popovic served in the Serbian National Assembly from 2000 to 2003. He served as an environmental affairs advisor to the prime minister. He left the parliament in 2003 to start CANVAS. The organization has worked with people in 46 countries to transfer knowledge of effective nonviolent tactics and strategies.
    [Show full text]