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~Lv-LLJ CR.13 (11-64) - ROUTING SLIP FICHE DE TRANSMISSION TO a A: R~-4~-c . 1 FOR ACTION I POUR SUITE A DONNER FOR APPROVAL POUR APPROBATION FOR SIGNATURE POUR SIGNATURE PREPARE DRAFT PROJET A REDIGER FOR COMMENTS POUR OBSERVATIONS MAY WE CONFER? POURRIONS-NOUS EN PARLER? I YOUR ATTENTION I VOTRE ATTENTION AS DISCUSSED COMME CONVENU ll AS REQUESTED l v SUITE A VOTRE DEMANDE NOTE AND FILE NOTER ET CLASSER NOTE AND RETURN I NOTER ET RETOURNER FOR INFORMATION POUR INFORMATION Date: FROM: DE: ?t> ~~, ~lv-LLJ CR.13 (11-64) - t Mr. Lemieux / with ineOIIing latter Daar Mr. 'l'aJ'1or, 'fbe cretarJ'-(JeMral hu •a4 • to ae la"-, Vit. tbaD, ncetpt of f'O'U' letter of 21 Much 1966 by Whieb you seat bill copiea ot the •stat..at oa Ulli.tect State• Chi• PalleT' aDd other :pa:pen relat.t t o tbe poa1t1011 lupporte4 'b7 198 aahol.ars of Aataa affa1ra. lf'be 8eCN'tal"J'-0eDeral VCNld ll.1Dt J'O\t to kDclr that be bal read theM pa:pera Y1 th snat i lltar.at. 1Ja If. Miller P1"1nc1pal. Officer Mr. Harold Taylor Cba.1me lat1o•l eearch 11 CD Puce Stnateg- ~1 Weat 12th St t 1leV York, I.Y. 1001~ NATIONAL RESEARCH COUNCIL ON PEACE STRATEGY HAROLD TAYLOR, Clwlrman 241 WEST 12TH STREET BETTY I::IOETZ l.ALL., NEW YORK, N.Y. 10014 Vice Chairman OREGON S-3839 MAURICE ALBERTSON EMILE BENOIT Le:WIB BOHN KENNETH BoULOINill DONALD BRENNAN URI£ BRONF"ENBRENNER DAVID CAVERB 1...-( .JAMES CROW ( / KARL DEUTSCH MORTON DEUTSCH FREEMAN DYBON BERNARD FELO v~· RoiliER FisHER .JEROME FRANK ERICH FROMM Be:NTLEY I::ILABB HUOBON HDAiliLANO DAVID INiliLIB WALTER IBARO HERBERT KELMAN RALPH LAPP ARTHUR LARBON HAROLD l.ABBWELL CHAUNCEY LEAKE ROBERT LIF"TON ~ · SEYMOUR MARTIN LIPSET ROLLO MAY MARiliARET MEAD SEYMOUR Me:LMAN DONALD MICHAEL WALTER MILLIS RUBBELL MDRiliAN HANB MORiliENTHAU I::IARONER MURPHY A • .J. MUBTE ROBERT NORTH CHARLES DBiliOOO EUiliENE RABINOWITCH DAVID RIEBMAN RomER RussELL VINCENT RocK DAVID SINiliER B. F. SKINNER RICHARD SNYDER LEsTER VAN ATTA ARTHUR WASKOW BRYANT WEDiliE ALBERT WILBON QUINCY WRIIliHT .. FOR RELEASE March 21, 1966 A Statement recommending basic changes in U.S. policy toward China was released today by an impressive group of 198 scholars on Asian affairs including John Fairbank, Harvard University; John Lewis, Cornell University; Mary Wright, Yale University; Alexander Eckstein, University of Michigan; L. Carrington Goodrich, Columbia University; and Knight Biggerstaff, Cornell University. Five changes in United States policy are given and are based on five factors reflecting the current situation. The policy changes recommended are: 1 . The United States should cease to use its influence to prevent the admittance of the People's Republic of China to the United Nations and other international bodies. In the interests of international peace and the national interests of the United States, the government at Peking should be accepted into these institutions, without conditions posed by us or by Peking. 2. The United States Government should announce that it is prepared, while maintaining relations with Taiwan, to enter into negotiations regarding the establishment of full and formal diplomatic relations with the People's Republic of China. 3. The United States should propose to the People's Republic of China an opening of a new phase of bilateral negotiations at which the following items would be discussed: a) exchange of diplomatic representation; b) renunciation of force as an instrument of policy; c) arms control including problems of the control over nuclear weapons. r • 2 4. The United States should announce that it is prepared to accept accredited newspapermen, scholars, and others from the People's Republic of China and call upon the People's Republic to reciprocate. American willingness to accept Chinese visitors should not, at least in the short run, depend on reciprocation. 5. The United States should end its total trade embargo with Commu,nist China and permit the importation and exportation of non-strategic materials. The signers of the statement stated that the "formal China policy of the United States has long since been out of date." "Changes in this policy," the scholars said, "will not solve the major political and military challenges to the United States in Asia, but they can improve the ability of the United States to deal with these problems and reduce the likelihood that a crisis could turn into a major military confrontation." The signers stated that the following represent accurately factors on which United States Policy on China should now be based: 1. The People's Republic of China with its capital at Peking is a reality of interna­ tional politics, whose importance to the course of international affairs will grow. There is increasing danger in the isolation of the United States from China and of China's relative isolation from other nations and international institutions. 2. The People's Republic of China is now committed to a policy of hostility to the United States and has made opposition to U.S. policies a cornerstone of its foreign policy. 3. In the immediate future the United States is unlikely to persuade Peking that it is not its most implacable enemy. But the United States can hope to convince Peking that, while prepared to respond when challenged, the U.S. is at the same time interested in exploring areas of mutual interest and normalizing relations wherever possible. 4. The government of the Republic of China on Taiwan will be a member of the international community for the indefinite future, but only as the government of Taiwan, and not as a potential government for Mainland China. 5. The major problems for the United States in Asia have to do with establishing stable and mutually satisfactory relations between the United States and Asian national governments, while helping to develop social and economic viability within Asian countries through technical and economic aid programs . Although .. 3 the problems are intensified by the existence of an expansionist Communist force in Asia, they arise from factors independent of Communism itself and must be dealt with in the context of' the total situation. In concluding the state~ent the ~cholars declared: ''We believe that the measures sugge;c~tl here w'ould only inftiate what must be a l~ni and difficult process, lead~g. we hope, to the normalization of relations between the United States and the People's. ' RepUblic of Chirla and a reduction of hostilities between the two countries. We believe, despite the aritagcmism shown by the Chinese government, that it is up to the Onited States to try to move the Chinese to a greater acceptance of the principles of coexistente in the emerging wotld community." The document was drafted by scholars in the field and was circulated' to members of the Association for Asian Studies . Of over 300 who replied , over 85 percent said they were sympathetic with the recommended policy changes, including the 198 who specifically were willing to sign the statement as supporting it in principle o The signets come from 29 states and about 100 different academic institutions. Attached are the statement recommending changes, the names of the signers, and a paper discussing the changes proposed. They have been submitted to the Senate Foreign Relations and House Foreign Affairs Committees as additional evidence that scholars in the field of Asian studies do believe that the United States should change its China policy . For information contact Harold Taylor (212) ORegon 5-3839 or Betty Goetz Lall (212) 988-0773 or Council for a Livable World 1346 Connecticut Ave., N. W. Washington, DoC o 20006 (202) 265-3800 .. STATEMENT ON UNITED STATES CHINA POLICY We, the undersigned, submit the following statement for the consideration of the Executive branch, the Congress, and members of the public. That the formal China policy of the United States has long since been out of date is widely recognized and tacitly accepted even by officials of the American government. Changes in this policy will not solve the major political and military challenges to the United States in Asia, but they can improve the ability of the United States to deal with these problems and reduce the likelihood that a crisis could turn into a major military confrontation. We believe that the following represent accurately factors on which United States policy on China should now be based: 1. The People's Republic of China with its capital at Peking is a reality of international politics, whose imponance to the course of international affairs will grow. There is increasing danger in the isolation of the United States from China and of China's relative isolation from other nations and international institutions. 2. The People's Republic of China is now committed to a policy of hostility to the United States and has made opposition to U.S. policies a cornerstone of its foreign policy. 3. In the immediate future the United States is unlikely to persuade Peking that it is not its most implacable enemy. But the United States can hope to convince Peking that, while prepared to respond when challenged, the U.S. is at the same time interested in exploring areas of mutual interest and normalizing relations wherever possible. 4. The government of the Republic of China on Taiwan will be a member of the international community for the indefinite future, but only as the government of Taiwan, and not as a potential government for Mainland China. 5. The major problems for the United States in Asia have to do with establishing stable and mutually satisfactory relations between the United States and Asian national governments, while helping to develop social and economic viability within Asian countries through technical and economic aid programs.
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